. 


* 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 
Duke  University  Libraries 


https://archive.org/details/earlyenglishfren02burr 


ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES 
OF  EARLY  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

REPRODUCED  UNDER  THE  AUSPICES  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION 

General  Editor,  J.  FRANKLIN  JAMESON,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 

DIRECTOR  OF  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  HISTORICAL  RESEARCH  IN  THE 
CARNEGIE  INSTITUTION  OF  WASHINGTON 


EARLY  ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  VOYAGES 

I534  — i6o8 


VOLVME  OF  THE  VOY- 
AGES, NAVIGATIONS,  TRAP- 

fiques.  and  Dilcoueries  of  the  Englijh  Vs[ ation,  nnd  in 
lorne  few  places,\vherc  they  hauenot  been.,of  (hangers,  per- 
formed within  and  before  the  time  of  thefe  hundred  yccrcs,  to  a!( 
parts  ofthe  Ne&fomid  world  of  ^^mericnjbx  the  Weft  Indies , tioin  73. 
degrees  of  Northerly  ro  5 7.ofSoutherIy  latitude: 

As  namely  ro  Engrontund , Aleta  Incognita  t EFiotiland, 

Tiena.  dc  Labrador g$ewfoundlandJvp  Thegrand  bay,  the  gulfe  o fS.Lau* 
rtnee, and  the  Riuer  o {Canada  to  Hochelaga  zn&Saguexay, along  the  coaft  of  Aram- 
Lee, to  thefiioresand  m»incspfV«j/»:4andf6W<i»,2ndon  the  Welt  or  backfide  cithern 
both,  to  the  rich  and  plcafant  countries  of  Nnetu  TSifcaya,CiboldfJ ‘g»ex,Cictuct 
Quwiritfto  the.  1 5 .proainccs  of  the  kingdomc  o (N’ece  Mexico,  to  the 
bottom.'  ofthe  gulfe  of  California, and  vp  the 
Riucf  of  Buena  Gma: 

And  likewife  to  all  the  vies  both  final!  and  great  lying  before  the 

cape  of  Florida, The  bay  of  Mexico,  and  T terra firma,  to  the  coafts  and  Inlands 
of  Neve  Spaine,  Tierra firm  a , a r.  d G shah  a,  vp  the  mighiy  Riuerso  (Orenoquet 
D/ffek'tu , and  Maraw>ny  to  cutty  part  of  the  CQsft  of  Bn»y?/ vco  die  Rjuer  otTutc  s 
through  the  Strcights  of  Magellan  forward  andbackwardjaRdtotht 
South  ofthe  faidStrejghtsasfarrc  as  J7.dcgrecs: 

Andfrom  thence  on  the  backfide  of  America,  along  the  coaffes, harbours, 
and  capes  of  Cbtltfteru^ica/agua  Nueud EfpannaftVs/tUA  GaUcia, Calt(iCAr,% 
Catifornia^tM  jtUrbn^iid  more  Northerly  as farre as  43. degrees: 

Together  withtbe  two  renowmed,  and  profperous  voyages  of  Sir  FrancisDrAkg  • 
and  M.  Thornes  Caniifb  round  about  the  circumference  of  the  whole  eardi,  and 
diuers  other  voyages  intended  and  fet  forth  for  that  comic. 


Collected  by  Richard  Haslvtt  Preacher , end fom crime i 
ftudent  ofChrift-Church  in  Oxford. 


' 


q*  Imprinted  at  London  by  (jreorge<BiJhoj?ft%a/Je 

2&frberie,&nd  Robert.  Bark etr. 

Anno  Doh.  1600, 


'-■-rule r s ••**.*« 


Fac-similc  of  the  Title-Page  of  tlie  Third,  or  American.  Vo’m  of 
Hakluyt’s  “Voyages,”  edition  of  1598-1600.  From  a copy  oi  the 
original  edition  in  the  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Building). 


ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES 
OF  EARLY  AMERICAN  HISTORY 


J 73J  I 
)3  7 6,  S' 


EARLY  ENGLISH 
AND  FRENCH  VOYAGES 

CHIEFLY  FROM  HAKLUYT 
1534—1608 


EDITED  BY 

HENRY  S.  BURRAGE,  D.D. 

OF  THE  MAINE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


WITH  MAPS  AND  A FACSIMILE 
REPRODUCTION 


CHARLES  SCRIBNER’S  SONS 
NEW  YORK 


1932 


Copyright,  1006,  by 
CHARLES  SCRIBNER’S  SONS 


Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 


All  rights  reserved.  No  part  of  this  book 
may  be  reproduced  in  any  form  without 
the  permission  of  Charles  Scribner's  Sons 


NOTE 

In  the  texts  printed  in  this  volume,  the  modern  practice  in  the 
use  of  u and  v and  of  i and  j respectively  has  been  substituted  for 
the  practice  of  Hakluyt  and  the  other  original  writers ; also,  and 
has  been  printed  instead  of  the  sign  &.  In  other  respects,  the 
spelling  of  the  originals  has  been  followed. 

Special  acknowledgments  and  thanks  are  due  to  the  Gorges 
Society  for  permission  to  use  their  text  of  Rosier’s  Relation  of 
Waymouth’s  voyage  of  1605,  that  of  the  Relation  of  the  Popham 
Colony  of  1607-1608,  and  the  plan  of  Fort  St.  George  given,  after 
the  original  in  the  Spanish  archives,  in  their  Sagadahoc  volume. 
Some  typographical  errors  in  the  first-named  of  these  have,  by 
permission  of  Mr.  George  Parker  Winship,  been  corrected  from 
the  text  printed  in  his  Sailors'  Narratives  of  New  England  Voyages , 
published  by  Messrs.  Houghton,  Mifflin  and  Company  (Boston, 
1906),  direct  collation  with  the  original  having  been,  at  the  time 
of  printing,  possible  to  only  a small  extent. 

J.  F.  J. 


' H -g  cy 
JL  a .1  O (i; 


CONTENTS 


ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  ENGLISH  AND 
FRENCH  VOYAGES 

Edited  by  Henry  S.  Burbage,  D.D. 

PAM 

Introduction xvii 

The  First  Relation  of  Jaques  Carthier  of  S.  Malo  ...  1 

Introduction 3 

Cartier’s  Approach  to  Newfoundland 4 

His  Description  of  the  East  Coast 6 

The  Strait  of  Belle  Isle  and  the  South  Coast  of  Labrador  ...  7 

The  West  Coast  of  Newfoundland  8 

Cartier  crosses  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence 13 

From  Prince  Edward  Island  he  passes  north  along  the  New  Bruns- 
wick and  Canadian  Coast 17 

Gives  an  Account  of  the  Natives 19 

Erects  a Cross  near  the  Mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence  ....  24 

Explores  the  Coast  of  Anticosti 26 

Examines  further  the  South  Coast  of  Labrador 27 

Returns  to  France  through  the  Strait  of  Belle  Isle  ....  29 

A Shorte  and  Briefe  Narration  (Cartier’s  Second  Voyage)  . 33 

Introduction 35 

Cartier  again  reaches  Newfoundland 38 

Re-enters  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence 38 

Explores  the  Shores  of  the  Gulf  on  the  North  and  West  ...  39 

Discovers  the  St.  Lawrence  River 41 

Explores  it  as  far  as  the  Site  of  Quebec 43 

Holds  Intercourse  with  the  Natives 46 

Ascends  the  River  in  Boats  to  Hochelaga 54 

Description  of  the  Town 59 

Cartier’s  Reception  by  the  Indians  There 61 

Falls  in  the  River  prevent  his  farther  Advance 63 

Returns  to  his  Vessels;  goes  into  Winter  Quarters  ....  64 

Faith,  Manners,  and  Customs  of  the  People 66 

Description  of  the  Country 69 

Cartier  loses  Twenty-five  of  his  Men  by  Scurvy 72 

vii 

-*!  ;*!  -?  Q - 


CONTENTS 


viii 


Experiences  with  the  Indians 77 

Captures  the  Chief  Donnacona  and  Some  of  his  Subjects  ...  81 

Promises  to  return  the  Captives  in  the  next  Year  ....  82 

Descends  the  River  and  sails  for  France  ......  84 

Specimens  of  the  Language  of  the  Indians  on  the  St.  Lawrence  . 86 

The  Third  Voyage  of  Discovery  made  by  Captaine  Jaques 

Cartier 89 

Introduction 91 

Cartier  returns  to  the  St.  Lawrence  .......  93 

Announces  the  Death  of  the  Captive  Indian  Chief  ....  96 

The  Fertility  and  Products  of  the  Country 97 

Further  Exploration  along  the  River 99 

The  Indians  Conspire  against  the  French  ......  101 

The  Narration  abruptly  Closes 102 

The  Voyage  of  M.  Hore 103 

Introduction 105 

The  Expedition  sails  from  Gravesend 106 

M.  Dawbeny’s  Report  to  M.  Richard  Hakluyt 107 

Famine;  Seizure  of  a French  Vessel ; the  Return  ....  108 

Henry  VIII.  afterward  recompenses  the  Frenchmen  ....  110 

The  Voyage  made  by  M.  John  Hawkins,  Esquire  ....  Ill 

Introduction 113 

Hawkins  sails  to  the  African  Coast;  secures  a Cargo  of  Slaves  . .114 

Sells  these  Slaves  in  the  West  Indies  ; reaches  the  West  End  of  Cuba  114 

Passes  along  the  Northern  Part  of  Cuba 115 

Crosses  to  the  Eastern  Coast  of  Florida 117 

Visits  the  French  Huguenot  Colony  on  the  St.  John  River  . . 119 

Hardships  of  the  French  Colonists 122 

The  Colonists  relieved  by  Hawkins 124 

Products  of  the  Country 125 

Some  of  the  Animals  found  There 127 

Hawkins  sails  homeward  by  the  way  of  the  Newfoundland  Fishing 

Grounds 131 

The  Third  Troublesome  Voyage  made  with  the  Jesus  of  Lubec  133 

Introduction 135 

Hawkins  again  sails  for  the  African  Coast 137 

With  a Cargo  of  Slaves  he  crosses  to  the  West  Indies  and  the  Spanish 

Main 139 

Is  driven  to  the  Eastern  Coast  of  Mexico  ......  140 

Engages  the  Spanish  Fleet  in  the  Harbor  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  . 143 
Escapes ; returns  past  Florida  to  Spain  and  England  . . .145 

The  World  encompassed  by  Sir  Francis  Drake  (California)  . 149 


CONTENTS 


ix 

PAGE 

Introduction 151 

On  the  California  Coast 154 

Anchors  “ in  a convenient  and  fit  Harbor  ” 155 

The  People  of  the  Country 158 

Their  Manner  of  Life 161 

Their  Hioh  or  King  . 164 

Drake’s  Reception 166 

Character  of  the  People 170 

A Monument  erected  as  a Token  of  English  Possession  . . .171 

A Report  of  the  Voyage  of  Sir  Humfrey  Gilbert  Knight,  by 

Master  Edward  Haies 175 

Introduction 177 

The  Claim  of  England  to  the  American  Coast 179 

Encouragement  for  English  Exploration  and  Colonization  . . . 180 

Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert’s  First  Endeavor 185 

His  Second  Expedition 186 

Orders  given  to  the  Fleet  Captains 189 

Gilbert  plans  to  approach  by  way  of  Newfoundland  ....  190 

Sails  from  England 192 

Arrives  in  St.  John  Harbor 196 

Takes  Possession  of  the  Country 198 

Description  of  Newfoundland  and  its  Products 200 

Gilbert  proceeds  Southward  for  further  Exploration  ....  207 

Loss  of  the  Delight  at  Cape  Breton 210 

Gilbert  decides  to  return  to  England 214 

His  Vessel  founders;  Gilbert  is  Drowned 219 

Character  of  Gilbert 221 

The  First  Voyage  made  to  the  Coasts  of  America,  by  Captain 

Arthur  Barlowe 223 

Introduction 225 

The  Expedition  arrives  in  Pamlico  Sound 228 

The  Natives  of  the  Country 230 

Their  Manners  and  Customs  ........  231 

Their  Towns  and  Neighbors 237 

Roanoke  Island 240 

The  Return  to  England 240 

Account  of  the  Particularities  of  the  Imployments  of  the 

Englishmen  left  in  Virginia,  by  Master  Ralph  Lane  . 243 

Introduction 245 

Extent  of  Exploration  by  the  Colonists 247" 

Pearls  and  other  Commodities  for  Traffic 249 

Conspiracy  of  the  Indians  against  the  English 252 


X 


CONTENTS 


HOT.- 

Inquiry  for  Minerals ,254 

A Better  Harbor  Desired 257 

Growing  Hostility  of  the  Indians 259 

Pemisapan’s  Conspiracy 262 

Pemisapan  and  his  Followers  Slain 267 

Drake’s  Fleet  arrives  and  takes  the  Colonists  back  to  England  . . 268 

The  Third  Voyage  to  Virginia 273 

Introduction 275 

Ralegh  sends  Relief  to  the  Colony,  but  as  the  Colonists  had  returned 

to  England  the  Relief  Ship  sails  Homeward 276 


Grenville,  not  finding  the  Colonists,  leaves  Fifteen  Men  with  Provi- 
sions and  returns  to  England 277 


The  Fourth  Voyage  made  to  Virginia  in  the  Yere  1587,  by 


Governor  John  White 279 

Introduction 281 

The  Expedition  proceeds  westward  by  way  of  the  West  Indies  . . 282 
Reaches  Roanoke  Island ; fails  to  find  Grenville’s  Men  . . . 287 

Inquiries  among  the  Indians 289 

Friendly  Indians  attacked  under  Misapprehension  ....  292 
Governor  White  constrained  to  return  for  Supplies  ....  294 

The  Homeward  Voyage 295 

Names  of  all  the  Men,  Women,  and  Children  left  at  Roanoke  Island  298 

The  Fifth  Voyage  of  M.  John  White 301 

Introduction 303 

White’s  Letter  to  Hakluyt 305 

Sails  by  way  of  the  Canaries  and  West  Indies 307 

Various  Experiences  in  the  West  Indies 308 

On  the  American  Coast 313 

Captain  Spicer  and  Six  Others  drowned  at  Hatorask  ....  315 
Governor  White  finds  None  of  the  Colonists  left  at  Roanoke  Island 

in  1587  317 

Sails  for  the  West  Indies  for  Supplies,  but  is  driven  by  a Storm 

toward  the  Azores 320 

Reaches  the  Azores ; proceeds  to  England 321 


Briefe  and  True  Relation  of  the  Discoverie  of  the  Norths  ^ 

Part  of  Virginia,  by  John  Brereton 325 

Introduction 327 

Gosnold  reaches  the  Coast  in  Lat.  43° ; sails  Southward  . . . 330 

Passing  Cape  Cod  and  Martha’s  Vineyard  he  lands  at  Cuttyhunk  . 

In  Buzzard’s  Bay 

Trades  with  the  Indians 

Loads  his  Vessel  with  Sassafras,  etc.,  and  sails  Homeward 


CONTENTS 


xi 


PAG! 

A Voyage  set  out  from  the  Citie  of  Bristoll,  by  Martin  Pring  341 

Introduction 343 

Pring’s  Landfall  on  the  Maine  Coast  .......  345 

Sailing  south  he  enters  Plymouth  Harbor 346 

Experiences  with  the  Indians ; their  Appearance  and  Boats  . . 347 

Products  of  the  Country 349 

Loads  One  of  his  Vessels  with  Sassafras 350 

Returns  to  England 351 

A True  Relation  of  the  Voyage  of  Captaink  George  Way- 

mouth,  by  James  Rosier 353 

Introduction 355 

Rosier’s  Preface 357 

Waymouth  sails  from  Ratcliffe  on  the  Thames 359 

Sights  Sankaty  Head,  Nantucket 361 

At  Monhegan,  driven  thither  by  Contrary  Winds  ....  362 

Anchors  in  St.  George’s  Harbor 364 

Fishes  and  Fruits 365 

Visited  by  Indians 367 

Waymouth  discovers  a Great  River  .......  369 

Traffics  with  the  Indians 370 

Description  of  their  Women  and  Children 373 

Waymouth  visits  the  Indians 376 

Captures  Five  Indians  in  St.  George’s  Harbor 378 

Ascends  the  River  in  his  Vessel 379 

Attractiveness  and  Characteristics  of  the  River 381 

Sets  up  a Cross  where  the  River  “ trended  westward  ” . . . 386 

Reluctantly  leaves  the  River 387 

Returns  to  St.  George’s  Harbor 389 

Sails  homeward  with  his  Indian  Captives 390 

Concerning  the  Products  of  the  Country 393 

A Relation  of  a Voyage  to  Sagadahoc 395 

Introduction 397 

The  Popham  Colonists  sail  for  the  Maine  Coast  by  way  of  the  Azores  399 

Land  is  sighted  on  the  Coast  of  Nova  Scotia 401 

The  Mary  and  John  at  Cape  Sable 404 

The  Camden  Mountains  are  Sighted 405 

The  Mary  and  John  anchors  in  St.  George’s  Harbor ; also  the  Gift  . 406 

Chaplain  Seymour  delivers  a Sermon 407 

The  Vessels  sail  for  the  Kennebec ; the  Gift  enters  the  River  . . 408 

The  Mary  and  John  passes  to  the  westward  of  Seguin,  and  enters  the 

River  Three  Days  Later 409 

The  Patent  is  read  and  Laws  are  Promulgated 411 

The  Colonists  explore  the  Coast  to  the  Westward  ....  412 


CONTENTS 


xii 

PARE 

Pemaquid  Indians  visit  the  Colonists 413 

Gilbert  and  Others  explore  the  Coast  to  the  Eastward ; also  the  Saga- 
dahoc River  413 

The  Relation  abruptly  Ends 415 

Continuation  from  Strachey;  conflict  with  Sabenoa  ....  416 

The  Completion  of  Fort  St.  George 418 

Ito  Abandonment 419 


MAPS  AND  FACSIMILE  REPRODUCTION 

1.  Facsimile  of  the  Title-Page  of  the  Third,  or  American, 

Volume  of  Hakluyt’s  “Voyages,”  Edition  of  1598-1600. 

From  a copy  of  the  original  edition  in  the  New  York  Public  Library 
(Lenox  Building) Frontispiece 

PAGE 

2.  Map  of  “Virginia,”  i.r,  the  Region  of  the  Ralegh  Colonies, 

made  by  John  White  in  1585  or  1586.  From  the  Hakluyt 
Society’s  reproduction  of  the  original  in  the  British  Museum  . 248 

3.  Plan  of  St.  George’s  Fort,  on  the  Kennebec  River,  sent  in 

1608  to  King  Philip  III.  of  Spain  by  his  Ambassador  in 
London.  From  the  Gorges  Society’s  reproduction  of  the  original 
in  the  Spanish  archives  at  Simancas 412 


xiii 


ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY 
ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


INTRODUCTION 


With  three  exceptions,  all  the  voyages  recorded  in  this 
volume  were  made  by  English  navigators.  These  three  ex- 
ceptions — the  narratives  of  Cartier’s  voyages  — were  of  so 
much  importance  in  western  discovery,  however,  that  they  are 
very  properly  included  here,  and  for  the  same  reason,  doubtless, 
that  they  were  included  by  Hakluyt,  three  hundred  years  ago, 
in  his  Principall  Navigations,  Voiages  and  Discoveries  of  the 
English  Nation.  Indeed  for  most  of  the  material  contained  in 
this  volume  we  are  indebted  to  Hakluyt’s  monumental  work. 
This  sense  of  indebtedness,  strong  even  among  English-speak- 
ing people  in  Hakluyt’s  lifetime,  was  never  stronger  than  in 
these  days  when  the  student  of  history  in  his  investigations 
rightly  insists  on  going  back  to  the  sources. 

Hakluyt  was  really  one  of  the  great  men  of  England  in  the 
sixteenth  century.  He  saw,  and  he  saw  clearly,  that  western 
discovery  afforded  to  his  nation  a great  opportunity  for  extend- 
ing English  dominion  and  power.  The  quality  of  Hakluyt’s 
mind  peculiarly  fitted  him  for  a work  that  made  him  the  reposi- 
tory of  large  information  with  reference  to  various  parts  of  the 
new  world.  Born  in  1552  or  1553,  he  was  educated  at  West- 
minster School  and  Christ  Church  College,  Oxford,  which  he 
entered  in  1570,  and  where  he  took  his  B.A.  degree  February 
19,  1574,  and  his  M.A.  degree  June  27,  1577.  Even  while  a 
Queen’s  scholar  at  Westminster,  “that  fruitful  nurserie,” 
as  he  tells  us,  when  one  day  visiting  his  cousin,  Mr.  Richard 

xvii 


xviii  EARLY  ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  VOYAGES 

Hakluyt,  “a  Gentleman  of  the  Middle  Temple,”  he  found  upon 
his  table  “certeine  bookes  of  Cosmographie  with  a universal 
Mappe.”  These  awakened  his  curiosity  and  stimulated  his 
desire  to  know  more  concerning  them.  In  meeting  this  de- 
sire his  cousin  cited  the  passage  in  the  one  hundred  and  seventh 
Psalm  concerning  those  who  go  down  into  the  sea  in  ships. 
“The  words  of  the  Prophet,”  says  Hakluyt,  “together  with 
my  cousin’s  discourse  (things  of  high  and  rare  delight  to  my 
young  nature),  tooke  so  deepe  an  impression  that  I constantly 
resolved,  if  ever  I were  preferred  to  the  University,  where  better 
time  and  more  convenient  place  might  be  ministered  for  these 
studies,  I would  by  God’s  assistance  prosecute  that  knowledge 
and  kinde  of  literature,  doores  whereof  (after  a sort)  were  so 
happily  opened  before  me.”  1 

That  resolution  Hakluyt  kept,  and  how  well  he  kept  it  is 
indicated  by  the  fact  that  at  length  he  was  made  university 
lecturer  on  cosmography.  In  the  dedication  of  his  Divers 
Voyages,  etc.,  his  earliest  printed  work  for  the  furtherance  of 
English  maritime  exploration,  Hakluyt,  in  a dedication  of  the 
work  to  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  says:  “In  my  public  lectures  I was 
the  first  that  produced  and  showed  both  the  olde  imperfectly 
composed  and  the  new  lately  reformed  mappes,  globes  and 
spheares.”  In  other  words,  Hakluyt  was  a forerunner  in  such 
instruction,  and  we  have  in  this  statement  a glimpse  of  the 
strong  workings  of  his  mind  in  the  endeavor  to  widen  his  own 
horizon  and  to  widen  the  horizon  of  his  countrymen  by  direct- 
ing the  attention  to  lands  beyond  the  seas,  available  for  Eng- 
lish exploration  and  colonization.  Nothing  was  more  evident 
than  that  Spain,  because  of  her  western  discoveries  and  posses- 
sions, had  greatly  increased  her  wealth  and  influence.  But 
the  rights  of  England  to  the  American  continent  Hakluyt 
believed  ante-dated  those  of  Spain  by  reason  of  the  discoveries 
of  Cabot.  England,  however,  had  been  remiss  in  making  good 
1 Preface  to  The  Principall  Navigations,  etc.,  published  in  1589, 


INTRODUCTION 


xix 


her  claim.  It  is  true  that  there  had  been  voyages  like  those 
of  Hawkins  and  Drake ; but  Hakluyt  had  in  mind  something 
entirely  aside  from  slave-stealing  and  selling  and  the  plunder- 
ing of  Spanish  ships  and  Spanish  settlements.  He  saw  the 
gain  that  would  come  to  England  by  seizing  on  the  American 
coast  the  vast  territory  between  the  Spanish  settlements  at 
the  South  and  the  French  settlements  at  the  North;  and  ac- 
cordingly he  sought,  in  all  possible  ways,  to  impress  his  views 
upon  the  minds  of  influential  men  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom. 
It  was  in  support  of  these  views  that  he  published  in  1582  his 
first  small  book,  Divers  Voyages  touching  the  Discoverie  of 
America. 

Hakluyt  early  took  clerical  orders.  Soon  after  he  left  Ox- 
ford, while  he  was  occupied  chiefly  with  geographical  lecturing, 
the  attention  of  Walsingham,  Elizabeth’s  astute  Secretary  of 
State,  was  directed  to  the  young  cosmographer,  and  a letter  of 
Walsingham  to  Hakluyt,  dated  March  11,  1582/3,  commended 
his  geographical  studies  and  thanked  him  for  the  service  he 
had  rendered  in  his  efforts  “for  the  discovery  of  the  Western 
partes  yet  unknowen.” 

In  1584,  Hakluyt  wrote  his  Discourse  of  Western  Planting, 
which  he  designated  “A  Particular  discourse  concerning  the 
great  necessitie  and  manifold  comodyties  that  are  like  to  growe 
to  this  Realme  of  Englande  by  the  Westerne  discoveries  lately 
attempted.”  1 This  masterly  Discourse  was  written  at  the 
request  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  and  inasmuch  as  a manuscript 

1 At  least  four  manuscript  copies  of  the  Discourse  were  made  by  Hakluyt. 
It  was  never  printed  by  him.  Indeed  no  copy  was  known  to  have  been 
preserved  until  the  sale  of  Lord  Valentia’s  library,  near  the  middle  of  the 
last  century,  when  one  was  bought  by  Mr.  Henry  Stevens,  who  later  sold 
it  to  Sir  Henry  Phillipps.  When  President  Woods  of  Bowdoin  College  was 
in  England,  in  1867,  in  search  of  materials  relating  to  the  early  history  of 
Maine,  an  application  to  Mr.  Phillipps  for  any  such  material  in  his  posses- 
sion revealed  the  existence  of  Hakluyt’s  Discourse,  and  Dr.  Woods  secured 
a copy  of  the  manuscript,  which  he  brought  to  this  country.  The  Discourse 
was  published  by  the  Maine  Historical  Society  in  1877,  as  Volume  II.  of  its 
Documentary  History  of  Maine. 


XX 


EARLY  ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


copy  of  it  was  presented  to  the  Queen  by  Hakluyt  in  the  early 
autumn  of  1584,  it  has  been  thought  that  it  was  designed  to 
secure  Elizabeth’s  support  of  an  enterprise  which  Ralegh  pur- 
posed to  set  on  foot  under  his  patent  of  March  25,  1584.  Hak- 
luyt’s breadth  of  view,  his  great  knowledge  of  what  had  already 
been  done,  and  his  profound  conviction  with  reference  to  the 
favorable  opportunity  which  western  planting  still  afforded  to 
his  countrymen,  are  conspicuous  upon  every  page  of  this  learned 
Discourse. 

Already,  in  1583,  Hakluyt  had  enlarged  his  opportunity 
for  prosecuting  his  favorite  studies  by  accepting  an  appoint- 
ment as  chaplain  to  Sir  Edward  Stafford,  English  ambassador 
to  France.  Accompanying  Sir  Edward  to  Paris,  Hakluyt  re- 
mained five  years  at  the  French  capital,  continuing  his  in- 
quiries with  reference  to  the  new  world.  In  1586,  he  published 
in  the  French  language  an  account  of  the  voyages  of  Laudon- 
niere  and  others,  which  he  translated  and  published  in  English 
in  1587,  under  the  title,  Foure  Voyages  unto  Florida.  In  the 
same  year  he  brought  out  an  edition  of  Peter  Martyr’s  De 
Novo  Orbe.  This  also  he  translated  into  English  and  published 
under  the  title,  The  Historie  of  the  West  Indies. 

As  the  ripened  fruit  of  the  labors  of  nearly  twenty  years, 
Hakluyt,  on  his  return  to  England,  published  in  1589  his  great 
work,  The  Principall  Navigations , Voiages  and  Discoveries  of 
the  English  nation,  made  by  Sea  or  over  Land,  to  the  most  remote 
and  farthest  distant  Quarters  of  the  earth  at  any  time  within  the 
compasse  of  these  1500  yeeres.1  An  enlarged  edition  in  three 
volumes  was  published  in  1598,  1599,  and  1600.  Hakluyt 
had  taken  pains  not  only  to  keep  himself  informed  with  refer- 
ence to  the  work  of  navigators  and  explorers,  but  to  have 
narrations  of  their  voyages  made  and  to  secure  copies  of  such 
narrations.  Because  of  his  wide  acquaintance  in  influential 

1 In  Volume  II.  of  the  next  edition  the  title-page  read  “ 1600 
yeres.” 


INTRODUCTION 


xxi 


circles,  his  opportunities  in  this  endeavor  were  great,  and  he 
improved  them  to  the  utmost  extent. 

Hakluyt  was  made  a prebendary  of  Bristol  in  1586,  rector 
of  Wetheringset  in  Suffolk  in  1590 ; in  1602  he  was  made  a 
prebendary,  in  1603  archdeacon,  of  Westminster.  He  died  at 
Eaton,  in  Herefordshire,  November  23,  1616,  and  was  buried 
in  Westminster  Abbey,  November  26,  1616.  His  unpublished 
papers  came  into  the  possession  of  Samuel  Purchas,  who  used 
them  in  the  preparation  of  his  well-known  Pilgrimes. 

Hakluyt’s  Principall  Navigations,  in  an  edition  embracing 
all  the  contents  of  both  the  edition  of  1589  and  that  of  1598- 
1600,  was  reprinted  in  London  in  1809.  A part,  edited  by 
Edmund  Goldsmid,  was  published  in  Edinburgh  in  1889  and 
1890,  entitled  The  Voyages  of  the  English  Nation  to  America 
before  the  Year  1600.  The  whole  work,  after  the  edition  of 
1598-1600,  in  sixteen  volumes  “with  notes,  indices  and  nu- 
merous additions,”  edited  by  Edmund  Goldsmid,  was  repub- 
lished at  the  same  time.  Messrs.  James  MacLehose  and  Sons 
of  Glasgow,  the  Hakluyt  Society  of  London,  and  The  Macmillan 
Company  of  New  York  and  London,  have  united  in  the  publi- 
cation (1903-1905)  of  a very  handsome  edition  of  the  whole 
work  in  twelve  volumes  with  many  interesting  illustrations. 

My  grateful  acknowledgments  are  due  to  Messrs.  Dodd, 
Mead  and  Company,  New  York,  for  an  early  opportunity  of 
examining  the  sheets  of  Mr.  Baxter’s  scholarly  work,  “A  Me- 
moir of  Jacques  Cartier.”  In  this  examination  much  valuable 
help  was  received  for  the  preparation  of  notes  identifying  the 
places  visited  by  Cartier  in  his  three  voyages  of  discovery. 
For  the  use  of  books  I am  indebted  to  the  State  Library  in 
Augusta,  the  library  of  Bowdoin  College,  the  library  of  Colby 
College,  and  especially  to  the  library  of  the  Maine  Historical 
Society ; and  I would  not  fail  to  mention  the  latter’s  librarian, 
Mr.  H.  W.  Bryant.  The  superintendent  of  the  United  States 


xxn 


EARLY  ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey,  Mr.  0.  H.  Tittmann,  has  rendered 
me  prompt  and  efficient  service  in  the  identification  of  places 
in  the  West  Indies  visited  by  the  early  voyagers ; and  a like 
acknowledgment  is  made  to  Rear-Admiral  Albert  S.  Barker, 
U.S.N.  (retired). 


Henry  S.  Burrage. 


THE  FIRST  RELATION  OF  JAQUES  CAR- 
THIER  OF  S.  MALO,  1534 


INTRODUCTION 


Jacques  Cartier  was  a native  of  St.  Malo,  the  principal 
port  of  Brittany.  On  fishing  voyages  in  his  earlier  years 
he  became  interested  in  western  discovery,  and  in  1533,  in  a 
letter  addressed  to  Philippe  de  Chabot,  Sieur  de  Brion,  High 
Admiral  of  France,  he  proposed  a voyage  to  the  American  coast, 
continuing  the  discoveries  commenced  by  Verrazano  in  1524. 
Through  him  the  interest  of  the  king  was  enlisted  in  the  enter- 
prise ; and  with  two  vessels,  of  sixty  tons  each,  Cartier  sailed 
from  the  port  of  St.  Malo,  April  20,  1534.  A report  of  this  voy- 
age, written  either  by  Cartier  himself  or  by  one  of  his  com- 
panions, was  preserved  in  an  Italian  translation  by  Ramusio, 
in  the  third  volume  of  his  N avigationi,  folio  435  et  seqq.  (Venice, 
1556).  An  English  translation  by  Jean  Florio  was  printed  in 
London  in  1580.  The  French  edition  published  by  Raphael 
du  Petit  Val  appeared  in  1598,  Discours  du  Voyage  fait  par 
le  Capitaine  Jaques  Cartier  (Rouen,  1598 ; reprinted  in  various 
editions  of  Lescarbot,  and  also  at  Quebec  in  1843  and  at 
Paris  in  1840  and  in  1865).  Hakluyt’s  account  of  the  voyage 
appeared  first  in  his  edition  of  1600.  A relation  of  Car- 
tier’s first  voyage  in  manuscript  was  discovered  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale  in  Paris  in  1867,  and  was  published 
the  same  year.  Messrs.  Dodd,  Mead  and  Company  (New  York, 
1906)  have  published  A Memoir  of  Jacques  Cartier  by  Hon. 
James  P.  Baxter,  Litt.D.,  in  which,  besides  the  memoir  and 
a bibliography,  will  be  found  a facsimile  of  this  manuscript 
with  annotations  — a very  valuable  work. 


H.  S.  B. 


THE  FIRST  RELATION  OF  JAQUES  CAR- 
THIER  OF  S.  MALO,  1534 


The  first  relation  of  Jaques  Carthier  of  S.  Malo,  of  the  new 

land  called  New  France,  newly  discovered  in  the  yere  of  our 

Lord  1534. 

How  M.  Jaques  Carthier  departed  from  the  Port  of  S.  Malo, 
with  two  ships,  and  came  to  Newfoundland,  and  how 
he  entred  into  the  Port  of  Buona  Vista. 

After  that  Sir  Charles  of  Mouy  knight  lord  of  Meylleraye, 
and  Viceadmirall  of  France  had  caused  the  Captaines,  Masters, 
and  Mariners  of  the  shippes  to  be  sworne  to  behave  themselves 
truely  and  faithfully  in  the  service  of  the  most  Christian  King 
of  France,1  under  the  charge  of  the  sayd  Carthier,  upon  the 
twentieth  day  of  Aprill  1534,  we  departed  from  the  Port  of 
S.  Malo  with  two  ships  of  threescore  tun  apiece  burden,  and  61 
well  appointed  men  in  each  one:  and  with  such  prosperous 
weather  we  sailed  onwards,  that  upon  the  tenth  day  of  May 
we  came  to  Newfoundland,  where  we  entred  into  the  Cape  of 
Buona  Vista,2  which  is  in  latitude  48  degrees  and  a halfe,  and 
in  longitude  .3  But  because  of  the  great  store  of  the  ice 
that  was  alongst  the  sayd  land,  we  were  constrayned  to  enter 
into  an  haven  called  S.  Katherins4  haven,  distant  from  the 
other  Port  about  five  leagues  toward  Southsoutheast : there 
did  we  stay  tenne  days  looking  for  faire  weather ; and  in  the 
meanwhile  we  mended  and  dressed  our  boats. 

1 Francis  I. 

2 A point  of  land  on  the  eastern  shore  of  Newfoundland  between  Bona- 
vista  Bay  and  Trinity  Bay.  It  was  the  point  at  which  the  early  voyagers 
aimed  in  coming  to  the  coast,  and  from  which  they  took  their  departure.  By 
some  it  has  been  regarded  as  the  prima  vista  of  Cabot,  while  others  have  found 
in  it  the  landfall  of  Cortereal  in  1501. 

3 Blank  in  the  original.  4 Catalina  at  present. 


4 


1534] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


5 


How  we  came  to  the  Island  of  Birds,  and  of  the  great 
quantity  of  birds  that  there  be. 

Upon  the  21  of  May  the  winde  being  in  the  West,  we  hoised 
saile,  and  sailed  toward  North 1 and  by  East  from  the  cape  of 
Buona  Vista  until  we  came  to  the  Island  of  Birds,2  which  was 
environed  about  with  a banke  of  ice,  but  broken  and  crackt: 
notwithstanding  the  sayd  banke,  our  two  boats  went  thither  to 
take  in  some  birds,  whereof  there  is  such  plenty,  that  unlesse  a 
man  did  see  them,  he  would  thinke  it  an  incredible  thing : for 
albeit  the  Island  (which  containeth  about  a league  in  circuit)  be 
so  full  of  them,  that  they  seeme  to  have  been  brought  thither, 
and  sowed  for  the  nonce,  yet  are  there  an  hundred  folde  as 
many  hovering  about  it  as  within ; some  of  the  which  are  as 
big  as  jayes,  blacke  and  white,  with  beaks  like  unto  crowes: 
they  lie  alwayes  upon  the  sea ; they  cannot  Hie  very  high, 
because  their  wings  are  so  little,  and  no  bigger  then  halfe  ones 
hand,  yet  they  do  flie  as  swiftly  as  any  birds  of  the  aire  levell 
to  the  water ; they  are  also  exceeding  fat ; we  named  them 
Aporath.3  In  lesse  then  halfe  an  houre  we  filled  two  boats  full 
of  them,  as  if  they  had  bene  with  stones : so  that  besides  them 
which  we  did  eat  fresh,  every  ship  did  powder  and  salt  five 
or  sixe  barrels  full  of  them. 


Of  two  sorts  of  birds,  the  one  called  Godetz,  the  other 
Margaulx;  and  how  we  came  to  Carpunt. 

Besides  these,  there  is  another  kinde  of  birds  which  hover 
in  the  aire,  and  over  the  sea,  lesser  than  the  others ; and  these 
doe  all  gather  themselves  together  in  the  Island,  and  put  them- 
selves under  the  wings  of  other  birds  that  are  greater:  these 

1 Evidently  Cartier  had  no  knowledge  of  a southern  entrance  to  the  Gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence. 

2 Funk  Island. 

3 Perhaps  the  great  auk,  then  common  in  that  region. 


6 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1534 


we  named  Godetz.1  There  are  also  of  another  sort,  but  bigger, 
and  white,  which  bite  even  as  dogs : those  we  named  Margaulx.2 
And  albeit  the  sayd  Island  be  14  leagues  from  the  maine  land, 
notwithstanding  beares  come  swimming  thither  to  eat  of  the 
sayd  birds : and  our  men  found  one  there  as  great  as  any  cow,3 
and  as  white  as  any  swan,  who  in  their  presence  leapt  into  the 
sea ; and  upon  Whitsunmunday  (following  our  voyage  toward 
the  land)  we  met  her  by  the  way,  swimming  toward  land  as 
swiftly  as  we  could  saile.  So  soone  as  we  saw  her,  we  pursued 
her  with  our  boats,  and  by  maine  strength  tooke  her,  whose 
flesh  was  as  good  to  be  eaten  as  the  flesh  of  a calf  of  two  yeres 
olde.  The  Wednesday  following,  being  the  27  of  the  moneth, 
we  came  to  the  entrance  of  the  bay  of  the  Castles ; 4 but  be- 
cause the  weather  was  ill,  and  the  great  store  of  ice  we  found, 
we  were  constrained  to  enter  into  an  harborow  about  the  sayd 
entrance  called  Carpunt,5  where,  because  we  would  not  come 
out  of  it,  we  stayed  til  the  ninth  of  June,  what  time  we  de- 
parted, hoping  with  the  helpe  of  God  to  saile  further  then  the 
said  Carpunt,  which  is  latitude  51  degrees. 


The  description  of  Newfoundland,  from  Cape  Razo  to 

Cape  Degrad. 

The  land  from  Cape  Razo  6 to  Cape  Degrad,7  which  is  the 
point  of  the  entrance  of  the  bay  that  trendeth  from  head  to 
head  toward  Northnortheast,  and  Southsouthwest,  All  this 
part  of  land  is  parted  into  Islands  one  so  nere  the  other,  that 
there  are  but  small  rivers  betweene  them;  thorow  the  which 
you  may  passe  with  little  boats,  and  therefore  there  are  certaine 
good  harborows,  among  which  are  those  of  Carpunt  and  De- 
grad. In  one  of  these  Islands  that  is  the  highest  of  them  all, 
being  the  top  of  it  you  may  plainly  see  the  two  low  Islands  that 
are  nere  to  Cape  Razo,  from  whence  to  the  port  of  Carpunt 

1 Murres,  or  razorbills.  2 Gannets.  3 Ursus  maritimus. 

* Strait  of  Belle  Isle.  5 Quirpon. 

c t ape  Rouge  in  the  French  manuscript,  and  so  called  at  the  present  time. 

7 Northern  extremity  of  Quirpon. 


1534] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


7 


they  count  it  five  and  twenty  leagues;  and  there  are  two  en- 
trances thereat,  one  on  the  East,  the  other  on  the  South  side 
of  the  Island.  But  you  must  take  heed  of  the  side  and  point 
of  the  East,  because  that  every  where  there  is  nothing  els  but 
shelves,  and  the  water  is  very  shallow : you  must  go  about  the 
Island  toward  the  West  the  length  of  halfe  a cable  or  there- 
about, and  then  to  goe  toward  the  South  to  the  sayd  Carpunt. 
Also  you  are  to  take  heed  of  three  shelves  that  are  in  the  chanell 
under  the  water : and  toward  the  Island  on  the  East  side  in  the 
chanell,  the  water  is  of  three  or  four  fadome  deepe,  and  cleere 
ground.  The  other  trendeth  toward  Eastnortheast,  and  on  the 
West  you  may  go  on  shore. 


Of  the  Island  which  is  now  called  S.  Katherins  Island. 

Going  from  the  point  Degrad,  and  entring  into  the  sayd  bay 
toward  the  West  and  by  North:  there  is  some  doubt  of  two 
Islands  that  are  on  the  right  side,  one  of  the  which  is  distant 
from  the  sayd  point  three  leagues,  and  the  other  seven,  either 
more  or  lesse  then  the  first,  being  a low  and  plaine  land,  and  it 
seemeth  to  be  part  of  the  maine  land.  I named  it  Saint 
Katherines  Island;1  in  which,  toward  the  Northeast  there  is 
very  dry  soile;  but  about  a quarter  of  a league  from  it,  very 
ill  ground,  so  that  you  must  go  a little  about.  The  sayd  Island 
and  the  Port  of  Castles 2 trend  toward  North  northeast,  and 
South  southwest,  and  they  are  about  15.  leagues  asunder. 
From  the  said  port  of  Castles  to  the  port  of  Gutte,3  which  is  in 
the  northerne  part  of  the  said  Bay,  that  trendeth  toward  East 
northeast,  and  West  southwest,  there  are  12.  leagues  and  an 
halfe:  and  about  two  leagues  from  the  port  of  Balances,4 
that  is  to  say,  the  third  part  athwart  the  saide  Bay  the  depth 
being  sounded  it  is  about  38.  fadomes : and  from  the  said  port 
of  Balances  to  the  white  Sands 5 toward  West  southwest  there 

1 Identified  by  some  as  the  island  now  known  as  Belle  Isle  and  by  others 
as  Schooner  Island. 

2 Chateau  Bay. 

4 Baie  Royal. 


3 Greenish  Harbor. 
6 Present  name. 


8 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1534 


is  15.  leagues,  but  you  must  take  heed  of  a shelfe  that  lyeth 
about  3.  leagues  outward  from  the  said  white  Sands  on  the 
Southwest  side  above  water  like  a boat. 

Of  the  place  called  Blanc  Sablon,  or  the  white  Sand : of  the 
Hand  of  Brest,  and  of  the  Hand  of  Birds,  of  the 
sorts  and  quantitie  of  birds  that  there  are  found : and 
of  the  Port  called  the  Islettes. 

White  Sand  is  a Road  in  the  which  there  is  no  place  guarded 
from  the  South,  nor  southeast.  But  toward  South  southwest 
from  the  saide  road  there  are  two  Hands,  one  of  the  which  is 
called  Brest  Hand,1  and  the  other  the  Hand  of  Birds,  in  which 
there  is  great  store  of  Godetz,  and  crowes  with  red  beakes  and 
red  feete : they  make  their  nestes  in  holes  under  the  ground 
even  as  Conies.  A point  of  land  being  passed  about  a league 
from  white  Sand,  there  is  a Port  and  passage  found  called  the 
Islettes,2  a better  place  then  white  Sand:  and  there  is  great 
fishing.  From  the  said  Port  of  the  Islettes  unto  another  called 
Brest,  the  circuit  is  about  ten  leagues.  This  Port  is  in  lati- 
tude 51.  degrees  and  55.  minutes,  and  in  longitude  .3 

From  the  Islettes  to  that  place  there  are  many  other  Hands : 
and  the  saide  Port  of  Brest  is  also  amongst  those  Hands. 
Moreover  the  Hands  do  compasse  more  then  3.  leagues  from 
the  said  Brest,  being  low,  and  over  them  are  the  other  lands 
above  mentioned  seene. 

How  we  with  our  ships  entred  into  the  Port  of  Brest,  and 
sayling  onward  toward  the  West  we  passed  amidst  the 
Islettes,  which  were  so  many  in  number,  that  it  was 
not  possible  to  tell  them : and  how  we  named  them 
the  Islettes. 

Upon  the  10.  of  June  wee  with  our  ships  entred  into  the  Port 
of  Brest,  to  furnish  our  selves  with  water  and  wood,  and  to 

1 Named  from  a well-known  port  in  Brittany;  now  called  Old  Fort. 

2 Bradore  Bay.  3 Blank  in  original. 


1534] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


9 


make  us  ready  to  passe  the  said  Bay.  Upon  S.  Barnabas  day 
Service  being  heard,  we  with  our  boats  went  beyond  the  said 
Port  toward  the  west,  to  see  what  harboroughes  were  there: 
wee  passed  through  the  midst  of  the  Islettes,  which  were  so 
many  in  number  that  it  was  not  possible  they  might  be  tolde, 
for  they  continued  about  10.  leagues  beyond  the  said  Port. 
We  to  rest  our  selves  stayed  in  one  of  them  a night,  and  there 
we  found  great  store  of  ducke  egges,  and  other  birds  that  there 
do  make  their  nests,  we  named  them  all  The  Islettes. 

Of  the  Port  called  S.  Antonies  Port,  S.  Servans  Port,  James 
Cartiers  Port:  of  the  river  called  S.  James:  of  the 
customes  and  apparell  of  the  inhabitants  in  the  Hand 
of  White  Sand. 

The  next  day  we  passed  the  said  Hands,  and  beyond  them 
all  we  found  a good  haven,  which  we  named  S.  Antonies  Haven,1 
and  one  or  two  leagues  beyond  wee  found  a little  river  towarde 
the  southwest  coast,  that  is  betweene  two  other  Hands,  and 
is  a good  harborough.  There  we  set  up  a Crosse,  and  named  it 
S.  Servans  Port : 2 and  on  the  Southwest  side  of  the  said  Port 
and  river,  about  one  league  there  is  a small  Hand  as  round  as  an 
Oven,  environed  about  with  many  other  litle  Hands  that  give 
notice  to  the  said  Ports.  Further  about  two  leagues  there  is 
another  greater  river,  in  which  we  tooke  good  store  of  salmon, 
that  we  named  S.  James  his  River.  Being  in  the  said  river, 
we  saw  a ship  of  Rochel  that  the  night  before  had  passed  the 
Port  of  Brest,  where  they  thought  to  have  gone  a fishing: 
but  the  Mariners  knew  not  where  they  were.  We  with  our 
boats  approched  neere  unto  it,  and  did  direct  it  to  another 
Port  one  league  more  toward  the  West  than  the  said  river  of 
S.  James,  which  I take  to  be  one  of  the  best  in  all  the  world,  and 
therefore  wee  named  it  James  Carthiers  Sound.3  If  the  soile 

1 Rocky  Bay. 

2 Probably  Shecatica  Bay,  which  from  some  points  of  view  has  the  ap- 
pearance of  a large  river. 

5 Cumberland  Bay. 


10 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1534 


were  as  good  as  the  harboroughes  are,  it  were  a great  com- 
moditie : but  it  is  not  to  be  called  The  new  Land,  but  rather 
stones  and  wilde  cragges,  and  a place  fit  for  wilde  beastes, 
for  in  all  the  North  Hand  I did  not  see  a Cart-load  of  good  earth : 
yet  went  I on  shoare  in  many  places,  and  in  the  Hand  of  White 
Sand,  there  is  nothing  else  but  mosse  and  small  thornes  scat- 
tered here  and  there,  withered  and  dry.  To  be  short,  I be- 
leeve  that  this  was  the  land  that  God  allotted  to  Caine.  There 
are  men  of  an  indifferent  good  stature  and  bignesse,  but  wilde 
and  unruly : they  weare  their  haire  tied  on  the  top  like  a wreath 
of  hay,  and  put  a wooden  pinne  within  it,  or  any  other  such 
thing  instead  of  a naile,  and  with  them  they  binde  certaine 
birdes  feathers.  They  are  clothed  with  beastes  skinnes  as  well 
the  men  as  women,  but  that  the  women  go  somewhat  straiter 
and  closer  in  their  garments  than  the  men  do,  with  their 
wastes  girded;  they  paint  themselves  with  certaine  Roan 
colours : their  boates  are  made  of  the  barke  of  birch  trees,  with 
the  which  they  fish  and  take  great  store  of  Seales,  and  as  farre 
as  we  could  understand  since  our  comming  thither,  that  is  not 
their  habitation,  but  they  come  from  the  maine  land  out  of 
hotter  countreys,  to  catch  the  saide  Seales  and  other  neces- 
saries for  their  living. 


Of  certaine  Capes,  that  is  to  say,  The  double  Cape,  The 
pointed  Cape,  Cape  Royal,  and  The  Cape  of  Milke : of 
the  mountaines  of  Granges:  of  the  Hands  of  Dove 
houses : and  of  the  great  fishing  of  Cods. 

Upon  the  13.  of  that  moneth  we  came  to  our  ships  againe 
with  our  boats  on  purpose  to  saile  forwards  because  the  weather 
was  faire,  and  upon  Sunday  we  caused  Service  to  be  saide: 
then  on  munday  being  the  15.  of  the  moneth  we  departed  from 
Brest,  and  sailed  toward  the  South  to  take  a view  of  the  lands 
that  there  wee  had  seene,  that  seemed  unto  us  to  bee  two 
Hands : but  when  we  were  amidst  the  Bay,  we  knew  it  to  be 
firme  land,  where  was  a great  double  Cape  one  above  the  other, 


1634] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


11 


and  therefore  wee  named  it  The  double  Cape.1  In  the  en- 
trance of  the  Bay  wee  sounded,  and  found  it  to  be  an  hundred 
fadome  round  about  us.  From  Brest  to  The  double  Cape  there 
is  about  20.  leagues,  and  about  five  or  sixe  leagues  beyond  we 
sounded  againe  and  found  40  fadome  water.  The  said  land 
lieth  Northeast  and  Southwest.  The  next  day  being  the  16 
of  the  moneth  we  sailed  along  the  said  coast  toward  the  South- 
west, and  by  South  about  35  leagues  from  the  double  Cape, 
where  we  found  very  steepe  and  wilde  hilles,  among  the  which 
were  seene  certaine  smal  cabbans,  which  we  in  the  countrey 
call  Granges,  and  therefore  we  named  them  The  hides  of  the 
Granges.2  The  other  lands  and  mountaines  are  ad  craggie, 
cleft  and  cut,  and  betwixt  them  and  the  Sea,  there  are  other 
Hands,  but  low.  The  day  before  through  the  darke  mists 
and  fogges  of  the  weather,  we  could  not  have  sight  of  any  land, 
but  in  the  evening  we  spied  an  entrance  into  the  land,  by  a river 
among  the  said  Hides  of  Granges,  and  a Cape  lying  toward 
the  Southwest  about  3 leagues  from  us.  The  said  Cape  is  on 
the  top  of  it  blunt-pointed,  and  also  toward  the  Sea  it  endeth 
in  a point,  wherefore  wee  named  it  The  pointed  Cape,3  on  the 
North  side  of  which  there  is  a plaine  Hand.  And  because  we 
would  have  notice  of  the  said  entrance,  to  see  if  there  were  any 
good  havens,  we  strooke  saile  for  that  night.  The  next  day 
being  the  17  of  the  moneth  we  had  stormie  weather  from  North- 
east, wherefore  we  tooke  our  way  toward  the  Southwest  untill 
thursday  morning,  and  we  went  about  37  leagues,  till  wee 
came  athwart  a Bay  full  of  round  Hands  like  dove  houses,  and 
therefore  wee  named  them  The  dove  houses.4  And  from  the 
Bay  of  S.  Judan,  from  the  which  to  a Cape  that  lieth  South 
and  by  West,  which  wee  called  Cape  Roial,5  there  are  7. 
leagues,  and  toward  the  West  southwest  side  of  the  saide  Cape, 
there  is  another  that  beneath  is  ad  craggie,  and  above  round. 

1 High  lands  beyond  Point  Rich.  Cartier  was  now  passing  down  the 
north-western  shore  of  Newfoundland. 

2 Range  of  mountains  on  the  western  coast  of  Newfoundland. 

3 Cow  Head. 

4 Bay  of  Islands,  south  of  Bonne  Bay. 

5 Bluff  Head. 


12 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1634 


On  the  North  side  of  which  about  halfe  a league  there  lieth  a 
low  Hand : that  Cape  we  named  The  Cape  of  milke.1  Betweene 
these  two  Capes  there  are  certaine  low  Hands,  above  which 
there  are  also  certaine  others  that  shew  that  there  be  some 
rivers.  About  two  leagues  from  Cape  royall  wee  sounded  and 
found  20  fadome  water,  and  there  is  the  greatest  fishing  of  Cods 
that  possible  may  be:  for  staying  for  our  company,  in  lesse 
then  an  houre  we  tooke  above  an  hundreth  of  them. 


Of  certaine  Hands  that  lie  betweene  Cape  Royall,  and  The 

Cape  of  Milke. 

The  next  day  being  the  18  of  the  moneth,  the  winde  with 
such  rage  turned  against  us,  that  we  were  constrained  to  go 
backe  towards  Cape  Royal,  thinking  there  to  finde  some  har- 
borough,  and  with  our  boates  went  to  discover  betweene  the 
Cape  Royal,  and  the  Cape  of  Milke,  and  found  that  above  the 
low  Hands  there  is  a great  and  very  deepe  gulfe,  within 
which  are  certaine  Hands.  The  said  gulfe  on  the  South- 
side  is  shut  up.  The  foresaid  low  grounds  are  on  one  of  the 
sides  of  the  entrance,  and  Cape  Royal  is  on  the  other.  The 
saide  low  grounds  doe  stretch  themselves  more  then  halfe  a 
league  within  the  Sea.  It  is  a plaine  countrey,  but  an  ill  soile : 
and  in  the  middest  of  the  entrance  thereof,  there  is  an  Hand. 
The  saide  gulfe  in  latitude  is  fourtie  eight  degrees  and  an  halfe, 
and  in  longitude  .2  That  night  we  found  no  harborough, 
and  therefore  wee  launched  out  into  the  Sea,  leaving  the 
Cape  toward  the  West. 


Of  the  Hand  called  S.  John. 

From  the  said  day  untill  the  24  of  the  moneth  being 
S.  Johns  day  we  had  both  stormie  weather  and  winde  against 
us,  with  such  darknesse  and  mistes,that  untill  S.  Johns  day,  we 

1 Cape  St.  George.  1 Blank  in  original. 


1634] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


13 


could  have  no  sight  of  any  land,  and  then  we  had  sight  of  a 
Cape  of  land,  that  from  Cape  Royal  lieth  Southwest  about  35 
leagues,  but  that  day  was  so  foggie  and  mistie,  that  we  could 
not  come  neere  land,  and  because  it  was  S.  Johns  day,  we 
named  it  Cape  S.  John.1 

Of  certaine  Hands  called  the  Hands  of  Margaulx,  and  of  the 
kinds  of  beastes  and  birds  that  there  are  found.  Of 
the  Hand  of  Brion,  and  Cape  Dolphin. 

The  next  day  being  the  25.  of  the  moneth,  the  weather  was 
also  stormie,  darke,  and  windy,  but  yet  we  sailed  a part  of  the 
day  toward  West  North  west,  and  in  the  evening  wee  put  our 
selves  athwart  untill  the  second  quarter ; when  as  we  departed, 
then  did  we  by  our  compasse  know  that  we  were  Northwest 
and  by  West  about  seven  leagues  and  an  halfe  from  the  Cape 
of  S.  John,  and  as  wee  were  about  to  hoise  saile,  the  winde  turned 
into  the  Northwest,  wherefore  we  went  Southeast,  about  15. 
leagues,  and  came  to  three  Hands,  two  of  which  are  as  steepe 
and  upright  as  any  wall,  so  that  it  was  not  possible  to  climbe 
them : and  betweene  them  there  is  a little  rocke.  These  Hands 
were  as  full  of  birds,  as  any  field  or  medow  is  of  grasse,  which 
there  do  make  their  nestes : and  in  the  greatest  of  them,  there 
was  a great  and  infinite  number  of  those  that  wee  call  Margaulx, 
that  are  white,  and  bigger  then  any  geese,  which  were  severed 
in  one  part.  In  the  other  were  onely  Godetz,  but  toward  the 
shoare  there  were  of  those  Godetz,  and  great  Apponatz,  like 
to  those  of  that  Hand  that  we  above  have  mentioned : we  went 
downe  to  the  lowest  part  of  the  least  Hand,  where  we  killed 
above  a thousand  of  those  Godetz,  and  Apponatz.  We  put 
into  our  boates  so  many  of  them  as  we  pleased,  for  in  lesse  then 
one  houre  we  might  have  filled  thirtie  such  boats  of  them: 
we  named  them  The  Hands  of  Margaulx.2  About  five  leagues 
from  the  said  Hands  on  the  West,  there  is  another  Hand  that 
is  about  two  leagues  in  length,  and  so  much  in  breadth : there 
did  we  stay  all  night  to  take  in  water  and  wood.  That  Hand 

1 Cape  Anguille.  2 Still  known  as  the  Bird  Rocks. 


14 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1534 


is  environed  round  about  with  sand,  and  hath  a very  good  road 
about  it  three  or  foure  fadome  deepe.  Those  Hands  have  the 
best  soile  that  ever  we  saw,  for  that  one  of  their  fields  is  more 
worth  then  all  the  New  land.  We  found  it  all  full  of  goodly 
trees,  medowes,  fields  full  of  wild  corne  and  peason  bloomed,  as 
thicke,  as  ranke,  and  as  faire  as  any  can  be  seene  in  Britaine,1 
so  that  they  seemed  to  have  bene  plowed  and  sowed.  There 
was  also  a great  store  of  gooseberies,  strawberies,  damaske 
roses,  parseley,  with  other  very  sweete  and  pleasant  hearbes. 
About  the  said  Hand  are  very  great  beastes  as  great  as  oxen,2 
which  have  two  great  teeth  in  their  mouths  like  unto  Elephants 
teeth,  and  live  also  in  the  Sea.  We  saw  one  of  them  sleeping 
upon  the  banke  of  the  water : wee  thinking  to  take  it,  went  to 
it  with  our  boates,  but  so  soone  as  he  heard  us,  he  cast  himselfe 
into  the  Sea.  We  also  saw  beares  and  wolves:  we  named  it 
Brions  Hand.3  About  it  toward  Southeast,  and  Northwest, 
there  are  great  lakes.  As  farre  as  I could  gather  and  compre- 
hend, I thinke  that  there  be  some  passage  betweene  New 
found  land,  and  Brions  land.4  If  so  it  were,  it  would  be  a great 
shortening,  aswel  of  the  time  as  of  the  way,  if  any  perfection 
could  be  found  in  it.  About  foure  leagues  from  that  Hand 
toward  West-Southwest  is  the  firme  land,  which  seemeth  to 
be  as  an  Hand  compassed  about  with  litle  Hands  of  sands. 
There  is  a goodly  Cape  which  we  named  Cape  Dolphin,5 6  for 
there  is  the  beginning  of  good  grounds.  On  the  27.  of  June 
we  compassed  the  said  lands  about  that  lie  West  Southwest: 
and  a farre  off  they  seeme  to  be  little  hilles  of  sand,  for  they 
are  but  low  landes : wee  could  neither  goe  to  them,  nor  land  on 
them,  because  the  winde  was  against  us.  That  day  we  went 
15.  leagues. 

1 Brittany. 

2 Walrus,  sometimes  called  morse  or  seahorse. 

3 Now  known  as  Byron  Island.  The  name  was  given  by  Cartier  in  honor 
of  his  patron,  Philippe  de  Chabot,  Sieur  de  Brion. 

* The  French  manuscript  has  here  “land  of  the  Bretons.”  A passage 
between  Newfoundland  and  the  island  of  Cape  Breton  was  with  Cartier  only 

a matter  of  conjecture. 

6 North  Point. 


1534] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


15 


Of  the  Hand  called  Alezai,  and  of  the  cape  of  S.  Peter. 

The  next  day  we  went  along  the  said  land  about  10.  leagues, 
till  we  came  to  a Cape  of  redde  land,  that  is  all  craggie,  within 
the  which  there  is  a bracke  looking  toward  the  North.  It  is  a 
very  low  countrey.  There  is  also  betweene  the  Sea  and  a cer- 
taine  poole,  a plaine  field : and  from  that  Cape  of  land  and  the 
poole  unto  another  Cape,  there  are  about  14  leagues.  The  land 
is  fashioned  as  it  were  halfe  a circle,  all  compassed  about  with 
sand  like  a ditch,  over  which  as  farre  as  ones  eye  can  stretch, 
there  is  nothing  but  marrish  grounds  and  standing  pooles. 
And  before  you  come  to  the  first  Cape  very  neere  the  maine 
land  there  are  two  little  Hands.  About  five  leagues  from  the 
second  Cape  toward  the  Southwest,  there  is  another  Hand  very 
high  and  pointed,  which  we  named  Alezai.1  The  first  Cape 
we  named  S.  Peters  Cape,2  because  upon  that  day  we  came 
thither. 


Of  the  Cape  called  Cape  Orleans : of  the  River  of  Boates : of 
Wilde  mens  Cape : and  of  the  qualitie  and  temperature 
of  the  countrey. 

From  Brions  Hand  to  this  place  there  is  good  anckorage  of 
sand,  and  having  sounded  toward  Southwest  even  to  the  shoare 
about  five  leagues,  wee  found  twentie  and  five  fadome  water, 
and  within  one  league  twelve  fadome,  and  very  neere  the  shoare 
sixe  fadome,  rather  more  then  lesse,  and  also  good  anckorage. 
But  because  wee  would  bee  the  better  acquainted  with  this 
stonie  and  rockie  ground,  wee  strooke  our  sailes  lowe  and 
athwart.  The  next  day  being  the  last  of  the  moneth  save  one, 
the  winde  blewe  South  and  by  East.  Wee  sailed  Westward 
untill  Tuesday  morning  at  Sunne  rising,  being  the  last  of  the 
moneth,  without  any  sight  or  knowledge  of  any  lande  except 
in  the  evening  toward  Sunne  set,  that  wee  discovered  a lande 

1 Deadman’s  Island.  2 Southwest  Cape. 


16 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1634 


which  seemed  to  be  two  Hands,  that  were  beyond  us  West 
southwest,  about  nine  or  tenne  leagues.  All  the  next  day  till 
the  next  morning  at  sunne  rising  wee  sailed  Westward  about 
fourtie  leagues,  and  by  the  way  we  perceived  that  the  land  we 
had  seene  like  Hands,  was  firme  land,  lying  South  southeast, 
and  North  northwest,  to  a very  good  Cape  of  land  called  Cape 
Orleans.1  A1  the  said  land  is  low  and  plaine,  and  the  fairest 
that  may  possibly  be  seene,  full  of  goodly  medowes  and  trees. 
True  it  is  that  we  could  finde  no  harborough  there,  because  it 
is  all  full  of  shelves  and  sands.  We  with  our  boats  went  on 
shore  in  many  places,  and  among  the  rest  wee  entred  into  a 
goodly  river,  but  very  shallow,  which  we  named  The  river  of 
boats,2  because  that  there  wee  saw  boates  full  of  wild  men 
that  were  crossing  the  river.  We  had  no  other  notice  of  the 
said  wild  men:  for  the  wind  came  from  the  sea,  and  so  beat 
us  against  the  shore,  that  wee  were  constrained  to  retire  our 
selves  with  our  boates  toward  our  ships.  Till  the  next  day 
morning  at  Sunne  rising,  being  the  first  of  July  we  sailed  North- 
east, in  which  time  there  rose  great  mistes  and  stormes,  and 
therefore  wee  strucke  our  sailes  till  two  of  the  clocke  in  the 
afternoone,  that  the  weather  became  cleare,  and  there  we  had 
sight  of  Cape  Orleans,  and  of  another  about  seven  leagues 
from  us,  lying  North  and  by  East,  and  that  we  called  Wilde 
mens  Cape.3  On  the  Northside  of  this  Cape  about  halfe  a 
league,  there  is  a very  dangerous  shelfe,  and  banke  of  stones. 
Whilst  wee  were  at  this  Cape,  we  sawe  a man  running  after  our 
boates  that  were  going  along  the  coast,  who  made  signes  unto 
us  that  we  should  returne  toward  the  said  Cape  againe.  We 
seeing  such  signes,  began  to  turne  toward  him,  but  he  seeing 
us  come,  began  to  flee:  so  soone  as  we  were  come  on  shoare, 
we  set  a knife  before  him  and  a woollen  girdle  on  a little  staff e, 
and  then  came  to  our  ships  again.  That  day  we  trended  the 
said  land  about  9.  or  10.  leagues,  hoping  to  finde  some  good 
harborough,  but  it  was  not  possible : for  as  I have  said  already, 
it  is  a very  low  land,  and  environed  round  about  with  great 


1 Cape  Kildare. 


2 The  Narrows  in  Richmond  Bay. 


3 North  Point. 


1534] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


17 


shelves.  Nevertheless  we  went  that  day  on  shore  in  foure 
places  to  see  the  goodly  and  sweete  smelling  trees  that  were 
there:  we  found  them  to  be  Cedars,  ewetrees,  Pines,  white 
elmes,  ashes,  willowes,  with  many  other  sorts  of  trees  to  us  un- 
knowen,  but  without  any  fruit.  The  grounds  where  no  wood 
is,  are  very  faire,  and  all  full  of  peason,  white  and  red  goose- 
beries,  strawberies,  blackeberies,  and  wilde  corne,  even  like 
unto  Rie,  which  seemed  to  have  bene  sowen  and  plowed.  This 
countrey  is  of  better  temperature  then  any  other  that  can  be 
seene,  and  very  hote.  There  are  many  thrushes,  stockdoves, 
and  other  birds : to  be  short,  there  wanteth  nothing  but  good 
harboroughs. 


Of  the  Bay  called  S.  Lunario,  and  other  notable  Bayes  and 
Capes  of  land,  and  of  the  qualitie,  and  goodnesse  of 
those  grounds. 


The  next  day  being  the  second  of  July  we  discovered  and 
had  sight  of  land  on  the  Northerne  side  toward  us,  that  did 
joyne  unto  the  land  abovesaid,  al  compassed  about,  and  we 
knew  that  it  had  about  in  depth,  and  as 

much  athwart,  and  we  named  it  S.  Lunarios  Bay,1  and  with 
our  boats  we  went  to  the  Cape  toward  the  North,  and  found 
the  shore  so  shallow,  that  for  the  space  of  a league  from  land 
there  was  but  a fadome  water.  On  the  Northeast  side  from 
the  said  Cape  about  7.  or  8.  leagues  there  is  another  Cape 
of  land,  in  the  middst  whereof  there  is  a Bay2  fashioned 
trianglewise,  very  deepe,  and  as  farre  off  as  we  could  ken.  from 
it  the  same  lieth  Northeast.  The  said  Bay  is  compassed 
about  with  sands  and  shelves  about  10.  leagues  from  land, 
and  there  is  but  two  fadome  water : from  the  said  Cape  to  the 
bank  of  the  other,  there  is  about  15.  leagues.  We  being  a 
crosse  the  said  Capes,  discovered  another  land  and  Cape,3 


1 Strait  of  Northumberland,  which  Cartier  supposed  to  be  a bay. 

2 Miramichi.  3 Blackland  Point. 


18 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1634 


and  as  farre  as  we  could  ken,  it  lay  North  and  by  East.  All 
that  night  the  weather  was  very  ill,  and  great  winds,  so 
that  wee  were  constrained  to  beare  a smal  saile  until  the 
next  morning,  being  the  thirde  of  July  when  the  winde 
came  from  the  West : and  we  sailed  Northward  to  have  a sight 
of  the  land  that  we  had  left  on  the  Northeast  side,  above  the 
low  lands,  among  which  high  and  low  lands  there  is  a gulfe  1 
or  breach  in  some  places  about  55.  fadome  deepe,  and  15.  leagues 
in  bredth.  By  reason  of  the  great  depth  and  bredth  of  the 
gulfe,  and  change  of  the  lands,  we  conceived  hope  that  we 
should  finde  a passage,  like  unto  the  passage  of  The  Castles. 
The  said  gulfe  lieth  East  Northeast,  and  West  southwest.  The 
ground  that  lieth  on  the  Southside  of  the  said  gulfe,  is  as  good 
and  easie  to  be  manured,  and  full  of  as  goodly  fields  and  mea- 
dowes,  as  any  that  ever  wee  have  seene,  as  plaine  and  smooth 
as  any  die : and  that  which  lyeth  on  the  North  is  a countrey 
altogether  hilly,  full  of  woods,  and  very  high  and  great  trees 
of  sundry  sorts:  among  the  rest  there  are  as  goodly  Cedars, 
and  Firre  trees,  as  possibly  can  be  seene,  able  to  make  mastes 
for  ships  of  three  hundred  Tunne : neither  did  we  see  any  place 
that  was  not  full  of  the  saide  trees,  except  two  onely  that  were 
full  of  goodly  medowes,  with  two  very  faire  lakes.  The  mid- 
dest  of  the  said  Bay  is  47.  degrees  and  halfe  in  latitude. 


Of  the  Cape  D’Esperance,  or  the  Cape  of  Hope,  and  of  S.  Mar- 
tins Creeke,  and  how  seven  boats  full  of  wilde  men, 
comming  to  our  boat,  would  not  retire  themselves,  but 
being  terrified  with  our  Culverins  which  we  shot  at 
them,  and  our  lances,  they  fled  with  great  hast. 

The  Cape  of  the  said  South  land  was  called  The  Cape  of 
Hope,2  through  the  hope  that  there  we  had  to  finde  some 
passage.  The  fourth  of  July  we  went  along  the  coast  of  the 
said  land  on  the  Northerly  side  to  find  some  harborough,  where 
wee  entred  into  a creeke  altogether  open  toward  the  South, 

1 Bay  of  Chaleur. 


Point  Miscou. 


1534] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


19 


where  there  is  no  succour  against  the  wind : we  thought  good  to 
name  it  S.  Martines  Creeke.  There  we  stayed  from  the  fourth 
of  July  until  the  twelfth:  while  we  were  there,  on  Munday 
being  the  sixth  of  the  moneth,  Service  being  done,  wee  with 
one  of  our  boates  went  to  discover  a Cape  and  point  of  land 
that  on  the  Westerne  side  was  about  seven  or  eight  leagues 
from  us,  to  see  which  way  it  did  bend,  and  being  within  halfe 
a league  of  it,  wee  sawe  two  companies  of  boates  of  wilde  men 
going  from  one  land  to  the  other : their  boates  were  in  number 
about  fourtie  or  fiftie.  One  part  of  the  which  came  to  the 
said  point,  and  a great  number  of  men  went  on  shore  making 
a great  noise,  beckening  unto  us  that  wee  should  come  on  land, 
shewing  us  certaine  skinnes  upon  pieces  of  wood,  but  because 
we  had  but  one  onely  boat,  wee  would  not  goe  to  them,  but 
went  to  the  other  side  lying  in  the  See:  they  seeing  us  flee, 
prepared  two  of  their  boats  to  follow  us,  with  which  came  also  five 
more  of  them  that  were  comming  from  the  Sea  side,  all  which 
approched  neere  unto  our  boate,  dancing,  and  making  many 
signes  of  joy  and  mirth,  as  it  were  desiring  our  friendship, 
saying  in  their  tongue  Napeu  tondamen  assurtah,1  with  many 
other  words  that  we  understood  not.  But  because  (as  we  have 
said)  we  had  but  one  boat,  wee  would  not  stand  to  their  courtesie, 
but  made  signes  unto  them  that  they  should  turne  back, 
which  they  would  not  do,  but  with  great  furie  came  toward  us : 
and  suddenly  with  their  boates  compassed  us  about : and  be- 
cause they  would  not  away  from  us  by  any  signes  that  we  could 
make,  we  shot  off  two  pieces  among  them,  which  did  so  terrifie 
them,  that  they  put  themselves  to  flight  toward  the  sayde 
point,  making  a great  noise:  and  having  staid  a while,  they 
began  anew,  even  as  at  the  first  to  come  to  us  againe,  and  being 
come  neere  our  boat  wee  strucke  at  them  with  two  lances, 
which  thing  was  so  great  a terrour  unto  them,  that  with  great 
haste  they  beganne  to  flee,  and  would  no  more  follow  us. 

1 Belleforest  translates,  “We  wish  to  have  your  friendship.” 


20 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1534 


How  the  said  wilde  men  comming  to  our  ships,  and  our  men 
going  toward  them,  both  parties  went  on  land,  and  how 
the  saide  wilde  men  with  great  joy  began  to  trafique 
with  our  men. 

The  next  day  part  of  the  saide  wilde  men  with  nine  of  their 
boates  came  to  the  point  and  entrance  of  the  Creeke,  where  we 
with  our  ships  were  at  road.  We  being  advertised  of  their 
comming,  went  to  the  point  where  they  were  with  our  boates : 
but  so  soone  as  they  saw  us,  they  began  to  flee,  making  signes 
that  they  came  to  trafique  with  us,  shewing  us  such  skinnes  as 
they  cloth  themselves  withall,  which  are  of  small  value.  We 
likewise  made  signes  unto  them,  that  we  wished  them  no  evill : 
and  in  signe  thereof  two  of  our  men  ventured  to  go  on  land  to 
them,  and  carry  them  knives  with  other  Iron  wares,  and  a red 
hat  to  give  unto  their  Captaine.  Which  when  they  saw,  they 
also  came  on  land,  and  brought  some  of  their  skinnes,  and  so 
began  to  deale  with  us,  seeming  to  be  very  glad  to  have  our 
iron  ware  and  other  things,  stil  dancing  with  many  other  cere- 
monies, as  with  their  hands  to  cast  Sea  water  on  their  heads. 
They  gave  us  whatsoever  they  had,  not  keeping  any  thing, 
so  that  they  were  constrained  to  go  back  againe  naked,  and 
made  signes  that  the  next  day  they  would  come  againe,  and 
bring  more  skinnes  with  them. 

How  that  we  having  sent  two  of  our  men  on  land  with  wares, 
there  came  about  300-  wilde  men  with  great  gladnesse. 
Of  the  qualitie  of  the  countrey,  what  it  bringeth  forth, 
and  of  the  Bay  called  Baie  du  Chaleur,  or  The  Bay  of 
heat. 

Upon  Thursday  being  the  eight  of  the  moneth,  because  the 
winde  was  not  good  to  go  out  with  our  ships,  we  set  our  boates 
in  a readinesse  to  goe  to  discover  the  said  Bay,  and  that  day 
wee  went  25.  leagues  within  it.  The  next  day  the  wind  and 
weather  being  faire,  we  sailed  until  noone,  in  which  time  we 
had  notice  of  a great  part  of  the  said  Bay,  and  how  that  over 


1534] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


21 


the  low  lands,  there  were  other  lands  with  high  mountaines: 
but  seeing  that  there  was  no  passage  at  all,  wee  began  to  turne 
back  againe,  taking  our  way  along  the  coast : and  sayling,  we 
saw  certaine  wilde  men  that  stood  upon  the  shoare  of  a lake, 
that  is  among  the  low  grounds,  who  were  making  fires  and 
smokes : wee  went  thither,  and  found  that  there  was  a channel 
of  the  sea  that  did  enter  into  the  lake,  and  setting  our  boats  at 
one  of  the  banks  of  the  chanell,  the  wilde  men  with  one  of  their 
boates  came  unto  us,  and  brought  up  pieces  of  Seales  ready 
sodden,  putting  them  upon  pieces  of  wood : then  retiring  them- 
selves, they  would  make  signes  unto  us,  that  they  did  give  them 
us.  We  sent  two  men  unto  them  with  hatchets,  knives,  beads, 
and  other  such  like  ware,  whereat  they  were  very  glad,  and  by 
and  by  in  clusters  they  came  to  the  shore  where  wee  were,  with 
their  boates,  bringing  with  them  skinnes  and  other  such  things 
as  they  had,  to  have  of  our  wares.  They  were  more  than  300. 
men,  women,  and  children:  Some  of  the  women  which  came 
not  over,  wee  might  see  stand  up  to  the  knees  in  water,  singing 
and  dancing:  the  other  that  had  passed  the  river  where  we 
were,  came  very  friendly  to  us,  rubbing  our  armes  with  their 
owne  handes,  then  would  they  lift  them  up  toward  heaven, 
shewing  many  signes  of  gladnesse : and  in  such  wise  were  wee 
assured  one  of  another,  that  we  very  familiarly  began  to  trafique 
for  whatsoever  they  had,  til  they  had  nothing  but  their  naked 
bodies ; for  they  gave  us  all  whatsoever  they  had,  and  that  was 
but  of  small  value.  We  perceived  that  this  people  might  very 
easily  be  converted  to  our  Religion.  They  goe  from  place  to 
place.  They  live  onely  with  fishing.  They  have  an  ordinarie 
time  to  fish  for  their  provision.  The  countrey  is  hotter  than 
the  countrey  of  Spaine,  and  the  fairest  that  can  possibly  be 
found,  altogether  smooth,  and  level.  There  is  no  place  be  it 
never  so  little,  but  it  hath  some  trees  (yea  albeit  it  be  sandie) 
or  else  is  full  of  wilde  corne,  that  hath  an  eare  like  unto  Rie : 
the  corne  is  like  oates,  and  smal  peason  as  thicke  as  if  they  had 
bene  sowen  and  plowed,  white  and  red  gooseberies,  strawberies, 
blackberies,  white  and  red  Roses,  with  many  other  floures  of 
very  sweet  and  pleasant  smell.  There  be  also  many  goodly 


22 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1534 


medowes  full  of  grasse,  and  lakes  wherein  great  plentie  of 
salmons  be.  They  call  a hatchet  in  their  tongue  Cochi,  and 
a knife  Bacon : we  named  it  The  bay  of  heat. 

Of  another  nation  of  wilde  men:  of  their  manners,  living 

and  clothing. 

Being  certified  that  there  was  no  passage  through  the  said 
Bay,  we  hoised  saile,  and  went  from  S.  Martines  Creeke  upon 
Sunday  being  the  12.  of  July,  to  goe  and  discover  further  beyond 
the  said  Bay,  and  went  along  the  sea  coast  Eastward  about 
eighteene  leagues,  till  we  came  to  the  Cape  of  Prato,1  where  we 
found  the  tide  very  great,  but  shallow  ground,  and  the  Sea 
stormie,  so  that  we  were  constrained  to  draw  toward  shore, 
between  the  said  Cape  and  an  Hand  lying  Eastward,  about  a 
league  from  the  said  Cape,  where  we  cast  anker  for  that  night. 
The  next  morning  we  hoised  saile  to  trend  the  said  coast  about, 
which  lyeth  North  Northeast.  But  there  rose  such  a stormie 
and  raging  winde  against  us,  that  we  were  constrained  to  come 
to  the  place  againe,  from  whence  we  were  come : there  did  we 
stay  all  that  day  til  the  next  that  we  hoised  up  saile,  and  came 
to  the  middest  of  a river  five  or  sixe  leagues  from  the  Cape  of 
Prato  Northward,  and  being  overthwart  the  said  River,  there 
arose  againe  a contrary  winde,  with  great  fogges  and  stormes. 
So  that  we  were  constrained  upon  Tuesday  being  the  fourteenth 
of  the  moneth  to  enter  into  the  river,  and  there  did  we  stay  till 
the  sixteenth  of  the  moneth  looking  for  faire  weather  to  come 
out  of  it : on  which  day  being  Thursday,  the  winde  became  so 
raging  that  one  of  our  ships  lost  an  anker,  and  we  were  con- 
strained to  goe  up  higher  into  the  river  seven  or  eight  leagues, 
into  a good  harborough  and  ground  that  we  with  our  boates 
found  out,  and  through  the  evill  weather,  tempest,  and  darke- 
nesse  that  was,  wee  stayed  in  the  saide  harborough  till  the  five 
and  twentieth  of  the  moneth,  not  being  able  to  put  out : in  the 
meane  time  wee  sawe  a great  multitude  of  wilde  men  that  were 
fishing  for  mackerels,  whereof  there  is  great  store.  Their 

1 White  Head, 


1534] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


23 


boates  were  about  40,  and  the  persons  what  with  men,  women, 
and  children  two  hundred,  which  after  they  had  hanted  our 
company  a while,  they  came  very  familiarly  with  their  boats 
to  the  sides  of  our  ships.  We  gave  them  knives,  combes,  beads 
of  glasse,  and  other  trifles  of  small  value,  for  which  they  made 
many  signes  of  gladnesse,  lifting  their  hands  up  to  heaven 
dancing  and  singing  in  their  boates.  These  men  may  very  well 
and  truely  be  called  Wilde,  because  there  is  no  poorer  people  in 
the  world.  For  I thinke  all  that  they  had  together,  besides 
their  boates  and  nets,  was  not  worth  five  souce.1  They  goe 
altogether  naked  saving  their  privities,  which  are  covered  with 
a little  skinne,  and  certaine  olde  skinnes  that  they  cast  upon 
them.  Neither  in  nature  nor  in  language,  doe  they  any  whit 
agree  with  them  which  we  found  first : their  heads  be  altogether 
shaven,  except  one  bush  of  haire  which  they  suffer  to  grow 
upon  the  top  of  their  crowne  as  long  as  a horse  taile,  and  then 
with  certaine  leather  strings  binde  it  in  a knot  upon  their 
heads.  They  have  no  other  dwelling  but  their  boates,  which 
they  turne  upside  downe,  and  under  them  they  lay  themselves 
all  along  upon  the  bare  ground.  They  eate  their  flesh  almost 
raw,  save  onely  that  they  heat  it  a little  upon  imbers  of  coales, 
so  doe  they  their  fish.  Upon  Magdalens  day  we  with  our 
boates  went  to  the  bancke  of  the  river,  and  freely  went  on  shore 
among  them,  whereat  they  made  many  signs,  apd  all  their  men 
in  two  or  three  companies  began  to  sing  and  dance,  seeming  to 
be  very  glad  of  our  comming.  They  had  caused  all  the  young 
women  to  flee  into  the  wood,  two  or  three  excepted,  that  stayed 
with  them,  to  ech  of  which  we  gave  a combe,  and  a little  bell 
made  of  Tinne,  for  which  they  were  very  glad,  thanking  our 
Captaine,  rubbing  his  armes  and  breasts  with  their  hands. 
When  the  men  saw  us  give  something  unto  those  that  had 
stayed,  it  caused  al  the  rest  to  come  out  of  the  wood,  to  the  end 
that  that  they  should  have  as  much  as  the  others : These  women 
are  about  twenty,  who  altogether  in  a knot  fell  upon  our  Cap- 
taine, touching  and  rubbing  him  with  their  hands,  according  to 
their  manner  of  cherishing  and  making  much  of  one,  who  gave 

1 Sous. 


24 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1534 


to  each  of  them  a little  Tinne  bell : then  suddenly  they  began 
to  dance,  and  sing  many  songs.  There  we  found  great  store  of 
mackrels,  that  they  had  taken  upon  the  shore,  with  certaine 
nets  that  they  made  to  fish,  of  a kinde  of  Hempe  that  groweth 
in  that  place  where  ordinarily  they  abide,  for  they  never  come 
to  the  sea,  but  onely  in  fishing  time.  As  farre  as  I understand, 
there  groweth  likewise  a kind  of  Millet  as  big  as  Peason,  like 
unto  that  which  groweth  in  Bresil,  which  they  eate  in  stead  of 
bread.  They  had  great  store  of  it.  They  call  it  in  their  tongue 
Kapaige.  They  have  also  Prunes  (that  is  to  say  Damsins) 
which  they  dry  for  winter  as  we  doe,  they  call  them  Honesta. 
They  have  also  Figs,1  Nuts,  Apples,  and  other  fruits,  and  Beans, 
that  they  call  Sahu,  their  nuts  Cahehya.  If  we  shewed  them 
any  thing  that  they  have  not,  nor  know  not  what  it  is,  shaking 
their  heads,  they  will  say  Nohda,  which  is  as  much  to  say,  they 
have  it  not,  nor  they  know  it  not.  Of  those  things  they  have, 
they  would  with  signes  shew  us  howto  dresse  them,  and  how  they 
grow.  They  eate  nothing  that  hath  any  taste  of  salt.  They 
are  very  great  theeves,  for  they  will  filch  and  steale  whatsoever 
they  can  lay  hold  of,  and  all  is  fish  that  commeth  to  net. 


How  our  men  set  up  a great  Crosse  upon  the  poynt  of  the 
sayd  Porte,  and  the  Captaine  of  those  wild  men,  after 
a long  Oration,  was  by  our  Captain  appeased,  and  con- 
tented that  two  of  his  Children  should  goe  with  him. 

Upon  the  25  of  the  moneth,  wee  caused  a faire  high  Crosse 
to  be  made  of  the  height  of  thirty  foote,  which  was  made  in  the 
presence  of  many  of  them,  upon  the  point  of  the  entrance  of  the 
sayd  haven,2  in  the  middest  whereof  we  hanged  up  a Shield 
with  three  Floure  de  Luces  in  it,  and  in  the  top  was  carved  in 
the  wood  with  xAnticke  letters  this  posie,  Vive  le  Roy  de  France. 
Then  before  them  all  we  set  it  upon  the  sayd  point.  They 
with  great  heed  beheld  both  the  making  and  setting  of  it  up. 

1 Cartier  has  but  one  word  for  figs  and  plums.  The  reference  evidently 
is  to  the  common  Canada  plum. 

2 Gaspe  Bay. 


1534] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


25 


So  soone  as  it  was  up,  we  altogether  kneeled  downe  before  them, 
with  our  hands  toward  Heaven,  yeelding  God  thankes:  and 
we  made  signes  unto  them,  shewing  them  the  Heavens,  and 
that  all  our  salvation  dependeth  onely  on  him  which  in  them 
dwelleth : whereat  they  shewed  a great  admiration,  looking  first 
one  at  another,  and  then  upon  the  Crosse.  And  after  wee  were 
returned  to  our  ships,  their  Captaine  clad  with  an  old  Beares 
skin,  with  three  of  his  sonnes,  and  a brother  of  his  with  him, 
came  unto  us  in  one  of  their  boates,  but  they  came  not  so  neere 
us  as  they  were  wont  to  doe:  there  he  made  a long  Oration 
unto  us,  shewing  us  the  crosse  we  had  set  up,  and  making  a 
crosse  with  two  fingers,  then  did  he  shew  us  all  the  Countrey 
about  us,  as  if  he  would  say  that  all  was  his,  and  that  wee 
should  not  set  up  any  crosse  without  his  leave.  His  talke 
being  ended,  we  shewed  him  an  Axe,  faining  that  we  would  give 
it  him  for  his  skin,  to  which  he  listned,  for  by  little  and  little 
hee  came  neere  our  ships.  One  of  our  fellowes  that  was  in  our 
boate,  tooke  hold  on  theirs,  and  suddenly  leapt  into  it,  with  twm 
or  three  more,  who  enforced  them  to  enter  into  our  ships,  whereat 
they  were  greatly  astonished.  But  our  Captain  did  straight- 
waies  assure  them,  that  they  should  have  no  harme,  nor  any 
injurie  offred  them  at  all,  and  entertained  them  very  friendly, 
making  them  eate  and  drinke.  Then  did  we  shew  them  with 
signes,  that  the  crosse  was  but  onely  set  up  to  be  as  a light 
and  leader  which  wayes  to  enter  into  the  port,  and  that  wee 
would  shortly  come  againe,  and  bring  good  store  of  iron  wares 
and  other  things,  but  that  we  would  take  two  of  his  children 
with  us,  and  afterward  bring  them  to  the  sayd  port  againe: 
and  so  wee  clothed  two  of  them  in  shirts,  and  coloured  coates, 
with  red  cappes,  and  put  about  every  ones  necke  a copper 
chaine,  whereat  they  were  greatly  contented : then  gave  they 
their  old  clothes  to  their  fellowes  that  went  backe  againe,  and 
we  gave  to  each  one  of  those  three  that  went  backe,  a hatchet, 
and  some  knives,  which  made  them  very  glad.  Aiter  these 
were  gone,  and  had  told  the  newes  unto  their  fellowes,  in  the 
afternoone  there  came  to  our  ships  sixe  boates  of  them,  with 
five  or  sixe  men  in  every  one,  to  take  their  farewels  of  those  two 


26 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1634 


we  had  detained  to  take  with  us,1  and  brought  them  some  fish, 
uttering  many  words  which  we  did  not  understand,  making 
signes  that  they  would  not  remove  the  crosse  we  had  set  up. 


How  after  we  were  departed  from  the  sayd  porte,  following 
our  voyage  along  the  sayd  coast,  we  went  to  discover 
the  land  lying  Southeast,  and  Northwest. 

The  next  day,  being  the  25  of  the  moneth,  we  had  faire 
weather,  and  went  from  the  said  port:  and  being  out  of  the 
river,  we  sailed  Eastnortheast,  for  after  the  entrance  into  the 
said  river,  the  land  is  environed  about,  and  maketh  a bay  in 
maner  of  halfe  a circle,  where  being  in  our  ships,  we  might  see 
all  the  coast  sayling  behind,  which  we  came  to  seeke,  the  land 
lying  Southeast  and  Northwest,  the  course  of  which  was  distant 
from  the  river  about  twentie  leagues. 


Of  the  Cape  S.  Alvise,  and  Cape  Memorancie,  and  certaine 
other  lands,  and  how  one  of  our  Boates  touched  a Rocke 
and  suddenly  went  over  it. 

On  Munday  being  the  27  of  the  moneth,  about  sunne-set 
we  went  along  the  said  land,  as  we  have  said,  lying  Southeast 
and  Northwest,  till  Wednesday  that  we  saw  another  Cape 
where  the  land  beginneth  to  bend  toward  the  East : we  went 
along  about  15  leagues,  then  doeth  the  land  begin  to  turne 
Northward.  About  three  leagues  from  the  sayd  Cape  we 
sounded,  and  found  24  fadome  water.  The  said  lands  are 
plaine,  and  the  fairest  and  most  without  woods  that  we  have 
seene,  with  goodly  greene  fields  and  medowes : we  named  the 
sayd  Cape  S.  Alvise  Cape,2  because  that  was  his  day : it  is  49 

1 Their  names  were  Taignoagny  and  Domagaia.  Both  returned  with 
Cartier  in  the  following  year. 

3 Loys  in  the  French.  Named  for  St.  Louis,  king  of  France.  This  is 
the  present  East  Cape  on  the  island  of  Anticosti.  Cartier  had  failed  to 
discover  the  broad  opening  to  the  St.  Lawrence  River. 


1634] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


27 


degrees  and  an  halfe  in  latitude,  and  in  longitude  d On 
Wednesday  morning  we  were  on  the  East  side  of  the  Cape,  and 
being  almost  night  we  went  Northwestward  for  to  approchneere 
to  the  sayd  land,  which  trendeth  North  and  South.  From  S. 
Alvise  Cape  to  another  called  Cape  Memorancie,2  about  fifteene 
leagues,  the  land  beginneth  to  bend  Northwest.  About  three 
leagues  from  the  sayd  Cape  we  would  needes  sound,  but  wee 
could  finde  no  ground  at  150  fadome,  yet  went  we  along  the 
said  land  about  tenne  leagues,  to  the  latitude  of  50  degrees. 
The  Saturday  following,  being  the  first  of  August,  by  Sunne 
rising,  wee  had  certaine  other  landes,  lying  North  and  North- 
east,3 that  were  very  high  and  craggie,  and  seemed  to  be  moun- 
taines : betweene  which  were  other  low  lands  with  woods  and 
rivers:  wee  went  about  the  sayd  lands,  as  well  on  the  one 
side  as  on  the  other,  still  bending  Northwest,  to  see  if  it  were 
either  a gulfe,  or  a passage,  untill  the  fift  of  the  moneth.  The 
distance  from  one  land  to  the  other  is  about  fifteene  leagues. 
The  middle  betweene  them  both  is  50  degrees  and  a terce  in 
latitude.  We  had  much  adoe  to  go  five  miles  farther,  the  winds 
were  so  great  and  the  tide  against  us.  And  at  five  miles  end, 
we  might  plainely  see  and  perceive  land  on  both  sides,  which 
there  beginneth  to  spread  it  selfe,  but  because  we  rather  fell, 
then  got  way  against  the  wind,  we  went  toward  land,  purposing 
to  goe  to  another  Cape  of  land,4  lying  Southward,  which  was  the 
farthermost  out  into  the  sea  that  we  could  see,  about  five 
leagues  from  us,  but  so  soone  as  we  came  thither,  we  found  it  to 
be  naught  else  but  Rockes,  stones,  and  craggie  cliff es,  such  as 
we  had  not  found  any  where  since  we  had  sailed  Southward  from 
S.  Johns  Cape : and  then  was  the  tide  with  us,  which  caried  us 
against  the  wind  Westward,  so  that  as  we  were  sayling  along 
the  sayd  coast,  one  of  our  boats  touched  a Rocke,  and  suddenly 
went  over,  but  we  were  constrained  to  leape  out  for  to  direct  it 
on  according  to  the  tide. 

1 Blank  in  the  original.  1 Table  Head. 

s The  Labrador  coast. 

* North  Point,  the  northwestern  point  of  Anticosti.  Cartier  was  on  the 

eve  of  discovering  the  St.  Lawrence  River,  and  missed  it. 


28 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1534 


How  after  we  had  agreed  and  consulted  what  was  best  to 
be  done,  we  purposed  to  returne:  and  of  S.  Peters 
Streight,  and  of  Cape  Tiennot. 

After  we  had  sailed  along  the  sayd  coast,  for  the  space  of 
two  houres,  behold,  the  tide  began  to  turne  against  us,  with  so 
swift  and  raging  a course,  that  it  was  not  possible  for  us  with  13 
oares  to  row  or  get  one  stones  cast  farther,  so  that  we  were  con- 
strained to  leave  our  boates  with  some  of  our  men  to  guard 
them,  and  10  or  12  men  went  ashore  to  the  sayd  Cape,  where  we 
found  that  the  land  beginneth  to  bend  Southwest,  which  having 
seene,  we  came  to  our  boats  againe,  and  so  to  our  ships,  which 
were  stil  ready  under  saile,  hoping  to  go  forward:  but  for  all 
that,  they  were  fallen  more  then  foure  leagues  to  leeward  from 
the  place  where  we  had  left  them,  where  so  soone  as  we  came, 
wee  assembled  together  all  our  Captaines,  Masters,  and  Mariners, 
to  have  their  advice  and  opinion  what  was  best  to  be  done: 
and  after  that  every  one  had  said,  considering  that  the  Easterly 
winds  began  to  beare  away,  and  blow,  and  that  the  flood  was  so 
great,  that  we  did  but  fall,  and  that  there  was  nothing  to  be 
gotten,  and  that  stormes  and  tempests  began  to  reigne  in  New- 
found land,  and  that  we  were  so  farre  from  home,  not  knowing 
the  perils  and  dangers  that  were  behind,  for  either  we  must  agree 
to  returne  home  againe,  or  els  to  stay  there  all  the  yeere.  More- 
over, we  did  consider,  that  if  the  Northerne  winds  did  take  us, 
it  were  not  possible  for  us  to  depart  thence.  All  which  opin- 
ions being  heard  and  considered,  we  altogether  determined  to 
addresse  our  selves  homeward.  No  we  because  upon  Saint 
Peters  day  wee  entred  into  the  sayd  Streite,  wee  named  it  Saint 
Peters  Streite.1  Wee  sounded  it  in  many  places,  in  some  wee 
found  150  fadome  water,  in  some  100,  and  neere  the  shoare 
sixtie,  and  cleere  ground.  From  that  day  till  Wednesday 
following,  we  had  a good  and  prosperous  gale  of  winde,  so  that 
we  trended  the  said  North  shore  East,  Southeast,  West  North- 

*The  strait  between  Anticosti  and  Labrador. 


1634] 


CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


29 


west : for  such  is  the  situation  of  it,  except  one  Cape  of  low 
lands  that  bendeth  more  toward  the  Southeast,  about  twenty 
five  leagues  from  the  Streight.  In  this  place  we  saw  certaine 
smokes,  that  the  people  of  the  countrey  made  upon  the  sayd 
cape:  but  because  the  wind  blewe  us  toward  the  coast,  we 
went  not  to  them,  which  when  they  saw,  they  came  with  two 
boates  and  twelve  men  unto  us,  and  as  freely  came  unto  our 
ships,  as  if  they  had  bene  French  men,  and  gave  us  to  under- 
stand, that  they  came  from  the  great  gulfe,  and  that  Tiennot 
was  their  Captaine,  who  then  was  upon  that  Cape,  making  signes 
unto  us,  that  they  were  going  home  to  their  Countreys  whence 
we  were  come  with  our  ships,  and  that  they  were  laden  with 
Fish.  We  named  the  sayd  Cape,  Cape  Tiennot.1  From  the 
said  Cape  all  the  land  trendeth  Eastsoutheast,  and  Westnorth- 
west.  All  these  lands  lie  low,  very  pleasant,  environed  with 
sand,  where  the  sea  is  entermingled  with  marishes  and  shal- 
lowes,  the  space  of  twentie  leagues : then  doth  the  land  begin 
to  trend  from  West  to  Eastnortheast  altogether  environed  with 
Islands  two  or  three  leagues  from  land,  in  which  as  farre  as 
we  could  see,  are  many  dangerous  shelves  more  then  foure  or 
five  leagues  from  land. 


How  that  upon  the  ninth  of  August  wee  entred  within 
White  Sands,  and  upon  the  fift  of  September  we  came 
to  the  Port  of  S.  Malo. 

From  the  sayd  Wednesday  untill  Saturday  following,  we 
had  a great  wind  from  the  Southwest,  which  caused  us  to  run 
Eastnortheast,  on  which  day  we  came  to  the  Easterly  partes 
of  Newfoundland,  between  the  Granges  and  the  Double  Cape. 
There  began  great  stormie  windes  comming  from  the  East  with 
great  rage : wherefore  we  coasted  the  Cape  Northnorthwest,  to 
search  the  Northerne  part,  which  is  (as  we  have  sayd)  all  en- 
vironed with  Islands,  and  being  neere  the  said  Islands  and  land, 
the  wind  turned  into  the  South,  which  brought  us  within  the 

^atashquan  Point. 


30 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1634 


sayd  gulfe,  so  that  the  next  day  being  the  9 of  August,  we  by 
the  grace  of  God  entred  within  the  white  Sands.1  And  this 
is  so  much  as  we  have  discovered.  After  that,  upon  the  15  of 
August,  being  the  feast  of  the  Assumption  of  our  Lady,  after 
that  we  had  heard  service,  we  altogether  departed  from  the 
porte  of  White  Sands,  and  with  a happy  and  prosperous  weather 
we  came  into  the  middle  of  the  sea,  that  is  between  Newfound- 
land and  Britanie,  in  which  place  we  were  tost  and  turmoyled 
three  dayes  long  with  great  stormes  and  windy  tempests  com- 
ming  from  the  East,  which  with  the  ayde  and  assistance  of  God 
we  suffred:  then  had  we  faire  weather,  and  upon  the  fift  of 
September,  in  the  sayd  yere,  we  came  to  the  Port  of  S.  Malo 
whence  we  departed. 


The  language  that  is  spoken  in  the  Land  newly 
discovered,  called  New  France. 


God 

a Hatchet 

asogne 

the  Sunne 

Isnez 

a Cod  fish 

gadagoursere 

the  Heaven 
the  Day 

carnet 

good  to  be 
eaten 

^ guesande 

the  Night 

aiagla 

Flesh 

Water 

ame 

Almonds 

anougaza 

Sand 

estogaz 

Figs 

asconda 

a sayle 

aganie 

Gold 

henyosco 

the  Head 

agonaze 

the  privie 

i assegnega 

the  Throate 

conguedo 

members 

the  Nose 

hehonguesto 

an  Arrow 

cacta 

the  Teeth 

hesangue 

a greene  Tree  haveda 

the  Nayles 

agetascu 

an  earthen 

undaco 

the  Feete 

ochedasco 

dish 

the  Legs 

anoudasco 

a Bow 

a dead  man 

amocdaza 

Brasse 

aignetaze 

a Skinne 

aionasca 

the  Brow 

ansce 

that  Man 

yea 

a Feather 

yco 

1 It  was  two  months  from  the  time  Cartier  was  at  this  place  and  entered 
the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence. 


1534]  CARTIER’S  FIRST  VOYAGE 


the  Moone 
the  Earth 
the  Wind 
the  Raine 
Bread 
the  Sea 
a Ship 
a Man 
the  Haires 
the  Eyes 
the  Mouth 
the  Eares 
the  Armes 
a Woman 


casmogan 

a sicke  Man 

alouedeche 

conda 

Shooes 

atta 

canut 

a skinne  to 

onnoscon 

cover  a mans 

ouscozon 

cacacomy 

privy  mem- 

vondico 

amet 

bers 

casaomy 

red  cloth 

cahoneta 

undo 

a Knife 

agoheda 

hoc  hosco 

a Mackrell 

agedoneta 

ygata 

Nuttes 

caheya 

heche 

Apples 

honesta 

hontasco 

Beanes 

sahe 

agescu 

a Sword 

achesco 

enrasesco 

31 


A SHORTE  AND  BRIEFE  NARRATION 
(CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE) 
I535— x536 


r 


INTRODUCTION 


Cartier  reached  France  after  an  absence  of  less  than  six 
months.  What  he  had  seen  during  the  summer  had  wonder- 
fully impressed  him  and  those  associated  with  him.  The  ex- 
pedition had  been  without  mishap  of  any  kind.  His  report 
was  an  inspiration  to  the  king,  and  to  all  interested  in  the  voy- 
age. The  termination  of  the  work  of  exploration  — the  land 
falling  off  to  the  southwest  and  open  waters  to  the  westward 
leading  whither  no  one  could  say  — called  imperatively  for 
added  endeavor  and  a larger  outlay.  On  the  last  day  of  Oc- 
tober, 1535,  the  king,  through  the  Admiral  of  France,  gave  to 
the  explorer  a new  commission,  in  which  Cartier  was  desig- 
nated as  “Captain  and  Pilot  of  the  King” ; three  vessels,  well- 
equipped  and  furnished  with  provisions  for  fifteen  months,  were 
provided ; while  with  Cartier  were  associated  in  the  expedition 
some  of  the  younger  nobility  of  France.  A report  of  this  sec- 
ond voyage  was  printed  in  France  in  1545  under  the  title 
Brief  Recit  et  Succincte  Narration  de  la  Navigation  faide 
es  ysles  de  Canada.  Only  one  copy  of  this  printed  report  has 
been  preserved,  and  is  now  in  the  British  Museum.  In  1863, 
a new  edition  of  the  Brief  Recit  was  published  in  Paris  by  the 
bookseller  Tross,  under  the  direction  of  the  distinguished 
French  geographer,  M.  d’Avezac.  An  Italian  translation  by 
Ramusio  appeared  in  his  third  volume,  folio  441  et  seqq.  (Venice, 
1556).  There  are  three  contemporary  narratives  of  the  second 
voyage  in  manuscript  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  in  Paris, 
numbered  5589,  5644,  and  5653.  The  first  two  were  printed 
in  Paris  in  1841,  the  third  in  Quebec  in  1843.  Mr.  Baxter 
(. Memoir  of  Jacques  Cartier,  p.  4)  is  of  the  opinion  that  the 
manuscript  numbered  5653  was  probably  used  by  the  editor 

35 


36 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


of  the  Brief  Recit.  Comparing  these  manuscripts  with  the 
printed  copy,  Mr.  Baxter  found  so  many  errors  and  omissions 
that  he  decided  to  use  in  his  Memoir  the  manuscript  numbered 
5589.  The  following  account  of  the  second  voyage,  a transla- 
tion from  Ramusio,  is  from  Hakluyt’s  great  work,  edition  of 
1600. 


H.  S.  B. 


CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


A shorte  and  briefe  narration  of  the  Navigation  made  by  the 
commandement  of  the  King  of  France,  to  the  islands  of 
Canada,  Hochelaga,  Saguenay,  and  divers  others  which 
now  are  called  New  France,  with  the  particular  cus- 
tomes,  and  maners  of  the  inhabitants  therein. 

Chap.  1 

In  the  yeere  of  our  Lord  1535,  upon  Whitsunday,  being  the 
16.  of  May,  by  the  commandement  of  our  Captaine  James  Cartier, 
and  with  a common  accord,  in  the  Cathedrall  Church  of  S.  Malo 
we  devoutly  each  one  confessed  our  selves,  and  received  the 
Sacrament : and  all  entring  into  the  Quier  of  the  sayd  Church, 
wee  presented  our  selves  before  the  Reverend  Father  in  Christ, 
the  Lord  Bishop  of  S.  Malo,1  who  blessed  us  all,  being  in  his 
Bishops  roabes.  The  Wednesday  following,  being  the  19.  of 
May,  there  arose  a good  gale  of  wind,  and  therefore  we  hoysed 
sayle  with  three  ships,  that  is  to  say,  the  great  Hermina,  being 
in  burden  about  a hundreth,  or  a hundreth  and  twentie  tunne, 
wherein  the  foresaid  Captaine  James  Cartier  was  Generali, 
and  master  Thomas  Frosmont  chiefe  Master,  accompanied  with 
master  Claudius  de  Pont  Briand,  sonne  to  the  Lorde  of  Mont- 
cevell,  and  Cup-bearer  to  the  Dolphin  of  France,  Charles  of 
Pomeraies,  John  Powlet,  and  other  Gentlemen.  In  the  second 
ship  called  the  little  Hermina,  being  of  threescore  tunne  burden, 
were  Captaines  under  the  sayd  Cartier,  Mace  Salobert,2  and 
Master  William  Marie.  In  the  third  ship  called  the  Hermeril- 
lon,  being  of  forty  tunne  in  burden,  were  Captains  M.  William 
Britton,  and  M.  James  Maringare.  So  we  sayled  with  a good 

1 Bishop  Bohier,  grandson  of  Cardinal  BriQonnet. 

8 Marc  Jalobert,  Cartier’s  brother-in-law. 

37 


38 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1635 


and  prosperous  wind,  untill  the  20  of  the  said  moneth,  at 
which  time  the  weather  turned  into  stormes  and  tempests, 
the  which  with  contrary  winds,  and  darkenesse,  endured  so 
long  that  our  ships  being  without  any  rest,  suffered  as  much 
as  any  ships  that  ever  went  on  seas : so  that  the  25  of  June, 
by  reason  of  that  foule  and  foggie  weather,  all  our  ships  lost 
sight  one  of  another  againe  till  wee  came  to  Newfoundland 
where  wee  had  appointed  to  meete.  After  we  had  lost  one 
another,  wee  in  the  Generals  ship  were  with  contrary  winds  tost 
to  and  fro  on  the  sea,  until  the  seventh  of  July,  upon  which 
day  we  arrived  in  Newe  found  land,  and  came  to  the  Island 
called  The  Island  of  Birds,  which  lyeth  from  the  maine  land 
14  leagues.  This  Island  is  so  full  of  birds,  that  all  our 
ships  might  easily  have  bene  fraighted  with  them,  and  yet 
for  the  great  number  that  there  is,  it  would  not  seeme  that 
any  were  taken  away.  We  to  victuall  our  selves  filled  two 
boats  of  them.  This  Island  hath  the  Pole  elevated  49  de- 
grees, and  40  minutes.  Upon  the  eight  of  the  sayd  moneth 
we  sailed  further,  and  with  a prosperous  weather,  came  to  the 
Port  called  The  Port  of  white  sands,  that  is  in  the  Bay  called 
The  Bay  of  Castels,  where  we  had  purposed  to  meete  and  stay 
together  the  15  of  the  said  moneth.  In  this  place  therefore  we 
looked  for  our  fellowes,  that  is  to  say,  the  other  two  ships,  till 
the  26  of  the  moneth,  on  which  day  both  came  together.  So 
soone  as  our  fellowes  were  come,  we  set  our  ships  in  a readines, 
taking  in  both  water,  wood,  and  other  necessaries.  And  then 
on  the  29  of  the  sayd  moneth,  early  in  the  morning  we  hoised 
saile  to  passe  on  further,  and  sayling  along  the  Northerne 
coast  that  runneth  Northeast  and  Southwest,  til  two  houres 
after  Sun-set  or  thereabouts,  then  we  crossed  along  two  Islands, 
which  doe  stretch  further  foorth  then  the  others,  which  we 
called  S.  Williams  Islands,1  being  distant  about  20  leagues  or 
more  from  the  Port  of  Brest.  All  the  coast  from  the  Castels 
to  that  place  lieth  East  and  West,  Northeast  and  Southwest, 
having  betweene  it  sundry  little  Islands,  altogether  barren  and 


Probably  Treble  Hill  and  Great  Meccatina. 


1635] 


CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


39 


full  of  stones,  without  either  earth  or  trees,  except  certain 
valleys  only.  The  next  day  being  the  30  of  July,  we  sailed  on 
Westward  to  find  out  other  Islands  which  as  yet  we  had  not  found 
12  leagues  and  a halfe,  among  which  there  is  a great  Bay  toward 
the  North  all  full  of  Islands  and  great  creekes,  where  many  good 
harboroughs  seeme  to  be : them  we  named  S.  Marthas  Islands,1 
from  which  about  a league  and  a halfe  further  into  the  sea 
there  is  a dangerous  shallow,  wherein  are  five  rockes,  which  lie 
from  Saint  Marthas  Islands  about  seven  leagues  as  you  passe 
into  the  sayd  Islands,  on  the  East  and  on  the  West  side,  to 
which  we  came  the  sayd  day  an  houre  after  noone,  and  from 
that  houre  untill  midnight  we  sailed  about  fifteene  leagues 
athwart  a cape  of  the  lower  Islands,  which  we  named  S.  Ger- 
mans Islands 2 Southeastward,  from  which  place  about  three 
leagues,  there  is  a very  dangerous  shallow.  Likewise  betweene 
S.  Germans  cape  and  Saint  Marthas,  about  two  leagues  from 
the  sayd  Islands,  there  lyeth  a banke  of  sand,  upon  which  banke 
the  water  is  but  foure  fadome  deepe,  and  therefore  seeing  the 
danger  of  the  coast,  we  strucke  saile  and  went  no  further  that 
night : The  next  day  being  the  last  of  July,  we  went  all  along 
the  coast  that  runneth  East  and  West,  and  somewhat  South- 
easterly which  is  all  environed  about  with  Islands  and  drie 
sands,  and  in  trueth  it  is  very  dangerous.  The  length  from 
S.  Germans  Cape  to  the  said  Islands  is  about  17  leagues  and 
a halfe,  at  the  end  of  which  there  is  a goodly  plot  of  ground 
full  of  huge  and  high  trees,  albeit  the  rest  of  the  coast  be  com- 
passed about  with  sands  without  any  signe  or  shew  of  harbor- 
oughs, till  we  came  to  Cape  Thiennot,3  which  trendeth  North- 
west about  seven  leagues  from  the  foresaid  Islands,  which  Cape 
Thiennot  we  noted  in  our  former  voyage,  and  therefore  we 
sailed  on  all  that  night  West  and  Westnorthwest,  till  it  was  day, 
and  then  the  wind  turned  against  us,  wherefore  we  went  to 
seeke  a haven  wherein  we  might  harbour  our  ships,  and  by 

1 Little  Meccatina  and  the  small  peninsula  opposite,  which  from  the  sea 
have  the  appearance  of  two  islands. 

2 Cape  Whittle  Islands. 

3 By  some  identified  as  Mont  Joli,  but  more  probably  the  reference  is  to 
Natashquan  Point. 


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good  hap,  found  one  fit  for  our  purpose,  about  seven  leagues 
and  a halfe  beyond  Cape  Thiennot,  and  that  we  named  S. 
Nicholas  Haven,1  it  lieth  amidst  4 Islands  that  stretch  into  the 
sea : Upon  the  neerest  wee  for  a token  set  up  a woodden  crosse. 
But  note  by  the  way,  that  this  crosse  must  be  brought  North- 
east, and  then  bending  toward  it,  leave  it  on  the  left  hand  and 
you  shall  find  sixe  fadome  water,  and  within  the  haven  foure. 
Also  you  are  to  take  heede  of  two  shelves  that  leane  outward 
halfe  a league.  All  this  coast  is  full  of  shoulds  and  very  dan- 
gerous, albeit  in  sight  many  good  havens  seeme  to  be  there, 
yet  is  there  nought  else  but  shelves  and  sands.  We  staied 
and  rested  our  selves  in  the  sayd  haven,  until  the  seventh  of 
August  being  Sonday : 2 on  which  day  we  hoysed  sayle,  and 
came  toward  land  on  the  South  side  toward  Cape  Rabast,3 
distant  from  the  sayd  haven  about  twentie  leagues  North- 
northeast,  and  Southsouthwest : but  the  next  day  there  rose 
a stormie  and  a contrary  winde,  and  because  we  could  find  no 
haven  there  toward  the  South,  thence  we  went  coasting  along 
toward  the  North,  beyond  the  abovesayd  haven  about  ten 
leagues,  where  we  found  a goodly  great  gulfe,  full  of  Islands, 
passages,  and  entrances  toward  what  wind  soever  you  please 
to  bend : for  the  knowledge  of  this  gulfe  there  is  a great  Island 
that  is  like  to  a Cape  of  lande,  stretching  somewhat  further 
foorth  than  the  others,  and  about  two  leagues  within  the  land, 
there  is  an  hill  fashioned  as  it  were  an  heape  of  corne.4  We 
named  the  sayd  gulfe  Saint  Laurence  his  bay.5  The  twelfth  of 
the  sayd  moneth  wee  went  from  the  sayd  Saint  Laurence 
his  Bay,  or  gulfe,  sayling  Westward,  and  discovered  a Cape  8 
of  land  toward  the  South,  that  runneth  West  and  by  South, 
distant  from  the  sayd  Saint  Laurence  his  Bay,  about  five  and 
twenty  leagues.  And  of  the  two  wilde  men  which  wee  tooke 
in  our  former  voyage,  it  was  tolde  us,  that  this  was  part  of  the 
Southerne  coaste,  and  that  there  was  an  Island,  on  the  South- 

1 Mushkoniatawee  Bay. 

’Manuscript  5589,  in  Baxter’s  Memoir  of  Jacques  Cartier,  says,  “Sun- 
day, the  eighth  day  of  August,”  which  is  correct. 

3 Cow  Point  on  the  island  of  Anticosti.  4 Mount  St.  Genevieve. 

‘ Pillage  Bay.  8 North  Cape  on  Anticosti  Island. 


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erly  parte  of  which  is  the  way  to  goe  from  Honguedo 1 (where 
the  yeere  before  we  had  taken  them)  to  Canada,  and  that  two 
dayes  journey  from  the  sayd  Cape  and  Island  began  the 
Kingdome  of  Saguenay,  on  the  North  shore  extending  toward 
Canada,  and  about  three  leagues  athwart  the  sayd  Cape,  there 
is  above  a hundreth  fadome  water.  Moreover  I beleeve  that 
there  were  never  so  many  Whales  seen  as  wee  saw  that  day 
about  the  sayd  Cape.  The  next  day  after  being  our  Ladie 
day  of  August  the  fifteenth  of  the  moneth,2  having  passed  the 
Straight,  we  had  notice  of  certaine  lands  that  wee  left  toward 
the  South,  which  landes  are  full  of  very  great  and  high  hills, 
and  this  Cape  wee  named  The  Island  of  the  Assumption,3  and 
one  Cape  of  the  said  high  countreys  lyeth  Eastnortheast, 
and  Westsouthwest,  the  distance  betweene  which  is  abuot  five 
and  twenty  leagues.  The  Countreys  lying  North  may  plainely 
be  perceived  to  be  higher  then  the  Southerly,  more  then 
thirty  leagues  in  length.  We  trended  the  sayd  landes  about 
toward  the  South : from  the  sayd  day  untill  Tewesday  noone 
following,  the  winde  came  West,  and  therefore  wee  bended 
toward  the  North,  purposing  to  goe  and  see  the  land  that  we 
before  had  spied.  Being  arrived  there,  we  found  the  sayd 
landes,  as  it  were  joyned  together,  and  low  toward  the  Sea. 
And  the  Northerly  mountaines  that  are  upon  the  sayd  low 
lands  stretch  East,  and  West,  and  a quarter  of  the  South.4 
Our  wild  men  told  us  that  there  was  the  beginning  of  Sague- 
nay,5 and  that  it  was  land  inhabited,  and  that  thence  commeth 
the  red  Copper,  of  them  named  Caignetdaze.  There  is  betweene 
the  Southerly  lands  and  the  Northerly  about  thirty  leagues  dis- 
tance, and  more  then  two  hundreth  fadome  depth.  The  sayd 
men  did  moreover  certifie  unto  us,  that  there  was  the  way  and 
beginning  of  the  great  river  of  Hochelaga  6 and  ready  way 
to  Canada,  which  river  the  further  it  we,nt  the  narrower  it  came, 
even  unto  Canada,  and  that  then  there  was  fresh  water,  which 
went  so  farre  upwards,  that  they  had  never  heard  of  any  man 

1 Gaspe.  2 The  feast  of  the  Assumption  of  the  Virgin  Mary. 

3 Anticosti. 

4 High  lands  on  the  north  side  of  the  river  near  Cape  des  Monts. 

‘ The  country  westward  from  the  river  of  that  name.  8 St.  Lawrence. 


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who  had  gone  to  the  head  of  it,  and  that  there  is  no  other  pas- 
sage but  with  small  boates.  Our  Captaine  hearing  their  talke, 
and  how  they  did  affirme  no  other  passage  to  be  there,  would 
not  at  that  time  proceede  any  further,  till  he  had  seene  and 
noted  the  other  lands,  and  coast  toward  the  North,  which  he 
had  omitted  to  see  from  S.  Laurence  his  gulfe,  because  he  would 
know,  if  between  the  lands  toward  the  North  any  passage 
might  be  discovered.1 

How  our  Captaine  caused  the  ships  to  returne  backe  againe, 
only  to  know  if  in  Saint  Laurence  gulfe  there  were 
any  passage  toward  the  North. 

Chap.  2 

Upon  the  18  of  August  being  Wednesday,  our  Captaine 
caused  his  shippes  to  wind  backe,  and  bend  toward  the  other 
shore,  so  that  we  trended  the  said  Northerly  cost,  which  runneth 
Northeast  and  Southwest,  being  fashioned  like  unto  halfe  a 
bowe,  and  is  a very  high  land,  but  yet  not  so  high  as  that  on 
the  South  parts.  The  Thursday  following  we  came  to  seven 
very  high  Islands,  which  we  named  The  round  Islands.2 
These  Islands  are  distant  from  the  South  shore  about  40  leagues, 
and  stretch  out  into  the  sea  about  3 or  4 leagues.  Against 
these  there  are  goodly  low  grounds  to  be  seene  full  of  goodly 
trees,  which  we  the  Friday  following,  with  our  boats  compassed 
about.  Overthwart  these  lands  there  are  divers  sandy  shelves 
more  then  two  leagues  into  the  sea,  very  dangerous,  which  at  a 
low  water  remaine  almost  dry.  At  the  furthest  bounds  of 
these  lowe  lands,  that  containe  about  ten  leagues,  there  is  a 
river  of  fresh  water,3  that  with  such  swiftnesse  runneth  into  the 
sea,  that  for  the  space  of  one  league  within  it  the  water  is  as 
fresh  as  any  fountaine  water.  We  with  our  boates  entred 
in  the  sayd  river,  at  the  entrance  of  which  we  found  about  one 

1 The  northwest  passage  to  the  Indies  Cartier  seems  to  have  had  chiefly 
in  mind  in  his  work  of  discovery. 

2 The  Seven  Islands. 


3 Trout  River. 


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fadome  and  a halfe  of  water.  There  are  in  this  river  many 
fishes  shaped  like  horses,  which  as  our  wild  men  told  us,  all  the 
day  long  lie  in  the  water,  and  the  night  on  land : of  which  we 
saw  therin  a great  number.1  The  next  day  being  the  21  of 
the  moneth,  by  breake  of  day  we  hoysed  saile,  and  sailed  so 
long  along  the  said  coast,  that  we  had  sight  of  the  rest  of  the 
sayd  Northerne  coast,  which  as  yet  we  had  not  seene,  and  of  the 
Island  of  the  Assumption  which  wee  went  to  discover,  depart- 
ing from  the  sayd  land : which  thing  so  soone  as  we  had  done, 
and  that  we  were  certified  no  other  passage  to  be  there,  we 
came  to  our  ships  againe,  which  we  had  left  at  the  said  Islands, 
where  is  a good  harborough,  the  water  being  about  nine  or  ten 
fadome.  In  the  same  place  by  occasion  of  contrary  winds 
and  foggie  mists,  we  were  constrained  to  stay,  not  being  either 
able  to  come  out  of  it,  or  hoise  saile,  till  the  24  of  the  moneth : 
On  which  day  we  departed  and  came  to  a haven  on  the  South- 
erly coast  about  80  leagues  from  the  said  Islands.  This  haven 
is  over  against  three  flat  Islands  that  lie  amidst  the  river,  be- 
cause on  the  midway  betweene  those  Islands,  and  the  sayd 
haven  toward  the  North,  there  is  a very  great  river  that  run- 
neth betweene  the  high  and  low  landes,  and  more  then  three 
leagues  into  the  sea  it  hath  many  shelves,  and  there  is  not  alto- 
gether two  fadome  water,  so  that  the  place  is  very  danger- 
ous : and  neere  unto  the  said  shelves,  there  is  either  fifteene  or 
20  fadomes  from  shore  to  shore.  All  the  Northerly  coaste  run- 
neth Northeast  and  by  North,  and  Southwest  and  by  South. 
The  said  haven  wherin  we  stayed  on  the  South  side,  is  as  it 
were  but  a sluce  of  the  waters  that  rise  by  the  flood,  and  but  of 
smal  accompt:  we  named  them  S.  Johns  Islets,2  because  we 
found  them,  and  entred  into  them  the  day  of  the  beheading  of 
that  Saint.  And  before  you  come  to  the  said  haven,  there  is 
an  Island  lying  Eastward  about  5 leagues  distant  from  the 
same : betweene  which  and  the  land  there  is  no  passage  saving 
only  for  smal  boats.  The  haven  of  S.  Johns  Islets  dryeth  up 
all  the  waters  that  rise  by  flowing,  although  they  flow  two  fad- 


1 The  walrus. 


2 Bic  Islands. 


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ome  at  the  least.  The  best  place  to  harborough  ships  therein 
is  on  the  South  part  of  a little  Island  that  is  over  against  the 
said  haven,  whereby  the  bancke  or  shore  of  the  Island  riseth. 
Upon  the  first  of  September  we  departed  out  of  the  said  haven, 
purposing  to  go  toward  Canada ; and  about  15  leagues  from  it 
toward  the  West,  and  Westsouthwest,  amidst  the  river,  there 
are  three  Islands,  over  against  the  which  there  is  a river  1 
which  runneth  swift,  and  is  of  a great  depth,  and  it  is  that  which 
leadeth,  and  runneth  into  the  countrey  and  kingdome  of  Sague- 
nay, as  by  the  two  wild  men  of  Canada  it  was  told  us.  This 
river  passeth  and  runneth  along  very  high  and  steepe  hils  of 
bare  stone,  where  very  little  earth  is,  and  notwithstanding  there 
is  great  quantity  of  sundry  sorts  of  trees  that  grow  in  the  said 
bare  stones,  even  as  upon  good  and  fertile  ground,  in  such  sort 
that  we  have  seene  some  so  great  as  wel  would  suffise  to  make 
a mast  for  a ship  of  30  tunne  burden,  and  as  greene  as  possibly 
can  be,  growing  in  a stony  rocke  without  any  earth  at  all. 
At  the  entrance  of  the  sayd  river  we  met  with  4 boats  ful  of 
wild  men,  which  as  far  as  we  could  perceive,  very  fearfully 
came  toward  us,  so  that  some  of  them  went  backe  againe, 
and  the  other  came  as  neere  us  as  easily  they  might  heare  and 
understand  one  of  our  wild  men,  who  told  them  his  name, 
and  then  tooke  acquaintance  of  them,  upon  whose  word  they 
came  to  us.  The  next  day  being  the  2 of  September,  we  came 
out  of  the  sayd  river  to  go  to  Canada,  and  by  reason  of  the  seas 
flowing,  the  tide  was  very  swift  and  dangerous,  for  that  on  the 
South  part  of  it  there  lie  two  Islands,  about  which,  more  then 
three  leagues  compasse,  lie  many  rocks  and  great  stones,  and 
but  two  fadome  water:  and  the  flowing  amidst  those  Islands 
is  very  unconstant  and  doubtful,  so  that  if  it  had  not  bene 
for  our  boats,  we  had  been  in  great  danger  to  lose  our  Pinnesse : 
and  coasting  along  the  said  drie  sands,  there  is  more  then 
30  fadom  water. 

About  five  leagues  beyond  the  river  of  Saguenay  Southwest, 
there  is  another  Hand 2 on  the  Northside,  wherein  are  certaine 


1 Saguenay  River. 


2 Hare  Island. 


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high  lands,  and  thereabouts  we  thought  to  have  cast  anker, 
on  purpose  to  stay  the  next  tide,  but  we  could  sound  no  ground 
in  a 120  fadome,  within  a flight  shoot  from  shore,  so  that  we 
were  constrained  to  winde  backe  to  the  said  Hand,  where  wee 
sounded  againe  and  found  35  fadome.  The  next  morning  we 
hoysed  saile  and  went  thence,  sayling  further  on,  where  we  had 
notice  of  a certaine  kind  of  fish  never  before  of  any  man  seene 
or  knowen.  They  are  about  the  bignesse  of  a porpose,  yet 
nothing  like  them,  of  body  very  well  proportioned,  headed  like 
Grayhounds,  altogither  as  white  as  snow  without  any  spot, 
within  which  river  there  is  great  quantitie  of  them : they  doe 
live  altogither  betweene  the  Sea  and  the  fresh  water.  These 
people  of  the  Countrey  call  them  Adhothuys,1  they  tolde  us 
that  they  be  very  savory  and  good  to  be  eaten.  Moreover  they 
afirrme  none  to  be  found  elsewhere  but  in  the  mouth  of  that 
river.  The  sixth  of  the  month,  the  weather  being  calme 
and  faire,  we  went  about  15  leagues  more  upward  into  the  river, 
and  there  lighted  on  an  Hand  that  looketh  Northward,  and  it 
maketh  a little  haven  or  creeke  wherein  are  many  and  innu- 
merable great  Tortoyzes,  continually  lying  about  that  Hand. 
There  are  likewise  great  quantitie  of  the  said  Adhothuys 
taken  by  the  inhabitours  of  the  countrey,  and  there  is  as  great 
a current  in  that  place  as  is  at  Bordeux  in  France  at  every  tide. 
This  Hand  is  in  length  about  three  leagues,  and  in  bredth  two, 
and  is  a goodly  and  fertile  plot  of  ground,  replenished  with  many 
goodly  and  great  trees  of  many  sorts.  Among  the  rest  there 
are  many  Filberd-trees,  which  we  found  hanging  full  of  them, 
somewhat  bigger  and  better  in  savour  then  ours,  but  somewhat 
harder,  and  therefore  we  called  it  The  Hand  of  Filberds.2 
The  seventh  of  the  moneth  being  our  Ladies  even,3  after  service 
we  went  from  that  Hand  to  goe  up  higher  into  the  river,  and 
came  to  14  Hands  seven  or  eight  leagues  from  the  Hand  of  Fil- 
berds, where  the  countrey  of  Canada  beginneth,  one  of  which 
Hands  is  ten  leagues  in  length,  and  five  in  bredth,  greatly  in- 
habited of  such  men  as  onely  live  by  fishing  of  such  sorts  of 

1 The  narwhal.  2 Hazelnuts 

3 The  Nativity  of  the  Virgin  is  celebrated  on  September  8. 


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fishes  as  the  river  affordeth,  according  to  the  season  of  them. 
After  we  had  cast  anker  betwene  the  said  great  Hand/  and 
the  Northerly  coast,  we  went  on  land  and  tooke  our  two  wild 
men  with  us,  meeting  with  many  of  these  countrey  people, 
who  would  not  at  all  appro  ch  unto  us,  but  rather  fled  from  us, 
untill  our  two  men  began  to  speake  unto  them,  telling  them 
that  they  were  Taignoagny  and  Domagaia,  who  so  soone  as 
they  had  taken  acquaintance  of  them,  beganne  greatly  to  re- 
joy ce,  dancing  and  shewing  many  sorts  of  ceremonies:  and 
many  of  the  chiefest  of  them  came  to  our  boats  and  brought 
many  Eeles  and  other  sorts  of  fishes,  with  two  or  three  burdens 
of  great  Millet  wherewith  they  make  their  bread,  and  many 
great  muske  millions.2  The  same  day  came  also  many  other 
boates  full  of  those  countreymen  and  weomen,  to  see  and 
take  acquaintance  of  our  two  men,  all  which  were  as  courte- 
ously received  and  friendly  entertained  of  our  Captaine,  as 
possibly  could  be.  And  to  have  them  the  better  acquainted 
with  him,  and  make  them  his  friends,  hee  gave  them  many 
small  gifts,  but  of  small  value : neverthelesse  they  were  greatly 
contented  with  them.  The  next  day  following,  the  Lord  of 
Canada  (whose  proper  name  was  Donnacona,  but  by  the  name 
of  Lord  they  call  him  Agouhanna)  with  twelve  boats  came  to 
our  ships,  accompanied  with  many  people,  who  causing  ten  of 
his  boates  to  goe  backe  with  the  other  two,  approched  unto  us 
with  sixteene  men.  Then  beganne  the  said  Agouhanna  over 
against  the  smallest  of  our  ships,  according  to  their  maner  and 
fashion,  to  frame  a long  Oration,  mooving  all  his  bodie  and 
members  after  a strange  fashion,  which  thing  is  a ceremonie 
and  signe  of  gladnesse  and  securitie  among  them,  and  then 
comming  to  the  Generals  ship,  where  Taignoagny  and  Doma- 
gaia were,  he  spake  with  them  and  they  with  him,  where  they 
began  to  tell  and  shew  unto  him  what  they  had  seene  in  France, 
and  what  good  entertainement  they  had  had:  hearing  which 
things  the  said  Lord  seemed  to  be  very  glad  thereof,  and  prayed 
our  Captaine  to  reach  him  his  arme,  that  he  might  kisse  it, 

1 Isle  of  Orleans.  Cartier’s  estimate  of  its  size  is  too  large. 

2 Pumpkins. 


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which  thing  he  did : their  Lord  taking  it,  laid  it  about  his  necke, 
for  so  they  use  to  doe  when  they  will  make  much  of  one.  Then 
our  Captaine  entred  into  Agouhannas  boat,  causing  bread  and 
wine  to  be  brought  to  make  the  said  Lord  and  his  companie 
to  eate  and  drinke,  which  thing  they  did,  and  were  greatly 
thereby  contented  and  satisfied.  Our  Captaine  for  that  time 
gave  them  nothing,  because  he  looked  for  a fitter  opportunity. 
These  things  being  done,  ech  one  tooke  leave  of  others,  and  the 
said  Lord  went  with  his  boats  againe  to  his  place  of  abode. 
Our  Captaine  then  caused  our  boates  to  be  set  in  order,  that 
with  the  next  tide  he  might  goe  up  higher  into  the  river,  to 
find  some  safe  harborough  for  our  ships : and  we  passed  up  the 
river  against  the  streame  about  tenne  leagues,  coasting  the 
said  Hand,  at  the  end  whereof,  we  found  a goodly  and  pleasant 
sound,  where  is  a little  river  and  haven,  where  by  reason  of  the 
flood  there  is  about  three  fadome  water.  This  place  seemed  to 
us  very  fit  and  commodious  to  harbour  our  ships  therein,  and 
so  we  did  very  safely,  we  named  it  the  holy  Crosse,1  for  on 
that  day  2 we  came  thither.  Neere  unto  it,  there  is  a village, 
whereof  Donnacona  is  Lord,  and  there  he  keepeth  his  abode: 
it  is  called  Stadacona,3  as  goodly  a plot  of  ground  as  possibly 
may  be  seene,  and  therewithall  very  fruitfull,  full  of  goodly  trees 
even  as  in  France,  as  Okes,  Elmes,  Ashes,  Walnut  trees,  Maple 
tres,  Cydrons,  Vines,  and  white  Thornes,  that  bring  foorth 
fruit  as  bigge  as  any  damsons,  and  many  other  sortes  of  trees, 
under  which  groweth  as  faire  tall  hempe,  as  any  in  France, 
without  any  seede  or  any  mans  worke  or  labour  at  all.  Having 
considered  the  place,  and  finding  it  fit  for  our  purpose,  our 
Captaine  withdrew  himself e on  purpose  to  returne  to  our  ships : 
but  behold,  as  we  were  comming  out  of  the  river  we  met  com- 
ming  against  us  one  of  the  Lords  of  the  said  village  of  Stadacona, 
accompanied  with  many  others,  as  men,  weomen,  and  children, 
who  after  the  fashion  of  their  country,  in  signe  of  mirth  and 
joy,  began  to  make  a long  Oration,  the  women  still  singing  and 
dancing  up  to  the  knees  in  water.  Our  Captaine  knowing 


1 St.  Charles. 


3 I.e.,  September  14. 


3 Present  site  of  Quebec. 


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[1535 


their  good  will  and  kindnesse  toward  us,  caused  the  boat 
wherein  they  were,  to  come  unto  him,  and  gave  them  certaine 
trifles,  as  knives,  and  beades  of  glasse,  whereat  they  were 
marvellous  glad,  for  being  gone  about  leagues  from  them, 
for  the  pleasure  they  conceived  of  our  comming  we  might 
heare  them  sing,  and  see  them  dance  for  all  they  were  so  farre. 


How  our  Captaine  went  to  see  and  note  the  bignesse  of  the 
Hand,  and  the  nature  of  it,  and  then  returned  to  the 
ships,  causing  them  to  be  brought  to  the  river  of  The 
holy  Crosse. 


Chap.  3 

After  we  were  come  with  our  boats  unto  our  ships  againe, 
our  Captaine  caused  our  barks  to  be  made  readie  to  goe  on 
land  in  the  said  Hand,  to  note  the  trees  that  in  shew  seemed 
so  faire,  and  to  consider  the  nature  and  qualitie  of  it : which 
things  we  did,  and  found  it  full  of  goodly  trees  like  to  ours. 
Also  we  saw  many  goodly  Vines,  a thing  not  before  of  us  seene 
in  those  countries,  and  therefore  we  named  it  Bacchus  Hand.1 
It  is  in  length  about  twelve  leagues,  in  sight  very  pleasant, 
but  full  of  woods,  no  part  of  it  manured,  unlesse  it  be  in  cer- 
taine places,  where  a few  cottages  be  for  Fishers  dwellings  as 
before  we  have  said.  The  next  day  we  departed  with  our 
ships  to  bring  them  to  the  place  of  the  holy  Crosse,  and  on  the 
14  of  that  moneth  we  came  thither,  and  the  Lord  Donnacona, 
Taignoagny,  and  Domagaia,  with  25  boats  full  of  those  people, 
came  to  meete  us,  comming  from  the  place  whence  we  were 
come,  and  going  toward  Stadacona,  where  their  abiding  is, 
and  all  came  to  our  ships,  shewing  sundry  and  divers  gestures 
of  gladnesse  and  mirth,  except  those  two  that  he  had  brought, 
to  wit,  Taignoagny,  and  Domagaia,  who  seemed  to  have  altered 
and  changed  their  mind,  and  purpose,  for  by  no  meanes  they 

1 The  Isle  of  Orleans.  Cartier’s  estimate  of  its  size,  here  as  above,  is 
too  large. 


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49 


would  come  unto  our  ships,  albeit  sundry  times  they  were 
earnestly  desired  to  doe  it,  whereupon  we  began  to  mistrust 
somewhat.  Our  Captaine  asked  them  if  according  to  promise 
they  would  go  with  him  to  Hochelaga?  They  answered  yea, 
for  so  they  had  purposed,  and  then  ech  one  withdrew7  himselfe. 
The  next  day  being  the  fifteenth  of  the  moneth,  our  Captaine 
went  on  shore,  to  cause  certaine  poles  and  piles  to  be  driven 
into  the  water,  and  set  up,  that  the  better  and  safelier  we  might 
harbour  our  ships  there:  and  many  of  those  countrey  people 
came  to  meete  us  there,  among  whom  was  Donnacona  and  our 
two  men,  wifh.  the  rest  of  their  company,  who  kept  themselves 
aside  under  a point  or  nooke  of  land  that  is  upon  the  shore  of  a 
certaine  river,  and  no  one  of  them  came  unto  us  as  the  other 
did  that  were  not  on  their  side.  Our  Captaine  understanding 
that  they  wrere  there  commanded  part  of  our  men  to  follow 
him,  and  he  went  to  the  saide  point  where  he  found  the  said 
Donnacona,  Taignoagny,  Domagaia,  and  divers  other:  and 
after  salutations  given  on  ech  side,  Taignoagny  setled  himselfe 
formost  to  speake  to  our  Captaine,  saying  that  the  Lord  Don- 
nacona did  greatly  grieve  and  sorrow  that  our  Captaine  and 
his  men  did  weare  warlike  weapons,  and  they  not.  Our  Cap- 
taine answered,  that  albeit  it  did  greeve  them  yet  would  not  he 
leave  them  off,  and  that  (as  he  knew)  it  was  the  maner  of 
France.  But  for  all  these  words  our  Captaine  and  Donnacona 
left  not  off  to  speake  one  to  another,  and  friendly  to  enter- 
taine  one  another.  Then  did  we  perceive,  that  whatsoever 
Taignoagny  spake,  was  onely  long  of  himselfe  and  of  his  fellow 
for  that  before  they  departed  thence  our  Captaine  and  Donna- 
cona entrecl  into  a marvellous  stedfast  league  of  friendship, 
whereupon  all  his  people  at  once  with  a loude  voyce,  cast  out 
three  great  cryes,  (a  horrible  thing  to  heare)  and  each  one  hav- 
ing taken  leave  of  the  other  for  that  day,  we  went  aboord 
againe.  The  day  following  we  brought  our  two  great  shippes 
within  the  river  and  harborough,  vrhere  the  waters  being  at  the 
highest,  are  three  fadome  deepe,  and  at  the  lowest,  but  halfe 
a fadome.  We  left  our  Pinnesse  without  the  road  to  the  end 
we  might  bring  it  to  Hochelaga.  So  soone  as  we  had  safely 


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[1535 


placed  our  ships,  behold  we  saw  Donnacona,  Taignoagny  and 
Domagaia,  with  more  then  five  hundred  persons,  men,  women 
and  children,  and  the  said  Lord  with  ten  or  twelve  of  the  chief est 
of  the  countrey  came  aboord  of  our  ships,  who  were  all  cour- 
teously received,  and  friendly  entertained  both  of  our  Cap- 
taine  and  of  us  all : and  divers  gifts  of  small  value  were  given 
them.  Then  did  Taignoagny  tell  our  Captaine,  that  his  Lord 
did  greatly  sorrow  that  he  would  go  to  Hochelaga,  and  that  he 
would  not  by  any  meanes  permit  that  any  of  them  should  goe 
with  him,  because  the  river  was  of  no  importance.  Our  Cap- 
taine answered  him,  that  for  all  his  saying,  he  would  not  leave 
off  his  going  thither,  if  by  any  meanes  it  were  possible,  for 
that  he  was  commanded  by  his  king  to  goe  as  farre  as 
possibly  he  could : and  that  if  he  (that  is  to  say  Taignoagny) 
would  goe  with  him,  as  he  had  promised,  he  should  be  very 
well  entertained,  beside  that,  he  should  have  such  a gift 
given  him,  as  he  should  well  content  himselfe:  for  he 
should  doe  nothing  else  but  goe  with  him  to  Hochelaga 
and  come  againe.  To  whom  Taignoagny  answered,  that 
he  would  not  by  any  meanes  goe,  and  thereupon  they  sodainly 
returned  to  their  houses.  The  next  day  being  the  17  of  Sep- 
tember, Donnacona  and  his  company  returned  even  as  at  the 
first,  and  brought  with  him  many  Eeles,  with  sundry  sorts  of 
other  fishes,  whereof  they  take  great  store  in  the  said  river, 
as  more  largely  hereafter  shall  be  shewed.  And  as  soone  as 
they  were  come  to  our  ships,  according  to  their  wonted  use  they 
beganne  to  sing  and  dance.  This  done,  Donnacona  caused  all 
his  people  to  be  set  on  the  one  side : then  making  a round  circle 
upon  the  sand  he  caused  our  Captaine  with  all  his  people  to 
enter  thereinto,  then  he  began  to  make  a long  Oration,  holding 
in  one  of  his  hands  a maiden  child  of  ten  or  twelve  yeeres  old, 
which  he  presented  unto  our  Captaine : then  sodainly  beganne 
all  his  people  to  make  three  great  shreeks,  or  howles,  in  signe 
of  joy  and  league  of  friendship : presently  upon  that  he  did 
present  unto  him  two  other  young  male  children  one  after 
another,  but  younger  then  the  other,  at  the  giving  of  which 
even  as  before  they  gave  out  shreeks  and  howles  very  loud; 


1535] 


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51 


with  other  cerimonies : for  which  presents,  our  Captaine,  gave 
the  saide  Lorde  great  and  hearty  thankes.  Then  Taignoagny 
told  our  Captaine,  that  one  of  the  children  was  his  owne  brother, 
and  that  the  maiden  child  was  daughter  unto  the  said  Lords 
owne  sister,  and  the  presents  were  only  given  him  to  the  end 
he  should  not  goe  to  Hochelaga  at  all : to  whom  our  Captaine 
answered,  that  if  they  were  only  given  him  to  that  intent,  if 
so  he  would,  he  should  take  them  againe,  for  that  by  no  meanes 
he  would  leave  his  going  off,  for  as  much  as  he  was  so  com- 
manded of  his  King.  But  concerning  this,  Domagaia  told  our 
Captaine  that  their  Lord  had  given  him  those  children  as  a 
signe  and  token  of  goodwill  and  security,  and  that  he  was  con- 
tented to  goe  with  him  to  Hochelaga,  upon  which  talke  great 
wordes  arose  betweene  Taignoagny  and  Domagaia,  by  which 
we  plainely  perceived  that  Taignoagny  was  but  a crafty  knave, 
and  that  he  intended  but  mischief e and  treason,  as  well  by 
this  deede  as  others  that  we  by  him  had  seene.  After  that  our 
Captaine  caused  the  said  children  to  be  put  in  our  ships,  and 
caused  two  Swords  and  two  copper  Basons,  the  one  wrought, 
the  other  plaine,  to  be  brought  unto  him,  and  them  he  gave 
to  Donnacona,  who  was  therewith  greatly  contented,  yeelding 
most  heartie  thankes  unto  our  Captaine  for  them,  and  presently 
upon  that  he  commanded  all  his  people  to  sing  and  dance,  and 
desired  our  Captaine  to  cause  a peece  of  artillerie  to  be  shot 
off,  because  Taignoagny  and  Domagaia  made  great  brags  of 
it,  and  had  told  them  marvellous  things,  and  also,  because 
they  had  never  heard  nor  seene  any  before : to  whom  our  Cap- 
taine answered,  that  he  was  content : and  by  and  by  he  com- 
manded his  men  to  shoot  off  twelve  cannons  charged  with  bul- 
lets into  the  wood  that  was  hard  by  those  people  and  ships, 
at  whose  noyse  they  were  greatly  astonished  and  amazed, 
for  they  thought  that  heaven  had  fallen  upon  them,  and  put 
themselves  to  flight,  howling,  crying,  and  shreeking,  so  that  it 
seemed  hell  was  broken  loose.  But  before  we  went  thence, 
Taignoagny  caused  other  men  to  tell  us,  that  those  men  which 
we  had  left  in  our  Pinnesse  in  the  road,  had  slaine  two  men 
of  their  company,  with  a peece  of  ordinance  that  they  had  shot 


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[1535 


off,  whereupon  the  rest  had  put  themselves  all  to  flight,  as 
though  they  should  all  have  bene  slaine : which  afterward  we 
found  untrue,  because  our  men  had  not  shot  off  any  peece  at 
all  that  day. 

How  Donnacona  and  Taignoagny  with  others,  devised  a prettie 
sleight  or  pollicie : for  they  caused  three  of  their  men 
to  be  attired  like  Divels,  fayning  themselves  to  be 
sent  from  their  God  Cudruaigny,  onely  to  hinder  our 
voyage  to  Hochelaga. 

Chap.  4 

The  next  day  being  the  eighteenth  of  September,  these  men 
still  endeavoured  themselves  to  seeke  all  meanes  possible  to 
hinder  and  let  our  going  to  Hochelaga,  and  devised  a prettie 
guile,  as  hereafter  slialbe  shewed.  They  went  and  dressed 
three  men  like  Divels,  being  wrapped  in  dogges  skinnes  white 
and  blacke,  their  faces  besmeered  as  blacke  as  any  coales, 
with  homes  on  their  heads  more  then  a yard  long,  and  caused 
them  secretly  to  be  put  in  one  of  their  boates,  but  came  not 
neere  our  ships  as  they  were  wont  to  doe,  for  they  lay  hidden 
within  the  wood  for  the  space  of  two  houres,  looking  for  the 
tide,  to  the  end  the  boat  wherein  the  Divels  were,  might  ap- 
proach and  come  neere  us,  which  when  time  was,  came,  and  all 
the  rest  issued  out  of  the  wood  comming  to  us,  but  yet  not  so 
neere  as  they  were  wont  to  do.  There  began  Taignoagny 
to  salute  our  Captaine,  who  asked  him  if  he  would  have  the 
boate  to  come  for  him ; he  answered,  not  for  that  time,  but  after 
a while  he  would  come  unto  our  ships:  then  presently  came 
that  boat  rushing  out,  wherein  the  three  counterfeit  Divels 
were  with  such  long  homes  on  their  heads,  and  the  middle- 
most came  making  a long  Oration  and  passed  along  our  ships 
with  out  turning  or  looking  toward  us,  but  with  the  boat  went 
toward  the  land.  Then  did  Donnacona  with  all  his  people  pur- 
sue them,  and  lay  hold  on  the  boat  and  Divels,  who  so  soone 
as  the  men  were  come  to  them,  fell  prostrate  in  the  boate, 


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53 


even  as  if  they  had  beene  dead : then  were  they  taken  up  and 
carried  into  the  wood,  being  but  a stones  cast  off,  then  every 
one  withdrew  himselfe  into  the  wood,  not  one  staying  behind 
with  us,  where  being,  they  began  to  make  a long  discourse, 
so  loud  that  we  might  heare  them  in  our  ships,  which  lasted 
about  halfe  an  houre,  and  being  ended  we  began  to  espie  Taigno- 
agnyand  Domagaia  comming  towards  us,  holding  their  hands 
upward  joyned  together,  carying  their  hats  under  their  upper 
garment,  shewing  a great  admiration,  and  Taignoagny  looking 
up  to  heaven,  cryed  three  times  Jesus,  Jesus,  Jesus,  and  Dom- 
agaia doing  as  his  fellow  had  done  before,  cryed,  Jesus  Maria, 
James  Cartier.  Our  Captaine  hearing  them,  and  seeing  their 
gestures  and  ceremonies,  asked  of  them  what  they  ailed,  and 
what  was  happened  or  chanced  anew;  they  answered,  that 
there  were  very  ill  ty dings  befallen,  saying  in  French,  Nenni 
est  il  bon,  that  is  to  say,  it  was  not  good : our  Captaine  asked 
them  againe  what  it  was,  then  answered  they,  that  their  God 
Cuclruaigny  had  spoken  in  Hochelaga : and  that  he  had  sent 
those  three  men  to  shewe  unto  them  that  there  was  so  much 
yce  and  snow  in  that  countrey,  that  whosoever  went  thither 
should  die,  which  wordes  when  we  heard,  we  laughed  and  mocked 
them  saying,  that  their  God  Cudruaigny  was  but  a foole  and  a 
noddie,  for  he  knew  not  what  he  did  or  said:  then  bade  we 
them  shew  his  messengers  from  us,  that  Christ  would  defend 
them  from  all  colde,  if  they  would  beleeve  in  him.  Then  did 
they  aske  of  our  Captaine  if  he  had  spoken  with  Jesus:  he 
answered  no,  but  that  his  Priests  had,  and  that  he  told  them 
they  should  have  faire  weather : which  wordes  when  they  had 
heard,  they  thanked  our  Captaine,  and  departed  toward  the 
wood  to  tell  those  newes  unto  their  felowes,  who  sodainly  came 
all  rushing  out  of  the  wood,  seeming  to  be  very  glad  for  those 
words  that  our  Captaine  had  spoken,  and  to  shew  that  thereby 
they  had  had,  and  felt  great  joy,  so  soone  as  they  were  before 
our  ships,  they  altogether  gave  out  three  great  shreekes,  and 
thereupon  beganne  to  sing  and  dance,  as  they  were  wont  to 
doe.  But  for  a resolution  of  the  matter  Taignoagny  and 
Domagaia  tolde  our  Captaine,  that  their  Lord  Donnacona 


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[1535 


would  by  no  meanes  permit  that  any  of  them  should  goe  with 
him  to  Hochelaga  unlesse  he  would  leave  him  some  hostage  to 
stay  with  him : our  Captaine  answered  them,  that  if  they  would 
not  goe  with  him  with  a good  will,  they  should  stay,  and  that 
for  all  them  he  would  not  leave  off  his  journey  thither. 


How  our  Captaine  with  all  his  Gentlemen  and  fiftie  Mariners 
departed  with  our  Pinnesse,  and  the  two  boates  from 
Canada  to  goe  to  Hochelaga:  and  also  there  is  de- 
scribed, what  was  seene  by  the  way  upon  the  said 
river. 

Chap.  5 

The  next  day  being  the  19  of  September  we  hoysed  saile, 
and  with  our  Pinnesse  and  two  boates  departed  to  goe  up  the 
river  with  the  flood,  where  on  both  shores  of  it  we  beganne  to 
see  as  goodly  a countrey  as  possibly  can  with  eye  be  seene,  all 
replenished  with  very  goodly  trees,  and  Vines  laden  as  full  of 
grapes  as  could  be  all  along  the  river,  which  rather  seemed  to 
have  bin  planted  by  mans  hand  than  otherwise.  True  it  is,  that 
because  they  are  not  dressed  and  wrought  as  they  should  be, 
their  bunches  of  grapes  are  not  so  great  nor  sweete  as  ours; 
also  we  sawe  all  along  the  river  many  houses  inhabited  of 
Fishers,  which  take  all  kindes  of  fishes,  and  they  came  with 
as  great  familiaritie  and  kindnesse  unto  us,  as  if  we  had  beene 
their  Countreymen,  and  brought  us  great  store  of  fish,  with 
other  such  things  as  they  had,  which  we  exchanged  with  them 
for  other  wares,  who  lifting  up  their  hands  toward  heaven, 
gave  many  signes  of  joy : we  stayed  at  a place  called  Hochelai,1 
about  five  and  twentie  leagues  from  Canada,  where  the  river 
waxeth  very  narrow,  and  runneth  very  swift,  wherefore  it  is 
very  dangerous,  not  onely  for  that,  but  also  for  certaine  great 
stones  that  are  therein : Many  boates  and  barkes  came  unto  us, 
in  one  of  which  came  one  of  the  chiefe  Lords  of  the  countrey, 

1 Champlain  says  that  this  place  was  fifteen  leagues  from  Quebec. 


1535] 


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55 


making  a long  discourse,  who  being  come  neere  us,  did  by  evi- 
dent signes  and  gestures  shew  us,  that  the  higher  the  river 
went,  the  more  dangerous  it  was,  and  bade  us  take  heede  of  our 
selves.  The  said  Lord  presented  and  gave  unto  our  Captaine 
two  of  his  owne  children,  of  which  our  Captaine  tooke  one  being 
a wench  of  7 or  8 yeres  old,  the  man  child  he  gave  him  againe, 
because  it  was  too  yong,  for  it  was  but  two  or  three  yeeres  old. 
Our  Captaine  as  friendly  and  as  courteously  as  he  could  did 
entertaine  and  receive  the  said  Lord  and  his  company,  giving 
them  certaine  small  trifles,  and  so  they  departed  toward  the 
shore  againe.  Afterwards  the  sayd  Lord  and  his  wife  came 
unto  Canada  to  visite  his  daughter,  bringing  unto  our  Captaine 
certaine  small  presents.  From  the  nineteenth  untill  the  eight 
and  twentieth  of  September,  we  sailed  up  along  the  saide  river, 
never  losing  one  houre  of  time,  all  which  time  we  saw  as  goodly 
and  pleasant  a countrey  as  possibly  can  be  wished  for,  full  (as 
we  have  said  before)  of  all  sorts  of  goodly  trees,  that  is  to  say, 
Okes,  Elmes,  Walnut-trees,  Cedars,  Firres,  Ashes,  Boxe, 
Willowes,  and  great  store  of  Vines,  all  as  full  of  grapes  as  could 
be,  so  that  if  any  of  our  fellowes  went  on  shore,  they  came  home 
laden  with  them:  there  are  likewise  many  Cranes,  Swannes, 
Geese,  Duckes,  Feasants,  Partriges,  Thrushes,  Blackbirds, 
Turtles,  Finches,  Redbreasts,  Nightingales,  Sparrowes  of  di- 
verse kindes,  with  many  other  sorts  of  Birds,  even  as  in  France, 
and  great  plentie  and  store.  Upon  the  28  of  September  we 
came  to  a great  wide  lake 1 in  the  middle  of  the  river  five  or  sixe 
leagues  broad,  and  twelve  long,  all  that  day  we  went  against 
the  tide,  having  but  two  fadome  water,  still  keeping  the  sayd 
scantling : being  come  to  one  of  the  heads  of  the  lake,  we  could 
espie  no  passage  or  going  out,  nay,  rather  it  seemed  to 
have  bene  closed  and  shut  up  round  about,  and  there  was  but 
a fadome  and  an  halfe  of  water,  little  more  or  lesse.  And  there- 
fore we  were  constrayned  to  cast  anker,  and  to  stay  with  our 
Pinnesse,  and  went  with  our  two  boates  to  seeke  some  going  out, 
and  in  one  place  we  found  foure  or  five  branches,  which  out  of 

1 St.  Peter’s  Lake.  Hakluyt  in  the  margin  gives  it  the  name  of  “ The 
lake  of  Angolesme.” 


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[1535 


the  river  come  into  the  lake,  and  they  came  from  Hoche- 
laga.  But  in  the  said  branches,  because  of  the  great  fierce- 
nesse  and  swiftnesse  wherewith  they  breake  out,  and  the  course 
of  the  water,  they  make  certaine  barres  and  shoulds,  and  at 
that  time  there  was  but  a fadome  water.  Those  Shouldes 
being  passed,  we  found  foure  or  five  fadome,  and  as  farre  as  we 
could  perceive  by  the  flood,  it  was  that  time  of  the  yeere  that 
the  waters  are  lowest,  for  at  other  times  they  flowe  higher  by 
three  fadomes.  All  these  foure  or  five  branches  do  compasse 
about  five  or  sixe  Hands  very  pleasant,  which  make  the  head 
of  the  lake:  about  fifteene  leagues  beyond,  they  doe  all  come 
into  one.  That  day  we  landed  in  one  of  the  saide  Islands, 
and  met  with  five  men  that  were  hunting  of  wilde  beastes, 
who  as  freely  and  familiarly  came  to  our  boates  without  any 
feare,  as  if  we  had  ever  bene  brought  up  togither.  Our  boates 
being  somewhat  neere  the  shore,  one  of  them  tooke  our  Cap- 
taine  in  his  armes,  and  caried  him  on  shore,  as  lightly  and  as 
easily  as  if  he  had  bene  a child  of  five  yeeres  old : so  strong  and 
sturdie  was  this  fellow.  We  found  that  they  had  a great  heape 
of  wild  Rats  1 that  live  in  the  water,  as  bigge  as  a Conny,  and 
very  good  to  eate,  which  they  gave  unto  our  Captaine,  who 
for  a recompence  gave  them  knives  and  glassen  Beades.  We 
asked  them  with  signes  if  that  was  the  way  to  Hochelaga,  they 
answered  yea,  and  that  we  had  yet  three  dayes  sayling  thither. 


How  our  Captaine  caused  our  boates  to  be  mended  and  dressed 
to  goe  to  Hochelaga : and  because  the  way  was  some- 
what difficult  and  hard,  we  left  our  Pinnesse  behinde : 
and  how  we  came  thither,  and  what  entertainment 
we  had  of  the  people. 

Chap.  6 

The  next  day  our  Captaine  seeing  that  for  that  time  it  was 
not  possible  for  our  Pinnesse  to  goe  on  any  further,  he  caused 


1 Muskrats. 


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57 


our  boates  to  be  made  readie,  and  as  much  munition  and  vict- 
uals to  be  put  in  them,  as  they  could  well  beare : he  departed 
with  them,  accompanyed  with  many  Gentlemen,  that  is  to  say, 
Claudius  of  Ponte  Briand,  Cup-bearer  to  the  Lorde  Dolphin  of 
France,  Charles  of  Pommeraye,  John  Gouion,  John  Powlet, 
with  twentie  and  eight  Mariners:  and  Mace  Jallobert,  and 
William  Briton,  who  had  the  charge  under  the  Captaine  of  the 
other  two  ships,  to  goe  up  as  farre  as  they  could  into  that  river : 
we  sayled  with  good  and  prosperous  weather  untill  the  second 
of  October,  on  which  day  we  came  to  the  towne  of  Hochelaga, 
distant  from  the  place  where  we  had  left  our  Pinnesse  five  and 
fortie  leagues.  In  which  place  of  Hochelaga,  and  all  the  way 
we  went,  we  met  with  many  of  those  countriemen,  who  brought 
us  fish  and  such  other  victuals  as  they  had,  still  dancing  and 
greatly  rejoycing  at  our  comming.  Our  Captaine  to  lure  them 
in,  and  to  keepe  them  our  friends,  to  recompence  them,  gave 
them  knives,  beades,  and  such  small  trifles,  wherewith  they 
were  greatly  satisfied.  So  soone  as  we  were  come  neere  Hoche- 
laga, there  came  to  meete  us  above  a thousand  persons,  men, 
women  and  children,  who  afterward  did  as  friendly  and  merily 
entertaine  and  receive  us  as  any  father  would  doe  his  child, 
which  he  had  not  of  long  time  seene,  the  men  dauncing  on  one 
side,  the  women  on  another,  and  likewise  the  children  on 
another:  after  that  they  brought  us  great  store  of  fish,  and 
of  their  bread  made  of  Millet,1  casting  them  into  our  boates  so 
thicke,  that  you  would  have  thought  it  to  fall  from  heaven. 
Which  when  our  Captaine  sawe,  he  with  many  of  his  company 
went  on  shore:  so  soone  as  ever  we  were  aland  they  came 
clustring  about  us,  making  very  much  of  us,  bringing  their 
young  children  in  their  armes,  onely  to  have  our  Captaine  and 
his  company  to  touch  them,  making  signes  and  shewes  of  great 
mirth  and  gladnesse,  that  lasted  more  than  halfe  an  houre. 
Our  Captaine  seeing  their  loving  kindnesse  and  entertain- 
ment of  us,  caused  all  the  women  orderly  to  be  set  in  aray, 
and  gave  them  Beades  made  of  Tinne,  and  other  such 


1 Indian  com. 


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[1536 


small  trifles,  and  to  some  of  the  men  he  gave  knives : then  he 
returned  to  the  boates  to  supper,  and  so  passed  that  night,  all 
which  while  all  those  people  stood  on  the  shore  as  neere  our 
boates  as  they  might,  making  great  fires,  and  dauncing  very 
merily,  still  crying  Aguiaze,  which  in  their  tonge  signifieth 
Mirth  and  Safetie. 

How  our  Captaine  with  five  gentlemen  and  twentie  armed  men 
all  well  in  order,  went  to  see  the  towne  of  Hochelaga, 
and  the  situation  of  it. 

Chap.  7 

Our  Captaine  the  next  day  very  earely  in  the  morning,  hav- 
ing very  gorgeously  attired  himself e,  caused  all  his  company 
to  be  set  in  order  to  go  to  see  the  towne  and  habitation 
of  those  people,  and  a certaine  mountaine  1 that  is  somewhat 
neere  the  citie:  with  whom  went  also  five  Gentlemen  and 
twentie  Mariners,  leaving  the  rest  to  keepe  and  looke  to  our 
boates : we  tooke  with  us  three  men  of  Hochelaga  to  bring  us 
to  the  place.  All  along  as  we  went  we  found  the  way  as  well 
beaten  and  frequented  as  can  be,  the  fairest  and  best  countrey 
that  possibly  can  be  seene,  full  of  as  goodly  great  Okes  as  are 
in  any  wood  in  France,  under  which  the  ground  was  all  covered 
over  with  faire  Akornes.  After  we  had  gone  about  foure  or 
five  miles,2  we  met  by  the  way  one  of  the  chief est  Lords  of  the 
citie,  accompanied  with  many  moe,  who  so  soone  as  he  sawe  us 
beckned  and  made  signes  upon  us,  that  we  must  rest  us  in  that 
place  where  they  had  made  a great  fire,  and  so  we  did.  After 
that  we  had  rested  our  selves  there  a while,  the  said  Lord  began 
to  make  a long  discourse,  even  as  we  have  saide  above,  they  are 
accustomed  to  doe  in  signe  of  mirth  and  friendship,  shewing 
our  Captaine  and  all  his  company  a joyfull  countenance,  and 

1 Mont  Royal  as  below,  whence  the  name  Montreal.  Hochelaga  stood 
near  the  present  site  of  Montreal. 

2 The  margin  reads,  “ Hochelaga  sixe  miles  from  the  river  side.”  Manu- 
script 5589  says  the  distance  marched  was  “about  a league  and  a half.” 


1535] 


CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


59 


good  will,  who  gave  him  two  hatchets,  a paire  of  knives  and  a 
crosse  which  he  made  him  to  kisse,  and  then  put  it  about  his 
necke,  for  which  he  gave  our  Captaine  heartie  thankes.  This 
done,  we  went  along,  and  about  a mile  and  a halfe  farther,  we 
began  to  finde  goodly  and  large  fieldes,  full  of  such  corne  as  the 
countrie  yeeldieth.  It  is  even  as  the  Millet  of  Bresil,  as  great 
and  somewhat  bigger  than  small  peason,  wherewith  they  live 
even  as  we  doe  with  ours.  In  the  midst  of  those  fields  is  the 
citie  of  Hochelaga,  placed  neere,  and  as  it  were  joyned  to  a 
great  mountaine  that  is  tilled  round  about,  very  fertill,  on  the 
top  of  which  you  may  see  very  farre,  we  named  it  Mount  Roiall. 
The  citie  of  Hochelaga  is  round,  compassed  about  with  timber, 
with  three  course  of  Rampires,  one  within  another  framed  like 
a sharpe  Spire,  but  laide  acrosse  above.  The  middlemost  of 
them  is  made  and  built,  as  a direct  line,  but  perpendicular. 
The  Rampires  are  framed  and  fashioned  with  peeces  of  timber, 
layd  along  on  the  ground,  very  well  and  cunningly  joyned 
togither  after  their  fashion.  This  enclosure  is  in  height  about 
two  rods.  It  hath  but  one  gate  or  entrie  thereat,  which  is  shut 
with  piles,  stakes,  and  barres.  Over  it,  and  also  in  many  places 
of  the  wall,  there  be  places  to  runne  along,  and  ladders  to  get 
up,  all  full  of  stones,  for  the  defence  of  it.  There  are  in  the 
towne  about  fiftie  houses,  about  fiftie  paces  long,  and  twelve, 
or  fifteene  broad,  built  all  of  wood,  covered  over  with  the  barke 
of  the  wood  as  broad  as  any  boord,  very  finely  and  cunning 
joyned  togither.  Within  the  said  houses,  there  are  many 
roomes,  lodgings  and  chambers.  In  the  middest  of  every  one 
there  is  a great  Court,  in  the  middle  whereof  they  make  their 
fire.  They  live  in  common  togither : then  doe  the  husbands, 
wives  and  children  each  one  retire  themselves  to  their  cham- 
bers. They  have  also  on  the  top  of  their  houses  certaine  gar- 
rets, wherein  they  keepe  their  corne  to  make  their  bread  withall : 
they  call  it  Carraconny,  which  they  make  as  hereafter  shall 
follow.  They  have  certaine  peeces  of  wood,  made  hollow 
like  those  whereon  we  beat  our  hempe,  and  with  certaine  beetles 
of  wood  they  beat  their  corne  to  powder:  then  they  make 
paste  of  it,  and  of  the  paste,  cakes  or  wreathes,  then  they  lay 


60 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1535 


them  on  a broad  and  hote  stone,  and  then  cover  it  with  hote 
stones,  and  so  they  bake  their  bread  in  stead  of  Ovens.  They 
make  also  sundry  sorts  of  pottage  with  the  said  corne  and  also 
of  pease  and  of  beanes,  whereof  they  have  great  store,  as  also 
with  other  fruits,  as  Muske-Millions,  and  very  great  Cow- 
cumbers.  They  have  also  in  their  houses  certaine  vessels  as 
bigge  as  any  But  or  Tun,  wherein  they  preserve  and  keepe  their 
fish,  causing  the  same  in  sommer  to  be  dried  in  the  sunne,  and 
live  therewith  in  winter,  whereof  they  make  great  provision, 
as  we  by  experience  have  seene.  All  their  viands  and  meates 
are  without  any  taste  or  savour  of  salt  at  all.  They  sleepe  upon 
barkes  of  trees  laide  all  along  upon  the  ground  being  over-spread 
with  the  skinnes  of  certaine  wilde  Beastes,  wherewith  they  also 
cloth  and  cover  themselves.  The  thing  most  precious  that 
they  have  in  all  the  world  they  call  Asurgny  1 : it  is  as  white  as 
any  snow:  they  take  it  in  the  said  river  of  Cornibotz,  in  the 
maner  folowing.  When  any  one  hath  deserved  death,  or 
that  they  take  any  of  their  enemies  in  Warres,  first  they  kill 
him,  then  with  certaine  knives  they  give  great  slashes  and 
strokes  upon  their  buttocks,  flankes,  thighs,  and  shoulders: 
then  they  cast  the  same  bodie  so  mangled  downe  to  the  bot- 
tome  of  the  river,  in  a place  where  the  said  Esurgny  is,  and  there 
leave  it  ten  or  12  houres,  then  they  take  it  up  againe,  and  in 
the  cuts  find  the  said  Esurgny  or  Cornibotz.  Of  them  they 
make  beads,  and  weare  them  about  their  necks,  even  as  we 
doe  chaines  of  gold  and  silver,  accounting  it  the  preciousest 
thing  in  the  world.  They  have  this  vertue  and  propertie  in 
them,  they  will  stop  or  stanch  bleeding  at  the  nose,  for  we 
have  prooved  it.  These  people  are  given  to  no  other  exercise, 
but  onely  to  husbandrie  and  fishing  for  their  sustenance : they 
have  no  care  of  any  other  wealth  or  commoditie  in  this  world, 
for  they  have  no  knowledge  of  it,  and  that  is,  because  they  never 
travell  and  go  out  of  their  countrey,  as  those  of  Canada  and 
Saguenay  doe,  albeit  the  Canadians  with  eight  or  nine  Villages 
more  alongst  the  river  be  subjects  unto  them. 


Wampum. 


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CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


61 


How  we  came  to  the  Towne  of  Hochelaga,  and  the  entertaine- 
ment  which  there  we  had,  and  of  certaine  gifts  which 
our  Captaine  gave  them,  with  divers  other  things. 

Chap.  8 

So  soone  as  we  were  come  neere  the  Towne,  a great  num- 
ber of  the  inhabitants  thereof  came  to  present  themselves  before 
us  after  their  fashion,  making  very  much  of  us : we  were  by  our 
guides  brought  into  the  middest  of  the  towne.  They  have  in  the 
middlemost  part  of  their  houses  a large  square  place,  being 
from  side  to  side  a good  stones  cast,  whither  we  were  brought, 
and  there  with  signes  were  commanded  to  stay : then  suddenly 
all  the  women  and  maidens  of  the  towne  gathered  themselves 
together,  part  of  which  had  their  armes  full  of  young  children, 
and  as  many  as  could  came  to  rubbe  our  faces,  our  armes,  and 
what  part  of  the  bodie  soever  they  could  touch,  weeping  for 
very  joy  that  they  saw  us,  shewing  us  the  best  countenance 
that  possibly  they  could,  desiring  us  with  their  signes,  that  it 
would  please  us  to  touch  their  children.  That  done,  the  men 
caused  the  women  to  withdraw  themselves  backe,  then  they 
every  one  sate  downe  on  the  ground  round  about  us,  as  if  they 
would  have  shewen  and  rehearsed  some  Comedie  or  other  shew : 
then  presently  came  the  women  againe,  every  one  bringing  a 
foure  square  Matte  in  manner  of  Carpets,  and  spreading  them 
abroad  on  the  ground  in  that  place,  they  caused  us  to  sit  upon 
them.  That  done,  the  Lord  and  King  of  the  countrey  was 
brought  upon  9 or  10  mens  shoulders,  (whom  in  their  tongue 
they  call  Agouhanna)  sitting  upon  a great  Stagges  skinne,  and 
they  laide  him  downe  upon  the  foresaid  mats  neere  to  the  Cap- 
taine, every  one  beckning  unto  us  that  hee  was  their  Lord  and 
King.  This  Agouhanna  was  a man  about  fiftie  yeeres  old: 
he  was  no  whit  better  apparelled  then  any  of  the  rest,  onely  ex- 
cepted, that  he  had  a certaine  thing  made  of  the  skinnes  of 
Hedgehogs  like  a red  wreath,  and  that  was  in  stead  of  his 
Crowne.  He  was  full  of  the  palsie,  and  his  members  shronke 


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EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1536 


togither.  After  he  had  with  certaine  signes  saluted  our  Cap- 
taine  and  all  his  companie,  and  by  manifest  tokens  bid  all  wel- 
come, he  shewed  his  legges  and  armes  to  our  Captaine,  and 
with  signes  desired  him  to  touch  them,  and  so  he  did,  rubbing 
them  with  his  owne  hands:  then  did  Agouhanna  take  the 
wreath  or  crowne  he  had  about  his  head,  and  gave  it  unto  our 
Captaine:  that  done  they  brought  before  him  divers  diseased 
men,  some  blinde,  some  criple,  some  lame  and  impotent,  and 
some  so  old  that  the  haire  of  their  eyelids  came  downe  and 
covered  their  cheekes,  and  layd  them  all  along  before  our  Cap- 
taine, to  the  end  they  might  of  him  be  touched : for  it  seemed 
unto  them  that  God  was  descended  and  come  downe  from 
heaven  to  heale  them.  Our  Captaine  seeing  the  misery  and 
devotion  of  this  poore  people,  recited  the  Gospel  of  Saint  John, 
that  is  to  say,  In  the  beginning  was  the  word ; touching  every 
one  that  were  diseased,  praying  to  God  that  it  would  please 
him  to  open  the  hearts  of  this  poore  people,  and  to  make  them 
know  his  holy  word,  and  that  they  might  receive  Baptisme 
and  Christendome : that  done,  he  tooke  a Service-booke  in  his 
hand,  and  with  a loud  voyce  read  all  the  passion  of  Christ,  word 
by  word  that  all  the  standers  by  might  heare  him : all  which 
while  this  poore  people  kept  silence,  and  were  marvellously 
attentive,  looking  up  to  heaven,  and  imitating  us  in  gestures. 
Then  he  caused  the  men  all  orderly  to  be  set  on  one  side,  the 
women  on  another,  and  likewise  the  children  on  an  other,  and 
to  the  chiefest  of  them  he  gave  hatchets,  to  the  other  knives, 
and  to  the  women  beads  and  such  other  small  trifles.  Then 
where  the  children  were,  he  cast  rings,  counters,  and  brooches 
made  of  Tin,  whereat  they  seemed  to  be  very  glad.  That 
done,  our  Captaine  commanded  Trumpets  and  other  musicall 
instruments  to  be  sounded,  which  when  they  heard,  they  were 
very  merie.  Then  we  tooke  our  leave  and  went  to  our  boate : 
the  women  seeing  that,  put  themselves  before  to  stay  us,  and 
brought  us  out  of  their  meates  that  they  had  made  readie  for 
us,  as  fish,  pottage  beanes,  and  such  other  things,  thinking  to 
make  us  eate,  and  dine  in  that  place : but  because  the  meates 
had  no  savour  at  all  of  salt,  we  liked  them  not,  but  thanked 


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CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


63 


them,  and  with  signes  gave  them  to  understand  that  we  had 
no  neede  to  eate.  When  wee  were  out  of  the  Towne,  diverse 
of  the  men  and  women  followed  us,  and  brought  us  to  the  toppe 
of  the  foresaid  mountaine,  which  we  named  Mount  Roiall, 
it  is  about  a league  from  the  Towne.  When  as  we  were  on  the 
toppe  of  it,  we  might  discerne  and  plainly  see  thirtie  leagues 
about.  On  the  Northside  of  it  there  are  many  hilles  to  be 
seene  running  West  and  East,  and  as  many  more  on  the  South, 
amongst  and  betweene  the  which  the  Countrey  is  as  faire  and 
as  pleasant  as  possibly  can  be  seene,  being  levell,  smooth,  and 
very  plaine,  fit  to  be  husbanded  and  tilled : and  in  the  middest 
of  those  fieldes  we  saw  the  river  further  up  a great  way  then 
where  we  had  left  our  boates,  where  was  the  greatest  and  the 
swiftest  fall  of  water  that  any  where  hath  beene  seene,1  and  as 
great,  wide,  and  large  as  our  sight  might  discerne,  going  South- 
west along  three  faire  and  round  mountaines  that  wee  sawe, 
as  we  judged  about  fifteene  leagues  from  us.  Those  which 
brought  us  thither  tolde  and  shewed  us,  that  in  the  sayd  river 
there  were  three  such  falles  of  water  more,  as  that  was  where 
we  had  left  our  boates : but  because  we  could  not  understand 
their  language,  we  could  not  knowe  how  farre  they  were  from 
one  another.  Moreover  they  shewed  us  with  signes,  that  the 
said  three  fals  being  past,  a man  might  sayle  the  space  of 
three  monethes  more  alongst  that  River,  and  that  along  the 
hilles  that  are  on  the  North  side  there  is  a great  river,2  which 
(even  as  the  other)  commeth  from  the  West,  we  thought  it  to 
be  the  river  that  runneth  through  the  Countrey  of  Saguenay : 
and  without  any  signe  or  question  mooved  or  asked  of  them, 
they  tooke  the  chayne  of  our  Captaines  whistle,  which  was  of 
silver,  and  the  dagger-haft  of  one  of  our  fellow  Mariners,  hang- 
ing on  his  side  being  of  yellow  copper  guilt,  and  shewed  us  that 
such  stuffe  came  from  the  said  River,  and  that  there  be  Agoui- 
onda,  that  is  as  much  to  say,  as  evill  people,  who  goe  all  armed 
even  to  their  finger  ends.  Also  they  shewed  us  the  manner  and 
making  of  their  armour:  they  are  made  of  cordes  and  wood, 


1 The  Lachine  Rapids. 


2 The  Ottawa. 


64 


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[1535 


finely  and  cunningly  wrought  togither.  They  gave  us  also  to 
understands  that  those  Agouionda  doe  continually  warre  one 
against  another,  but  because  we  did  not  understand  them  well, 
we  could  not  perceive  how  farre  it  was  to  that  Countrey.  Our 
Captaine  shewed  them  redde  Copper,  which  in  their  language 
they  call  Caignetadze,  and  looking  towarde  that  Countrey, 
with  signes  asked  them  if  any  came  from  thence,  they  shaking 
their  heads  answered  no : but  they  shewed  us  that  it  came  from 
Saguenay,  and  that  lyeth  cleane  contrary  to  the  other.  After 
we  had  heard  and  seene  these  things  of  them,  we  drewe  to  our 
boates  accompanied  with  a great  multitude  of  those  people: 
some  of  them  when  as  they  sawe  any  of  our  fellowes  weary, 
would  take  them  up  on  their  shoulders,  and  carry  them  as  on 
horsebacke.  So  soone  as  we  came  to  our  boates  we  hoysed 
saile  to  goe  toward  our  Pinnesse,  doubting  of  some  mischance. 
Our  departure  grieved  and  displeased  them  very  much,  for 
they  followed  us  along  the  river  as  farre  as  they  could:  we 
went  so  fast  that  on  Munday  being  the  fourth  of  October  wee 
came  where  our  Pinnesse  was.  The  Tuesday  following  being 
the  fift  of  the  moneth,  we  hoysed  saile,  and  with  our  Pinnesse 
and  boates  departed  from  thence  toward  the  Province  of  Canada, 
to  the  port  of  the  Holy  Crosse,  where  we  had  left  our  ships. 
The  seventh  day  we  came  against  a river  that  commeth  from 
the  North,  and  entred  into  that  river,  at  the  entrance  whereof 
are  foure  little  Hands  full  of  faire  and  goodly  trees : we  named 
that  river  The  river  of  Fouetz  P But  because  one  of  those  Ilandes 
stretcheth  it  selfe  a great  way  into  the  river,  our  Captaine  at 
the  point  of  it  caused  a goodly  great  Crosse  to  be  set  up,  and 
commanded  the  boates  to  be  made  readie,  that  with  the  next 
tide  he  might  goe  up  the  saide  river,  and  consider  the  qualitie 
of  it,  which  wee  did,  and  that  day  went  up  as  farre  as  we  could : 
but  because  we  found  it  to  be  of  no  importance,  and  very 
shallow,  we  returned  and  sayled  down  the  river. 


1 The  St.  Maurice. 


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CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


65 


How  we  came  to  the  Port  of  the  Holy  Crosse,  and  in  what  state 
we  found  our  ships : and  how  the  Lord  of  the  Countrey 
came  to  visite  our  Captaine,  and  our  Captaine  him: 
and  of  certaine  particular  customes  of  the  people* 

Chap.  9 

Upon  Monday  being  the  11  of  October  we  came  to  the  Port 
of  the  Holy  Crosse,  where  our  ships  were,  and  found  that  the 
Masters  and  Mariners  we  had  left  there,  had  made  and  reared 
a trench  before  the  ships,  altogither  closed  with  great  peeces  of 
timber  set  upright  and  verywell  fastened  togither:  then  had 
they  beset  the  said  trench  about  with  peeces  of  Artillerie  and 
other  necessarie  things  to  shield  and  defend  themselves  from 
the  power  of  all  the  countrey.  So  soone  as  the  Lord  of  the 
countrey  heard  of  our  comming,  the  next  day  being  the 
twelfth  of  October,  he  came  to  visite  us,  accompanied  with 
Taignoagny,  Domagaia,  and  many  others,  fayning  to  be  very 
glad  of  our  comming,  making  much  of  our  Captaine,  who  as 
friendly  as  he  could,  entertained  them,  albeit  they  had  not 
deserved  it.  Donnacona  their  Lord  desired  our  Captaine  the 
next  day  to  come  and  see  Canada,  which  he  promised  to  doe : for 
the  next  day  being  the  13  of  the  rnoneth,  he  with  all  his  Gentle- 
men and  fif  tie  Mariners  very  well  appointed,  went  to  visite  Donna- 
cona and  his  people,  about  a league  from  our  ships.  The  place 
where  they  make  their  abode  is  called  Stadacona.  When  we 
were  about  a stones  cast  from  their  houses,  many  of  the  in- 
habitants came  to  meete  us,  being  all  set  in  a ranke,  and  (as 
their  custome  is)  the  men  all  on  one  side,  and  the  women  on 
the  other,  still  dancing  and  singing  without  any  ceasing : and  after 
we  had  saluted  and  received  one  another,  our  Captaine  gave 
them  knives  and  such  other  sleight  things : then  he  caused  all 
the  women  and  children  to  passe  along  before  him,  giving  each 
one  a ring  of  Tin,  for  which  they  gave  him  hearty  thankes : 
that  done,  our  Captaine  was  by  Donnacona  and  Taignoagny, 
brought  to  see  their  houses,  which  (the  qualitie  considered) 


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[1635 


were  very  well  provided,  and  stored  with  such  victuals  as  the 
countrey  yeeldeth,  to  passe  away  the  winter  withall.  Then 
they  shewed  us  the  skins  of  five  mens  heads  spread  upon  boards 
as  we  do  use  parchment : 1 Donnacona  told  us  that  they  were 
skins  of  Toudamani,2  a people  dwelling  toward  the  South,  who 
continually  doe  warre  against  them.  Moreover  they  told  us, 
that  it  was  two  yeeres  past  that  those  Toudamans  came  to  as- 
sault them,  yea  even  into  the  said  river,  in  an  Hand  that  lyeth 
over  against  Saguenay,  where  they  had  bin  the  night  before,  as 
they  were  going  a warfaring  in  Hognedo,  with  200  persons, 
men,  women,  and  children,  who  being  all  asleepe  in  a Fort  that 
they  had  made,  they  were  assaulted  by  the  said  Toudamans, 
who  put  fire  round  about  the  Fort,  and  as  they  would  have  come 
out  of  it  to  save  themselves,  they  were  all  slaine,  only  five  ex- 
cepted, who  escaped.  For  which  losse  they  yet  sorrowed,  shew- 
ing with  signes,  that  one  day  they  would  be  revenged:  that 
done,  we  came  to  our  ships  againe. 


The  maner  how  the  people  of  that  Countrey  live : and  of  cer- 
taine  conditions : of  their  faith,  maners,  and  customes. 

Chap.  10 

This  people  beleeve  no  whit  in  God,  but  in  one  whom  they 
call  Cudruaigni:  they  say  that  often  he  speaketh  with  them 
and  telleth  them  what  weather  shal  follow,  whether  good  or 
bad.  Moreover  they  say,  that  when  he  is  angry  with  them  he 
casteth  dust  into  their  eyes : they  beleeve  that  when  they  die 
they  go  into  the  stars,  and  thence  by  litle  and  little  descend 
downe  into  the  Horizon,  even  as  the  stars  doe,  and  that  then 
they  goe  into  certaine  greene  fields  full  of  goodly  faire  and  pre- 
cious trees,  floures,  and  fruits.  After  that  they  had  given  us 
these  things  to  understand,  we  shewed  them  their  error,  and 

1 Scalps. 

’ Baxter  ( Memoir  of  Jacques  Cartier,  p.  174)  identifies  the  Toudamani 
with  the  ferocious  Iroquois. 


1635] 


CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


67 


told  that  their  Cudruaigni  did  but  deceive  them,  for  he  is  but 
a Divell  and  an  evill  spirit : affirming  unto  them,  that  there  is 
but  one  onely  God,  who  is  in  heaven,  and  who  giveth  us  all 
necessaries,  being  the  Creatour  of  all  himselfe,  and  that  onely 
we  must  beleeve  in  him : moreover,  that  it  is  necessarie  for  us 
to  be  baptised,  otherwise  wee  are  damned  into  hell.  These 
and  many  other  things  concerning  our  faith  and  religion  we 
shewed  them,  all  which  they  did  easily  beleeve,  calling  their 
Cudruaigni,  Agouiada,  that  is  to  say,  nought,  so  that  very 
earnestly  they  desired  and  prayed  our  Captaine  that  he  would 
cause  them  to  be  baptised,  and  their  Lorde,  and  Taignoagny, 
Domagaia,  and  all  the  people  of  the  towne  came  unto  us,  hop- 
ing to  be  baptised:  but  because  we  did  not  throughly  know 
their  minde,  and  that  there  was  no  bodie  could  teach  them  our 
beliefe  and  religion,  we  excused  our  selves,  desiring  Taignoagny, 
and  Domagaia,  to  tell  the  rest  of  their  countreymen,  that  [we] 
would  come  againe  another  time,  and  bring  Priests  and  chris- 
ome  with  us,  for  without  them  they  could  not  be  baptised: 
which  they  did  easily  beleeve,  for  Domagaia  and  Taignoagny 
had  seene  many  children  baptised  in  Britain1  whiles  they  were 
there.  Which  promise  when  they  heard  they  seemed  to  be 
very  glad.  They  live  in  common  togither:  and  of  such 
commodities  as  their  countrey  yeeldeth  they  are  indiffer- 
ently well  stored,  the  inhabitants  of  the  countrey  cloth 
themselves  with  the  skinnes  of  certaine  wilde  beasts,  but  very 
miserably.  In  winter  they  weare  hosen  and  shoes  made  of 
wilde  beasts  skins,  and  in  Sommer  they  goe  barefooted.  They 
keepe  and  observe  the  rites  of  matrimonie  saving  that  every 
one  weddeth  2 or  3 wives,  which  (their  husbands  being  dead) 
do  never  marrie  againe,  but  for  the  death  of  their  husbands 
weare  a certaine  blacke  weede  all  the  daies  of  their  life,  be- 
smearing al  their  faces  with  cole  dust  and  grease  mingled  to- 
gither as  thicke  as  the  backe  of  a knife,  and  by  that  they  are 
knowen  to  be  widdowes.  They  have  a filthy  and  detestable 
use  in  marrying  of  their  maidens,  and  that  is  this,  they  put  them 


1 Brittany. 


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EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1535 


all  (after  they  are  of  lawfull  age  to  marry)  in  a common  place, 
as  harlots  free  for  every  man  that  will  have  to  doe  with  them, 
untill  such  time  as  they  find  a match.  This  I say,  because  I 
have  seene  by  experience  many  housen  full  of  those  Damosels, 
even  as  our  schooles  are  full  of  children  in  France  to  learne  to 
reade.  Moreover,  the  misrule  and  riot  that  they  keepe  in 
those  houses  is  very  great,  for  very  wantonly  they  sport  and 
dally  togither,  shewing  whatsoever  God  hath  sent  them.  They 
are  no  men  of  great  labour.  They  digge  their  grounds  with 
certaine  peeces  of  wood,  as  bigge  as  halfe  a sword,  on  which 
ground  groweth  their  corne,  which  they  call  Offici : 1 it  is  as  bigge 
as  our  small  peason:  there  is  great  quantitie  of  it  growing  in 
Bresill.  They  have  also  great  store  of  Muske-milions,  Pom- 
pions,  Gourds,  Cucumbers,  Peason  and  Beanes  of  every  colour, 
yet  differing  from  ours.  There  groweth  also  a certaine  kind  of 
herbe,2  whereof  in  Sommer  they  make  great  provision  for  all 
the  yeere,  making  great  account  of  it,  and  onely  men  use  of  it, 
and  first  they  cause  it  to  be  dried  in  the  Sunne,  then  weare  it 
about  their  neckes  wrapped  in  a little  beasts  skinne  made  like 
a little  bagge,  with  a hollow  peece  of  stone  or  wood  like  a pipe : 
then  when  they  please  they  make  pouder  of  it,  and  then  put  it 
in  one  of  the  ends  of  the  said  Cornet  or  pipe,  and  laying  a cole 
of  fire  upon  it,  at  the  other  ende  sucke  so  long,  that  they  fill 
their  bodies  full  of  smoke,  till  that  it  commeth  out  of  their 
mouth  and  nostrils,  even  as  out  of  the  Tonnell  of  a chimney. 
They  say  that  this  doth  keepe  them  warme  and  in  health: 
they  never  goe  without  some  of  it  about  them.  We  ourselves 
have  tryed  the  same  smoke,  and  having  put  it  in  our  mouthes, 
it  seemed  almost  as  hot  as  Pepper.  The  women  of  that  coun- 
trey doe  labour  much  more  then  the  men,  as  well  in  fishing 
(whereto  they  are  greatly  given)  as  in  tilling  and  husbanding 
their  grounds,  and  other  things:  as  well  the  men  as  women 
and  children,  are  very  much  more  able  to  resist  cold  then  sav- 
age beastes,  for  wee  with  our  owne  eyes  have  seene  some  of 
them,  when  it  was  coldest  (which  cold  was  extreme  raw  and 


1 Maize,  according  to  a gloss  in  the  margin. 


2 Tobacco. 


1535] 


CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


69 


bitter)  come  to  our  ships  starke  naked  going  upon  snow  and 
yce,  which  thing  seemeth  incredible  to  them  that  have  not 
seene  it.  When  as  the  snow  and  yce  lyeth  on  the  ground,  they 
take  great  store  of  wilde  beasts,  as  Faunes,  Stags,  Beares, 
Marterns,  Hares  and  Foxes,  with  divers  other  sorts  whose  flesh 
they  eate  raw,  having  first  dried  it  in  the  sunne  or  smoke,  and 
so  they  doe  their  fish.  As  farre  foorth  as  we  could  perceive 
and  understand  by  these  people,  it  were  a very  easie  thing  to 
bring  them  to  some  familiaritie  and  civility,  and  make  them 
learne  what  one  would.  The  Lord  God  for  his  mercies  sake 
set  thereunto  his  helping  hand  when  he  seeth  cause.  Amen. 


Of  the  greatnesse  and  depth  of  the  said  river,  and  of  the  sorts 
of  beasts,  birdes,  fishes,  and  other  things  that  we  have 
seene,  with  the  situation  of  the  place. 

Chap.  11 

The  said  river  beginneth  beyond  the  Hand  of  the  Assump- 
tion, over  against  the  high  mountaines  of  Hognedo,  and  of  the 
seven  Hands.  The  distance  over  from  one  side  to  the  other 
is  about  35  or  40  leagues.  In  the  middest  it  is  above  200 
fadome  deepe.  The  surest  way  to  sayle  upon  it  is  on  the  South 
side.  And  toward  the  North,  that  is  to  say,  from  the  said  7 
Hands,  from  side  to  side,  there  is  seven  leagues  distance,  where 
are  also  two  great  rivers  that  come  downe  from  the  hils  of 
Saguenay,1  and  make  divers  very  dangerous  shelves  in  the  Sea. 
At  the  entrance  of  those  two  rivers  we  saw  many  and  great  store 
of  Whales  and  Sea  horses.  Overthwart  the  said  Hands  there 
is  another  little  river  that  runneth  along  those  marrish  grounds 
about  3 or  4 leagues,  wherein  there  is  great  store  of  water 
foules.  From  the  entrance  of  that  river  to  Hochelaga  there 
is  about  300  leagues  distance : 2 the  originall  beginning  of  it  is 
in  the  river  that  commeth  from  Saguenay,  which  riseth  and 

1 Moisie  and  St.  Margaret. 

2 Hakluyt  says  in  the  margin,  “ It  is  now  found  to  be  but  200  leagues.” 


70 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1535 


springeth  among  high  and  steepe  hils:  it  entreth  into  that 
river  before  it  commeth  to  the  Province  of  Canada  on  the 
North  side.  That  river  is  very  deepe,  high,  and  streight, 
wherefore  it  is  very  dangerous  for  any  vessell  to  goe  upon  it. 
After  that  river  followeth  the  Province  of  Canada,  wherein  are 
many  people  dwelling  in  open  boroughes  and  villages.  There 
are  also  in  the  circuit  and  territorie  of  Canada,  along,  and  within 
the  said  river,  many  other  Hands,  some  great,  and  some  small, 
among  which  there  is  one  that  containeth  above  ten  leagues 
in  length,  full  of  goodly  and  high  trees,  and  also  many  Vines. 
You  may  goe  into  it  from  both  sides,  but  yet  the  surest  passage 
is  on  the  South  side.  On  the  shore  or  banke  of  that  river  West- 
ward, there  is  a goodly,  faire,  and  delectable  bay  or  creeke, 
convenient  and  fit  for  to  harborough  ships.  Hard  by  there  is 
in  that  river  one  place  very  narrow,  deepe,  and  swift  running, 
but  it  is  not  passing  the  third  part  of  a league,  over  against  the 
which  there  is  a goodly  high  piece  of  land,  with  a towne  therein : 
and  the  countrey  about  it  is  very  well  tilled  and  wrought,  and 
as  good  as  possibly  can  be  seene.  That  is  the  place  and  abode 
of  Donnacona,  and  of  our  two  men  we  tooke  in  our  first  voyage. 
It  is  called  Stadacona.  But  before  we  come  to  it,  there  are  4 
other  peopled  townes,  that  is  to  say,  Ayraste,  Starnatan, 
Tailla,  which  standeth  upon  a hill,  Scitadin,  and  then  Stada- 
gona,  under  which  towne  toward  the  North  the  river  and  port 
of  the  holy  crosse  is,  where  we  staied  from  the  15  of  September, 
until  the  16  of  May  1536,  and  there  our  ships  remained  dry, 
as  we  have  said  before.  That  place  being  past,  we  found  the 
habitation  of  the  people  called  Teguenondahi,  standing  upon 
an  high  mountaine,  and  the  valley  of  Hochelay,  which  standeth 
in  a Champaigne  countrey.  All  the  said  countrey  on  both  sides 
of  the  river  as  farre  as  Hochelay  and  beyond,  is  as  faire  and 
plaine  as  ever  was  seene.  There  are  certain  mountaines  farre 
distant  from  the  said  river,  which  are  to  be  seene  above  the 
foresaid  townes,  from  which  mountaines  divers  rivers  de- 
scend, which  fall  into  the  said  river.  All  that  countrey  is 
full  of  sundry  sorts  of  wood  and  many  Vines,  unless  it  be 
about  the  places  that  are  inhabited,  where  they  have  pulled 


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CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


71 


up  the  trees  to  till  and  labour  the  ground,  and  to  build  their 
houses  and  lodgings.  There  is  great  store  of  Stags,  Deere, 
Beares,  and  other  such  like  sorts  of  beasts,  as  Connies,  Hares, 
Marterns,  Foxes,  Otters,  Bevers,  Weasels,  Badgers,  and  Rats 
exceeding  great  and  divers  other  sortes  of  wilde  beasts. 
They  cloth  themselves  with  the  skinnes  of  those  beasts, 
because  they  have  nothing  else  to  make  them  apparell  withall. 
There  are  also  many  sorts  of  birdes,  as  Cranes,  Swannes, 
Bustards,  wild  Geese  wdiite  and  gray,  Duckes,  Thrushes, 
Blackbirdes,  Turtles,  wilde  Pigeons,  Lenites,  Finches,  Red- 
breasts, Stares,  Nightingales,  Sparrowes,  and  other  Birdes, 
even  as  in  France.  Also,  as  we  have  said  before,  the  said  river 
is  the  plentifullest  of  fish  that  ever  hath  of  any  man  bene  seene 
or  heard  of,  because  that  from  the  mouth  to  the  end  of  it,  ac- 
cording to  their  seasons,  you  shall  finde  all  sorts  of  fresh 
water  fish  and  salt.  There  are  also  many  Whales,  Porposes, 
Seahorses,  and  Adhothuis,  which  is  a kind  of  fish  that  we  had 
never  seene  or  heard  of  before.  They  are  as  great  as  Porposes, 
as  white  as  any  snow,  their  bodie  and  head  fashioned  as  a 
« grayhound,  they  are  wont  alwaies  to  abide  betwene  the  fresh 
and  salt  water,  which  beginneth  betweene  the  river  of  Saguenay 
and  Canada. 

Of  certaine  advertisements  and  notes  given  unto  us  by  those 
countreymen,  after  our  returne  from  Hochelaga 

Chap.  12 

After  our  returne  from  Hochelaga,  we  dealt,  traffickt,  and 
with  great  familiaritie  and  love  were  conversant  with  those  that 
dwelt  neerest  unto  our  ships,  except  that  sometimes  we  had 
strife  and  contention  with  certaine  naughtie  people,  full  sore 
against  the  will  of  the  others.  Wee  understood  of  Donnacona 
and  of  others,  that  the  said  river  is  called  the  river  of  Saguenay, 
and  goeth  to  Saguenay,  being  somewhat  more  then  a league 
farther  Westnorthwest,  and  that  8 or  9 dayes  journeys  beyond, 
it  will  beare  but  small  boats.  But  the  right  and  readie  way 


72 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1636 


to  Saguenay  is  up  that  river  to  Hochelaga,  and  then  into  another 
that  commeth  from  Saguenay,  and  then  entreth  into  the  fore- 
said  river,  and  that  there  is  yet  one  moneths  sayling  thither. 
Moreover,  they  told  us  and  gave  us  to  understand,  that  there 
are  people  clad  with  cloth  as  we  are,  very  honest,  and  many 
inhabited  townes,  and  that  they  have  great  store  of  Gold  and 
red  Copper:  and  that  about  the  land  beyond  the  said  first 
river  to  Hochelaga  and  Saguenay,  is  an  Hand  environed  round 
about  with  that  and  other  rivers,  and  that  beyond  Saguenay 
the  said  river  entereth  into  two  or  3 great  lakes,  and  that  there 
is  a Sea  of  fresh  water  1 found,  and  as  they  have  heard  say  of 
those  of  Saguenay,  there  was  never  man  heard  of  that  found 
out  the  end  thereof : for,  as  they  told  us,  they  themselves  were 
never  there.  Moreover  they  told  us,  that  where  we  had  left 
our  Pinnesse  when  wee  went  to  Hochelaga,  there  is  a river 
that  goeth  Southwest,  from  whence  there  is  a whole  moneths 
sayling  to  goe  to  a certaine  land,2  where  there  is  neither  yce  nor 
snow  seene,  where  the  inhabitants  doe  continually  warre  one 
against  another,  where  there  is  great  store  of  Oranges,  Almonds, 
Nuts,  and  Apples,  with  many  other  sorts  of  fruits,  and  that 
the  men  and  women  are  clad  with  beasts  skinnes  even  as  they : 
we  asked  them  if  there  were  any  gold  or  red  copper,  they  an- 
swered no.  I take  this  place  to  be  toward  Florida,  as  farre  as 
I could  perceive  and  understand  by  their  signes  and  tokens. 

Of  a strange  and  cruell  disease  that  came  to  the  people  of 
Stadacona,  wherewith  because  we  did  haunt  their 
company,  we  were  so  infected,  that  there  died  25  of 
our  company. 

Chap.  13 

In  the  moneth  of  December,  wee  understood  that  the  pes- 
tilence was  come  among  the  people  of  Stadacona,  in  such 

1 Probably  Lake  Ontario. 

2 A reference  to  a way  southward  by  Lake  Champlain  and  the  Hudson 
River,  or  by  waterways  farther  west.  The  river  alluded  to  is  further  desig- 
nated by  Hakluyt  in  the  margin  as  “ The  river  of  Irrouacas  [Iroquois]  falling 
into  the  lake  of  Angolesme  ” ; i.e.,  the  Richelieu  River. 


1535] 


CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


73 


sort,  that  before  we  knew  of  it,  according  to  their  confession, 
there  were  dead  above  50 : whereupon  we  charged  them  neither 
to  come  neere  our  Fort,  nor  about  our  ships,  or  us.  And  albeit 
we  had  driven  them  from  us,  the  said  unknowen  sicknes  began 
to  spread  itselfe  amongst  us  after  the  strangest  sort  that  ever 
was  eyther  heard  of  or  seene,  insomuch  as  some  did  lose  all 
their  strength,  and  could  not  stand  on  their  feete,  then  did 
their  legges  swel,  their  sinnowes  shrinke  as  blacke  as  any  cole. 
Others  also  had  all  their  skins  spotted  with  spots  of  blood  of  a 
purple  coulour : then  did  it  ascend  up  to  their  ankels,  knees, 
thighes,  shoulders,  armes  and  necke:  their  mouth  became 
stincking,  their  gummes  so  rotten,  that  all  the  flesh  did  fall  off, 
even  to  the  rootes  of  the  teeth,  which  did  also  almost  all  fall  out. 
With  such  infection  did  this  sicknesse  1 spread  itselfe  in  our 
three  ships,  that  about  the  middle  of  February,  of  a hundreth 
and  tenne  persons  that  we  were,  there  were  not  ten  whole,  so  that 
one  could  not  help  the  other,  a most  horrible  and  pitifull  case, 
considering  the  place  we  were  in,  forsomuch  as  the  people  of 
the  countrey  would  dayly  come  before  our  fort,  and  saw  but 
few  of  us.  There  were  alreadie  eight  dead,  and  more  then  fifty 
sicke,  and  as  we  thought,  past  all  hope  of  recovery.  Our  Cap- 
taine  seeing  this  our  misery,  and  that  the  sicknesse  was  gone 
so  farre,  ordained  and  commanded,  that  every  one  should  de- 
voutly prepare  himselfe  to  prayer,  and  in  remembrance  of 
Christ,  caused  his  Image  to  be  set  upon  a tree,  about  a flight 
shot  from  the  fort  amidst  the  yce  and  snow,  giving  all  men  to 
understand,  that  on  the  Sunday  following,  service  should  be 
said  there,  and  that  whosoever  could  goe,  sicke  or  whole, 
should  goe  thither  in  Procession,  singing  the  seven  Psalmes  of 
David,  with  other  Letanies,  praying  most  heartily  that  it 
would  please  the  said  our  Christ  to  have  compassion  upon  us. 
Service  being  done,  and  as  well  celebrated  as  we  could,  our 
Captaine  there  made  a vow,  that  if  it  would  please  God  to  give 
him  leave  to  returne  into  France,  he  would  go  on  Pilgrimage 
to  our  Ladie  of  Rocquemado.  That  day  Philip  Rougemont, 


1 The  scurvy. 


74 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1535 


borne  in  Amboise,  died,  being  22  yeeres  olde,  and  because  the 
sicknesse  was  to  us  unknowen,  our  Captaine  caused  him  to  be 
ripped  to  see  if  by  any  meanes  possible  we  might  know  what 
it  was,  and  so  seeke  meanes  to  save  and  preserve  the  rest  of  the 
company:  he  was  found  to  have  his  heart  white,  but  rotten, 
and  more  then  a quart  of  red  water  about  it : his  liver  was  in- 
different faire,  but  his  lungs  blacke  and  mortified,  his  blood  was 
altogither  shrunke  about  the  heart,  so  that  when  he  was  opened 
great  quantitie  of  rotten  blood  issued  out  from  about  his  heart : 
his  milt  toward  the  backe  was  somewhat  perished,  rough  as  it 
had  bene  rubbed  against  a stone.  Moreover,  because  one  of 
his  thighs  was  very  blacke  without,  it  was  opened,  but  within 
it  was  whole  and  sound : that  done,  as  well  as  we  could  he  was 
buried.  In  such  sort  did  the  sicknesse  continue  and  increase, 
that  there  were  not  above  three  sound  men  in  the  ships,  and 
none  was  able  to  goe  under  hatches  to  draw  drinke  for  himself e, 
nor  for  his  fellowes.  Sometimes  we  were  constrained  to  bury 
some  of  the  dead  under  the  snow,  because  we  were  not  able  to 
digge  any  graves  for  them  the  ground  was  so  hard  frozen,  and 
we  so  weake.  Besides  this,  we  did  greatly  feare  that  the  people 
of  the  countrey  would  perceive  our  weaknesse  and  miserie, 
which  to  hide,  our  Captaine,  whom  it  pleased  God  alwayes  to 
keepe  in  health,  would  go  out  with  two  or  three  of  the  com- 
pany, some  sicke  and  some  whole,  whom  when  he  saw  out  of 
the  Fort,  he  would  throw  stones  at  them  and  chide  them, 
faigning  that  so  soone  as  he  came  againe,  he  would  beate  them, 
and  then  with  signes  shewe  the  people  of  the  countrey  that  hee 
caused  all  his  men  to  worke  and  labour  in  the  ships,  some  in 
calking  them,  some  in  beating  of  chalke,  some  in  one  thing,  and 
some  in  another,  and  that  he  would  not  have  them  come  foorth 
till  their  worke  was  done.  And  to  make  his  tale  seeme  true 
and  likely,  he  would  make  all  his  men  whole  and  sound  to  make 
a great  noyse  with  knocking  stickes,  stones,  hammers,  and  other 
things  togither,  at  which  time  we  were  so  oppressed  and  grieved 
with  that  sicknesse,  that  we  had  lost  all  hope  ever  to  see  France 
againe,  if  God  of  his  infinite  goodnesse  and  mercie  had  not  with 
his  pitifull  eye  looked  upon  us,  and  revealed  a singular  and  ex- 


1535] 


CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


75 


cellent  remedie  against  all  diseases  unto  us,  the  best  that  ever 
was  found  upon  earth,  as  hereafter  shall  follow. 

How  long  we  stayed  in  the  Port  of  the  holy  Crosse  amidst  the 
snow  and  yce,  and  how  many  died  of  the  said  disease, 
from  the  beginning  of  it  to  the  midst  of  March 

Chap.  14 

From  the  midst  of  November  untill  the  midst  of  March, 
we  were  kept  in  amidst  the  yce  above  two  fadomes  thicke,  and 
snow  above  foure  foot  high  and  more,  higher  then  the  sides 
of  our  ships,  which  lasted  till  that  time,  in  such  sort,  that  all 
our  drinkes  were  frozen  in  the  Vessels,  and  the  yce  through  all 
the  ships  was  above  a hand-breadth  thicke,  as  well  above 
hatches  as  beneath,  and  so  much  of  the  river  as  was  fresh, 
even  to  Hochelaga,  was  frozen,  in  which  space  there  died  five 
and  twentie  of  our  best  and  chiefest  men,  and  all  the  rest  were 
so  sicke,  that  wee  thought  they  should  never  recover  againe, 
only  three  or  foure  excepted.  Then  it  pleased  God  to  cast  his 
pitiful  eye  upon  us,  and  sent  us  the  knowledge  of  remedie  of 
our  healthes  and  recoverie,  in  such  maner  as  in  the  next  Chap- 
ter shall  be  shewed. 


How  by  the  grace  of  God  we  had  notice  of  a certaine  tree, 
whereby  we  all  recovered  our  health : and  the  maner 
how  to  use  it. 


Chap.  15 

Our  Captaine  considering  our  estate  (and  how  that  sick- 
nesse  was  encreased  and  hot  amongst  us)  one  day  went  foorth 
of  the  Forte,  and  walking  upon  the  yce,  hee  saw  a troupe  of 
those  Countreymen  comming  from  Stadacona,  among  which 
was  Domagaia,  who  not  passing  ten  or  twelve  dayes  afore,  had 
bene  very  sicke  with  that  disease,  and  had  his  knees  swolne 


76 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1535 


as  bigge  as  a childe  of  two  yeres  old,  all  his  sinews  shrunke 
together,  his  teeth  spoyled,  his  gummes  rotten,  and  stinking. 
Our  Captaine  seeing  him  whole  and  sound,  was  thereat  mar- 
vellous glad,  hoping  to  understand  and  know  of  him  how  he 
had  healed  himselfe,  to  the  end  he  might  ease  and  help  his  men. 
So  soone  as  they  were  come  neere  him,  he  asked  Domagaia 
how  he  had  done  to  heale  himselfe : he  answered,  that  he  had 
taken  the  juice  and  sappe  of  the  leaves  of  a certain  Tree,  and 
therewith  had  healed  himselfe:  For  it  is  a singular  remedy 
against  that  disease.  Then  our  Captaine  asked  of  him  if 
any  were  to  be  had  thereabout,  desiring  him  to  shew  him,  for  to 
heale  a servant  of  his,  who  wildest  he  was  in  Canada  with  Don- 
nacona,  was  striken  with  that  disease : That  he  did  because  he 
would  not  shew  the  number  of  his  sicke  men.  Domagaia 
straight  sent  two  women  to  fetch  some  of  it,  which  brought  ten 
or  twelve  branches  of  it,  and  therewithall  shewed  the  way  how 
to  use  it,  and  that  is  thus,  to  take  the  barke  and  leaves  of  the 
sayd  tree,  and  bode  them  togither,  then  to  drinke  of  the  sayd 
decoction  every  other  day,  and  to  put  the  dregs  of  it  upon  his 
legs  that  is  sicke:  moreover,  they  told  us,  that  the  vertue  of 
that  tree  was,  to  heale  any  other  disease : the  tree  is  in  their 
language  called  Ameda  or  Hanneda,  this  is  thought  to  be  the 
Sassafras  tree.  Our  Captaine  presently  caused  some  of  that 
drink  to  be  made  for  his  men  to  drink  of  it,  but  there  was  none 
durst  tast  of  it,  except  one  or  two,  who  ventured  the  drinking  of 
it,  only  to  tast  and  prove  it : the  other  seeing  that  did  the  like, 
and  presently  recovered  their  health,  and  were  delivered  of 
that  sickenes,  and  what  other  disease  soever,  in  such  sorte, 
that  there  were  some  had  bene  diseased  and  troubled  with  the 
French  Pockes  foure  or  five  yeres,  and  with  this  drinke  were 
cleane  healed.  After  this  medicine  was  found  and  proved  to 
be  true,  there  was  such  strife  about  it,  who  should  be  first  to 
take  it,  that  they  were  ready  to  kill  one  another,  so  that  a tree 
as  big  as  any  Oake  in  France  was  spoiled  and  lopped  bare,  and 
occupied  all  in  five  or  sixe  daies,  and  it  wrought  so  wel,  that 
if  all  the  phisicians  of  Mountpelier  and  Lovaine  had  bene  there 
with  all  the  drugs  of  Alexandria,  they  would  not  have  done  so 


1535] 


CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


77 


much  in  one  yere,  as  that  tree  1 did  in  sixe  dayes,  for  it  did 
so  prevaile,  that  as  many  as  used  of  it,  by  the  grace  of  God 
recovered  their  health. 


How  the  Lord  Donnacona  accompanied  with  Taignoagny  and 
divers  others,  faining  that  they  would  goe  to  hunt 
Stags,  and  Deere,  taried  out  two  moneths,  and  at 
their  returne  brought  a great  multitude  of  people 
with  them,  that  we  were  not  wont  to  see  before. 

Chap.  16 

While  that  disease  lasted  in  our  ships,  the  lord  Donnacona, 
Taignoagny,  with  many  others  went  from  home,  faining  that 
they  would  goe  to  catch  Stags  and  Deere,  which  are  in  their 
tongue  called  Aiounesta,  and  Asquenoudo,  because  the  yce 
and  snow  was  not  so  broken  along  the  river  that  they  could 
sayle : it  was  told  us  of  Domagaia  and  others,  that  they  would 
stay  out  but  a fortnight,  and  we  beleeved  it,  but  they  stayed 
above  two  moneths,  which  made  us  mistrust  that  they  had 
bene  gone  to  raise  the  countrey  to  come  against  us,  and  do  us 
some  displeasure,  we  seeing  our  selves  so  weake  and  faint. 
Albeit  we  had  used  such  diligence  and  policie  in  our  Fort, 
that  if  all  the  power  of  the  countrey  had  bene  about  it,  they 
could  have  done  nothing  but  looke  upon  us : and  whilest  they 
were  foorth,  many  of  the  people  came  dayly  to  our  ships,  and 
brought  us  fresh  meat,  as  Stags,  Deere,  fishes,  with  divers  other 
things,  but  held  them  at  such  an  excessive  price,  that  rather 
then  they  would  sell  them  any  thing  cheape,  many  times  they 
would  carie  them  backe  againe,  because  that  yere  the  Winter 
was  very  long,  and  they  had  some  scarcity  and  neede  of  them. 


1 The  bark  of  the  white  pine  is  an  antiscorbutic. 


78 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1635 


How  Donnacona  came  to  Stadacona  againe  with  a great  num- 
ber of  people,  and  because  he  would  not  come  to  visit 
our  Captaine,  fained  himselfe  to  be  sore  sicke,  which 
he  did  only  to  have  the  Captaine  come  see  him. 

Chap.  17 

On  the  one  and  twentieth  day  of  April  Domagaia  came  to 
the  shore  side,  accompanied  with  divers  lusty  and  strong  men, 
such  as  we  were  not  wont  to  see,  and  tolde  us  that  their  lord 
Donnacona  would  the  next  day  come  and  see  us,  and  bring 
great  store  of  Deeres  flesh,  and  other  things  with  him.  The 
next  day  he  came  and  brought  a great  number  of  men  to  Stada- 
cona, to  what  end,  and  for  what  cause  wee  knew  not,  but  (as 
the  proverb  sayth)  hee  that  takes  heede  and  shields  himselfe 
from  all  men,  may  hap  to  scape  from  some : for  we  had  need  to 
looke  about  us,  considering  how  in  number  we  were  diminished, 
and  in  strength  greatly  weakned,  both  by  reason  of  our  sick- 
nesse  and  also  of  the  number  that  were  dead,  so  that  we  were 
constrained  to  leave  one  of  our  ships  in  the  Port  of  the  Holy 
Crosse.  Our  Captaine  was  warned  of  their  comming,  and  how 
they  had  brought  a great  number  of  men  with  them,  for  Doma- 
gaia came  to  tell  it  us,  and  durst  not  passe  the  river  that  was 
betwixt  Stadacona  and  us,  as  he  was  wont  to  doe,  whereupon 
we  mistrusted  some  treason.  Our  Captaine  seeing  this  sent 
one  of  his  servants  to  them,  accompanied  with  John  Poulet 
being  best  beloved  of  those  people,  to  see  who  were  there,  and 
what  they  did.  The  sayd  Poulet  and  the  other  fained  them- 
selves onely  to  be  come  to  visit  Donnacona,  and  bring  him 
certaine  presents,  because  they  had  beene  together  a good 
while  in  the  sayd  Donnaconas  Towne.  So  soone  as  he  heard 
of  their  comming,  he  got  himselfe  to  bed,  faining  to  bee  very 
sicke.  That  done,  they  went  to  Taignoagny  his  house  to  see 
him,  and  wheresoever  they  went,  they  saw  so  many  people, 
that  in  a maner  one  could  not  stirre  for  another,  and  such  men 


1535] 


CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


79 


as  they  were  never  wont  to  see.  Taignoagny  would  not  permit 
our  men  to  enter  into  any  other  houses,  but  still  kept  them  com- 
pany, and  brought  them  halfe  way  to  their  ships,  and  tolde 
them  that  if  it  would  please  our  captaine  to  shew  him  so  much 
favour  as  to  take  a Lord  of  the  Countrey,  whose  name  was 
Agonna,  of  whom  hee  had  received  some  displeasure,  and  carie 
him  with  him  into  France,  he  should  therefore  for  ever  be  bound 
unto  him,  and  would  doe  for  him  whatsoever  hee  would  com- 
mand him,  and  bade  the  servant  come  againe  the  next  day, 
and  bring  an  answere.  Our  Captaine  being  advertised  of  so 
many  people  that  were  there,  not  knowing  to  what  end,  pur- 
posed to  play  a prettie  prancke,  that  is  to  say,  to  take  their 
Lord  Donnacona,  Taignoagny,  Domagaia,  and  some  more  of 
the  chiefest  of  them  prisoners,  in  so  much  as  before  hee  had 
purposed,  to  bring  them  into  France,  to  shew  unto  our  King 
what  he  had  seene  in  those  Westerne  parts,  and  marvels 
of  the  world,  for  that  Donnacona  had  told  us,  that  he 
had  bene  in  the  Countrey  of  Saguenay,  in  which  are  infinite 
Rubies,  Gold,  and  other  riches,  and  that  there  are  white  men, 
who  clothe  themselves  with  woollen  cloth  even  as  wTe  doe  in 
France.  Moreover  he  reported,  that  hee  had  bene  in  another 
countrey  of  a people  called  Picquemians,  and  other  strange 
people.  The  sayd  Lord  was  an  olde  man,  and  even  from  his 
childehood  had  never  left  off  nor  ceased  from  travailing  into 
strange  Countreys,  as  well  by  water  and  rivers,  as  by  lande. 
The  sayd  Poulet  and  the  other  having  tolde  our  Captaine  their 
Embassage,  and  shewed  him  what  Taignoagny  his  will  was, 
the  next  day  he  sent  his  servant  againe  to  bid  Taignoagny 
come  and  see  him,  and  shewe  what  hee  should,  for  he 
should  be  very  well  entertained,  and  also  part  of  his  will 
should  be  accomplished.  Taignoagny  sent  him  word,  that 
the  next  day  hee  would  come  and  bring  the  Lord  Donnacona 
with  him,  and  him  that  had  so  offended  him,  which  hee 
did  not,  but  stayed  two  dayes,  in  which  tune  none  came 
from  Stadacona  to  our  shippes,  as  they  were  wont  to  doe, 
but  rather  fled  from  us,  as  if  we  would  have  slaine  them,  so 
that  then  wee  plainely  perceived  their  knavery. 


80 


EARLY  ERENCH  VOYAGES 


[1536 


But  because  they  understood,  that  those  of  Sidatin  did  fre- 
quent our  company,  and  that  we  had  forsaken  the  bottome 
of  a ship  1 which  we  would  leave,  to  have  the  olde  nailes  out 
of  it,  the  third  day  following  they  came  from  Stadacona,  and 
most  of  them  without  difficulty  did  passe  from  one  side  of  the 
river  to  the  other  with  small  Skiff es : but  Donnacona  would  not 
come  over : Taignoagny  and  Domagaia  stood  talking  together 
about  an  houre  before  they  would  come  over,  at  last  they 
came  to  speake  with  our  Captaine.  There  Taignoagny 
prayed  him  that  hee  would  cause  the  foresayd  man  to  be 
taken  and  caried  into  France.  Our  Captaine  refused  to 
doe  it,  saying  that  his  King  had  forbidden  him  to  bring  any 
man  or  woman  into  France,  onely  that  he  might  bring  two  or 
three  yong  boyes  to  learne  the  language,  but  that  he  would 
willingly  cary  him  to  Newfoundland,  and  there  leave  him  in  an 
Island.  Our  Captaine  spake  this,  onely  to  assure  them,  that 
they  should  bring  Donnacona  with  them,  whom  they  had  left 
on  the  other  side:  which  wordes,  when  Taignoagny  heard, 
hee  was  very  glad,  thinking  hee  should  never  returne  into 
France  againe,  and  therefore  promised  to  come  the  next  day, 
which  was  the  day  of  the  Holy  Crosse,  and  to  bring  Donnacona 
and  all  the  people  with  him. 

How  that  upon  Holyrood  day  our  Captaine  caused  a Crosse  to 
be  set  up  in  our  Forte : and  how  the  Lord  Donnacona, 
Taignoagny,  Domagaia,  and  others  of  their  company 
came : and  of  the  taking  of  the  sayd  Lord. 

Chap.  18 

The  third  of  May  being  Holyroode  day,  our  Captaine  for  the 
solemnitie  of  the  day,  caused  a goodly  fayre  crosse  of  35  foote 
in  height  to  bee  set  up,  under  the  crosset  of  which  hee  caused  a 

1 The  remains  were  discovered  in  1843.  A part  was  sent  to  the  museum 
of  the  Historical  Society  at  Quebec,  and  the  rest  to  the  museum  at  St.-Malo. 
The  museum  of  the  Historical  Society  at  Quebec  was  destroyed  by  fire  in 
1854. 


1535] 


CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


81 


shield  to  be  hanged,  wherein  were  the  Armes  of  France,  and 
over  them  was  written  in  antique  letters,  Franciscus  primus 
Dei  gratia  Francorum  Rex  regnat.  And  upon  that  day  about 
noone,  there  came  a great  number  of  the  people  of  Stadacona, 
men,  women  and  children,  who  told  us  that  their  Lord  Donna- 
cona,  Taignoagny,  and  Domagaia  were  comming,  whereof  we 
were  very  glad,  hoping  to  retaine  them.  About  two  of  the  clocke 
in  the  afternoone  they  came,  and  being  come  neere  our  ships, 
our  Captaine  went  to  salute  Donnacona,  who  also  shewed  him 
a mery  countenance,  albeit  very  fearefully  his  eyes  were  still 
bent  toward  the  wood.  Shortly  after  came  Taignoagny,  who 
bade  Donnacona  that  he  should  not  enter  into  our  Forte, 
and  therefore  fire  was  brought  forth  by  one  of  our  men,  and 
kindled  where  their  Lord  was.  Our  Captaine  prayed  him  to 
come  into  our  ships  to  eate  and  drinke  as  hee  was  wont  to  do, 
and  also  Taignoagny,  who  promised,  that  after  a while  he  would 
come,  and  so  they  did,  and  entred  into  our  ships:  but  first 
it  was  told  our  Captain  by  Domagaia  that  Taignoagny  had 
spoken  ill  of  him,  and  that  he  had  bid  Donnacona  hee  should  not 
come  aboord  our  ships.  Our  Captaine  perceiving  that,  came 
out  of  the  Forte,  and  saw  that  onely  by  Taignoagny  his  warning 
the  women  ran  away,  and  none  but  men  stayed  in  great  num- 
ber, wherefore  he  straight  commanded  his  men  to  lay  hold  on 
Donnacona,  Taignoagny,  and  Domagaia,  and  two  more  of  the 
chief est  whom  he  pointed  unto : then  he  commanded  them 
to  make  the  other  to  retire.  Presently  after,  the  said  lord 
entred  into  the  Fort  with  the  Captaine,  but  by  and  by  Taigno- 
agny came  to  make  him  come  out  againe.  Our  Captaine 
seeing  that  there  was  no  other  remedy,  began  to  call  unto  them 
to  take  them,  at  whose  crie  and  voice  all  his  men  came  forth, 
and  tooke  the  sayd  Lord  with  the  others,  whom  they  had 
appointed  to  take.  The  Canadians  seeing  their  Lord  taken, 
began  to  run  away,  even  as  sheepe  before  the  woolfe,  some 
crossing  over  the  river,  some  through  the  woods,  each  one 
seeking  for  his  owne  advantage.  That  done,  we  retired  our 
selves,  and  laid  up  the  prisoners  under  good  guard  and 
safety. 


82 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1535 


How  the  said  Canadians  the  night  following  came  before  our 
ships  to  seeke  their  men,  crying  and  howling  all  night 
like  Woolves : of  the  talke  and  conclusion  they  agreed 
upon  the  next  day:  and  of  the  gifts  which  they 
gave  our  Captaine. 

Chap.  19 

The  night  following  they  came  before  our  ships,  (the  river 
being  betwixt  us)  striking  their  breasts,  and  crying  and  howling 
like  woolves,  still  calling  Agouhanna,  thinking  to  speake  with 
him,  which  our  Captaine  for  that  time  would  not  permit, 
neither  all  the  next  day  till  noone,  whereupon  they  made  signes 
unto  us,  that  we  had  hanged  or  killed  him.  About  noone, 
there  came  as  great  a number  in  a cluster,  as  ever  we  saw,  who 
went  to  hide  themselves  in  the  Forest,  except  some,  who  with 
a loud  voice  would  call  and  crie  to  Donnacona  to  speake  unto 
them.  Our  Captaine  then  commanded  Donnacona  to  be 
brought  up  on  high  to  speake  unto  them,  and  bade  him  be 
merrie,  for  after  he  had  spoken,  and  shewed  unto  the  King  of 
France  what  hee  had  seene  in  Saguenay  and  other  countreys, 
after  ten  or  twelve  moneths,  he  should  returne  againe,  and  that 
the  King  of  France  would  give  him  great  rewards.  Donnacona 
was  very  glad,  and  speaking  to  the  others  told  it  them,  who  in 
token  of  joy,  gave  out  three  great  cryes,  and  then  Donnacona 
and  his  people  had  great  talke  together,  which  for  want  of  in- 
terpreters, cannot  be  described.  Our  Captaine  bade  Donna- 
cona that  hee  should  cause  them  to  come  to  the  other  side  of 
the  river,  to  the  end  they  might  better  talke  together  without 
any  feare,  and  that  he  should  assure  them : which  Donnacona 
did,  and  there  came  a boate  full  of  the  chiefest  of  them  to  the 
ships,  and  there  anew  began  to  talke  together,  giving  great 
praise  to  our  captaine,  and  gave  him  a present  of  foure  and 
twenty  chaines  of  Esurgny,  for  that  is  the  greatest  and  precious- 
est  riches  they  have  in  this  world,  for  they  esteeme  more  of 
that,  then  of  any  gold  or  silver.  After  they  had  long  talked 


1535]  CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE  83 

together,  and  that  their  Lord  sawe  that  there  was  no  remedy 
to  avoide  his  going  into  France,  hee  commanded  his  people  the 
next  day,  to  bring  him  some  victuals  to  serve  him  by  the  way. 
Our  Captaine  gave  Donnacona,  as  a great  present,  two  Frying 
pannes  of  copper,  eight  Hatchets,  and  other  small  trifles,  as 
Knives,  and  Beades,  whereof  hee  seemed  to  be  very  glad,  who 
sent  them  to  his  wives  and  children.  Likewise,  he  gave  to  them 
that  came  to  speake  with  Donnacona,  they  thanked  him  greatly 
for  them,  and  then  went  to  their  lodgings. 


How  the  next  day,  being  the  fift  of  May,  the  same  people  came 
againe  to  speake  unto  their  Lord,  and  how  foure 
women  came  to  the  shore  to  bring  him  victuals. 

Chap.  20 

Upon  the  fift  of  May,  very  early  in  the  morning,  a great 
number  of  the  sayd  people  came  againe  to  speake  unto  their 
Lord,  and  sent  a boate,  which  in  their  tongue  they  call  Casnoni, 
wherein  were  onely  foure  women,  without  any  man,  for  feare 
their  men  should  be  retained. 

These  women  brought  great  store  of  victuals,  as  great  Millet, 
which  is  their  corne  that  they  live  withall,  flesh,  fish,  and  other 
things,  after  their  fashion. 

These  women  being  come  to  our  shippes,  our  Captaine  did 
very  friendly  entertaine  them.  Then  Donnacona  prayed  our 
Captaine  to  tell  these  women  that  hee  should  come  againe  after 
ten  or  twelve  moneths,  and  bring  Donnacona  to  Canada  with 
him : this  hee  sayd  only  to  appease  them,  which  our  Captaine 
did : wherefore  the  women,  as  well  by  words  as  signes,  seemed 
to  be  very  glad,  giving  our  Captaine  thanks,  and  told  him,  if  he 
came  againe,  and  brought  Donnacona  with  him,  they  would  give 
him  many  things:  in  signe  whereof,  each  one  gave  our  Cap- 
taine a chaine  of  Esurgny,  and  then  passed  to  the  other  side 
of  the  river  againe,  where  stood  all  the  people  of  Stadacona,  who 
taking  all  leave  of  their  Lord,  went  home  againe.  On  Satur- 


84 


EARLY  FRENCH  YO YALES 


[1530 


day  following,  being  the  sixt  of  the  moneth,  we  departed  out 
of  the  sayd  Port  of  Santa  Croix,  and  came  to  harborough  a 
little  beneath  the  Island  of  Orleans,  about  twelve  leagues  from 
the  Port  of  the  Holy  Crosse,  and  upon  Sonday  we  came  to  the 
Island  of  Filberds,  where  we  stayed  until  the  sixteenth  of  that 
moneth,  till  the  fiercenesse  of  the  waters  were  past,  which  at 
that  time  ranne  too  swift  a course,  and  were  too  dangerous 
to  come  downe  along  the  river,  and  therefore  we  stayed  till 
faire  weather  came.  In  the  meane  while  many  of  Donnaconas 
subjects  came  from  the  river  of  Saguenay  to  him,  but  being  by 
Domagaia  advertised,  that  their  Lord  was  taken  to  bee  caryed 
into  France  they  were  all  amazed : yet  for  all  that  they  would 
not  leave  to  come  to  our  ships,  to  speake  to  Donnacona,  who 
told  them  that  after  twelve  moneths  he  should  come  againe, 
and  that  he  was  very  well  used  by  the  Captaine,  Gentlemen, 
and  Mariners.  Which  when  they  heard,  they  greatly  thanked 
our  Captaine  and  gave  their  Lord  three  bundles  of  Beavers, 
and  Sea  Woolves  skinnes,  with  a great  knife  of  red  copper  that 
commeth  from  Saguenay,  and  other  things.  They  gave  also 
to  our  Captaine  a chaine  of  Esurgny,  for  which  our  Captaine 
gave  them  ten  or  twelve  Hatchets,  and  they  gave  him  hearty 
thankes,  and  were  very  well  contented.  The  next  day,  being 
the  sixteenth  of  May,  we  hoysed  sayle,  and  came  from  the 
said  Island  of  Filberds,  to  another  about  fifteene  leagues  from  it, 
which  is  about  five  leagues  in  length,  and  there,  to  the  end  we 
might  take  some  rest  the  night  following,  we  stayed  that  day, 
in  hope  the  next  day  we  might  passe  and  avoide  the  dangers 
of  the  river  of  Saguenay,  which  are  great.  That  evening  we 
went  a land  and  found  great  store  of  Hares,  of  which  we  tooke 
a great  many,  and  therefore  we  called  it  the  Island  of  Hares : 
in  the  night  there  arose  a contrary  winde,  with  such  stormes 
and  tempest,  that  wee  were  constrained  to  returne  to  the  Island 
of  Filberds  againe,  from  whence  wee  were  come,  because  there 
was  none  other  passage  among  the  sayde  Islandes,  and  there 
we  stayed  till  the  one  and  twentieth  of  that  moneth,  till  faire 
weather  and  good  winde  came  againe:  and  then  wee  sayled 
againe,  and  that  so  prosperously,  that  we  passed  to  Honguedo, 


1536] 


CAETIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


85 


which  passage  untill  that  time  had  not  bene  discovered:  wee 
caused  our  ships  to  course  athwart  Cape  Prat  which  is  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Port  of  Chaleur:  and  because  the  winde  was 
good  and  convenient,  we  sayled  all  day  and  all  night  without 
staying,  and  the  next  day  we  came  to  the  middle  of  Brions 
Island,  which  we  were  not  minded  to  doe,  to  the  end  wee  might 
shorten  our  way.  These  two  lands  lie  Northwest,  and  South- 
east, and  are  about  fiftie  leagues  one  from  another.  The  sayd 
Island  is  in  latitude  47  degrees  and  a halfe.  Upon  Thursday 
being  the  twenty  sixe  of  the  moneth,  and  the  feast  of  the  Ascen- 
sion of  our  Lord,  we  coasted  over  to  a land  and  shallow  of  lowe 
sandes,  which  are  about  eight  leagues  Southwest  from  Brions 
Island,  above  which  are  large  Champaines,  full  of  trees  and 
also  an  enclosed  sea,  whereas  we  could  neither  see,  nor  perceive 
any  gappe  or  way  to  enter  thereinto.  On  Friday  following, 
being  the  27  of  the  moneth,  because  the  wind  did  change  on  the 
coast,  we  came  to  Brions  Island  againe,  where  we  stayed  till 
the  beginning  of  June,  and  toward  the  Southeast  of  this  Island, 
wee  sawe  a lande,  seeming  unto  us  an  Island,  we  coasted  it 
about  two  leagues  and  a halfe,  and  by  the  way  we  had  notice 
of  three  other  high  Islands,  lying  toward  the  Sands : after  wee 
had  knowen  these  things  we  returned  to  the  Cape  of  the  sayd 
land,  which  doeth  devide  it  selfe  into  two  or  three  very  high 
Capes:  the  waters  there  are  very  deepe,  and  the  flood  of  the 
sea  runneth  so  swift,  that  it  cannot  possibly  be  swifter.  That 
day  we  came  to  Cape  Loreine,1  which  is  in  forty  seven  degrees 
and  a halfe  toward  the  South:  on  which  cape  there  is  a low 
land,  and  it  seemeth  that  there  is  some  entrance  of  a river, 
but  there  is  no  haven  of  any  worth.  Above  these  lands  we 
saw  another  cape  toward  the  South,  we  named  it  Saint  Paules 
Cape,2  it  is  at  47  degrees  and  a quarter. 

The  Sonday  following,  being  the  fourth  of  June,  and  Whit- 
sonday,  wee  had  notice  of  the  coast  lying  Eastsoutheast, 
distant  from  the  Newfoundland  about  two  and  twenty  leagues : 
and  because  the  wind  was  against  us,  we  went  to  a Haven,  which 

1 Cape  St.  Lawrence. 

2 Cheticamp,  on  the  western  coast  of  Cape  Breton. 


86 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1536 


wee  named  S.  Spiritus  Porte,1  where  we  stayed  till  Tewesday 
that  we  departed  thence,  sayling  along  that  coast  untill  we 
came  to  Saint  Peters  Islands.2  Wee  found  along  the  sayd 
coast  many  very  dangerous  Islands  and  shelves,  which  lye  all 
in  the  Eastsoutheast  and  Westnorthwest,  about  three  and 
twenty  leagues  into  the  sea.  Whilest  we  were  in  the  sayd 
Saint  Peters  Islands  we  met  with  many  ships  of  France  and 
of  Britaine,3  wee  stayed  there  from  Saint  Barnabas  day,  being 
the  eleventh  of  the  moneth,  until  the  sixteenth  that  we  de- 
parted thence  and  came  to  Cape  Rase,  and  entred  into  a Port 
called  Rognoso,  where  we  took  in  fresh  water,  and  wood  to 
passe  the  sea:  there  wee  left  one  of  our  boates.  Then  upon 
Monday,  being  the  nineteenth  of  June,  we  went  from  that 
Port,  and  with  such  good  and  prosperous  weather  we  sailed 
along  the  sea,  in  such  sorte,  that  upon  the  sixt  of  July  1536 
we  came  to  the  Porte  of  S.  Malo,  by  the  grace  of  God,  to  whom 
we  pray,  here  ending  our  Navigation,  that  of  his  infinite  mercy 
he  will  grant  us  his  grace  and  favour,  and  in  the  end  bring  us 
to  the  place  of  everlasting  felicitie.  Amen. 

Here  followeth  the  language  of  the  countrey,  and  kingdomes  of 
Hochelaga  and  Canada,  of  us  called  New  France : But 
first  the  names  of  their  numbers. 


Secada  1 

Tigneni  2 

Hasche  3 

Hannaion  4 

Oviscon  5 


Indahir 

Aiaga 


Addigue 

Madellon 

Assem 


6 

7 

8 
9 

10 


1 Le  Poil  Bay,  on  the  southern  coast  of  Newfoundland. 

2 St.  Pierre,  off  the  southern  coast  of  Newfoundland. 

3 Brittany. 


1536] 


CARTIER’S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


87 


Here  follow  the  names  the  chiefest  partes  of  men,  and  other 
words  necessary  to  be  knowen. 


the  Head 

aggonzi 

the  Browe 

hegueniascon 

the  Eyes 

higata 

the  Eares 

abontascon 

the  Mouth 

esahe 

the  Teeth 

esgongay 

the  Tongue 

osnache 

the  Throat 

agonhon 

the  Beard 

hebelim 

the  Face 

hegouascon 

the  Haires 

aganiscon 

the  Armes 

aiayascon 

the  Flanckes 

aissonne 

the  Stomacke 

aggruascon 

the  Bellie 

eschehenda 

the  Thighes 

hetnegradascon 

the  Knees 

agochinegodas- 

con 

the  Legges 

agouguene- 

honde 

the  Feete 

onchidascon 

the  Hands 

aignoascon 

the  Fingers 

agenoga 

the  Nailes 

agedascon 

a Mans  mem- 

ainoascon 

ber 

a Womans 

castaigne 

member 

an  Eele 

esgueny 

a Snaile 

undeguezi 

a Tortois 

heuleuxima 

Woods 

conda 

leaves  of 
Trees 

hoga 

God 

cudragny 

give  me  some  quazahoa- 

drink 

quea 

give  me  to 

quaso  hoa 

breakfast 

quascaboa 

give  me  my 

quaza  hoa 

supper 

quatfriam 

let  us  goe  to 

casigno  agny- 

bed 

dahoa 

a Man 

aguehum 

a woman 

agruaste 

a Boy 

addegesta 

a Wench 

agniaquesta 

a Child 

exiasta 

a Gowne 

cabata 

a Doublet 

caioza 

Hosen 

hemondoha 

Shooes 

atha 

a Shirt 

amgoua 

a Cappe 

castrua 

Corne 

osizi 

Bread 

carraconny 

Water 

ame 

Flesh 

quahouascon 

Reisins 

queion 

Damsons 

honnesta 

Figges 

absconda 

Grapes 

ozoba 

Nuttes 

quahoya 

a Hen 

sahomgahoa 

88  EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES  [1536 


a Lamprey 

zisto 

a Salmon 

ondacon 

a Whale 

ainne  honne 

a Goose 

sadeguenda 

a Streete 

adde 

Cucumber 

casconda 

seede 

to  Morrowe 

achide 

the  Heaven 

quenhia 

the  Earth 

damga 

the  Sunne 

ysmay 

the  Moone 

assomaha 

the  Starres 

stagnehoham 

the  Winde 

cohoha 

good  morrow 

aignag 

let  us  go  to 

casigno  caudy 

play 

come  and 

assigniquad- 

speak  with 

dadia 

me 

lookeuponme 

quagathoma 

hold  your 

aista 

peace 

let  us  go  with 

casigno  casnovy 

the  boat 

give  me  a 

buazahca  ago- 

knife 

heda 

a Hatchet 

adogne 

a Bow 

ahenca 

a Darte 

quahetan 

let  us  goe  a 

Casigno  don- 

hunting 

nascat 

a Stagge 

aionnesta 

a Sheepe 

asquenondo 

a Hare 

Sourhanda 

a Dogge 

agaya 

a Towne 

Canada 

the  Sea 

agogasy 

the  waves  of 

coda 

the  sea 

an  Island 

cohena 

an  Hill 

agacha 

the  yce 

honnesca 

Snow 

camsa 

Colde 

athau 

Hotte 

odazani 

Fier 

azista 

Smoke 

quea 

a House 

canoca 

Beanes 

sahe 

Cinnamom 

adhotathny 

my  Father 

addathy 

my  Mother 

adanahoe 

my  Brother 

addagrim 

my  Sister 

adhoasseve 

They  of  Canada  say,  that  it  is  a moneths  sayling  to  goe  to 
a lande  where  Cinnamom  and  Cloves  are  gathered. 

Here  endeth  the  Relation  of  James  Cartiers  discovery  and 
Navigation  to  the  Newfoundlands,  by  him  named  New  France. 


THE  THIRD  VOYAGE  OF  DISCOVERY 
MADE  BY  CAPTAINE  JAQUES  CARTIER 

i54i 


INTRODUCTION 


Cartier  had  discovered  a great  river,  bordered  by  fertile 
lands.  The  terrible  sufferings  through  which  the  explorers 
passed  during  their  long  winter  at  St.  Croix,  however,  made  a 
deep  impression  upon  them,  and  their  sufferings  very  naturally 
found  expression  in  the  reports  of  the  expedition  made  by  the 
survivors  on  their  return  to  France.  Not  much  was  said  about 
gold  in  these  reports,  and  it  was  gold  with  other  valuable  com- 
modities which  the  Spaniards  were  bringing  from  their  New 
World  possessions.  The  king  accordingly  hesitated  to  encour- 
age Cartier  in  his  wish  to  return,  and  take  possession  of  the 
country  he  had  discovered.  The  invasion  of  his  kingdom 
by  the  king  of  Spain,  moreover,  now  occupied  his  attention. 
At  length,  however,  he  was  persuaded  by  an  influential  noble- 
man in  the  small  district  of  Vimeux  in  the  province  of  Picardy, 
— Jean  Francois  de  la  Rocque  de  Roberval,  — who  was  not 
only  deeply  interested  in  the  undertaking,  but  was  ready  to 
embark  in  it  personally.  By  letters  patent,  dated  January  15, 
1540,  Roberval  as  “Lord  of  Norumbega,  Viceroy  and  Lieuten- 
ant-general of  Canada,  Hochelaga,  Saguenay,  Newfoundland, 
Belle  Isle,  Carpunt,  Labrador,  the  Great  Bay  and  Baccalaos,” 
to  all  which  was  given  the  name  of  New  France  — considered 
by  Francis  to  be  the  northeastern  end  of  Asia  — was  placed  at 
the  head  of  the  expedition,  while  Cartier  retained  his  title  of 
Captain-general  and  Chief  Pilot  of  the  king’s  ships.  Rober- 
val was  to  establish  a colony  in  the  new  possessions,  which  in- 
cluded all  the  territory  north  of  40°.  Sailing  from  St.-Malo  in 
May,  1541  (probably),1  Cartier  spent  the  winter  of  1541-1542  at 

See  p.  95,  note  1,  below, 

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Charlesbourg  Royal,  about  four  leagues  beyond  the  harbor  of  St. 
Croix,  and  at  the  end  of  May,  1542,  not  hearing  from  Roberval, 
and  having  an  insufficient  supply  of  provisions,  the  Indians  also 
appearing  unfriendly,  he  concluded  to  return  to  France.  On  his 
way,  in  the  harbor  of  St.  John’s,  Newfoundland,  Cartier  found 
Roberval  with  his  three  ships  and  two  hundred  colonists ; but 
he  could  not  be  induced  to  turn  back,  and  continued  his  voyage 
homeward.  Roberval  located  his  colony  at  Charlesbourg  Royal, 
and  in  the  autumn  sent  two  of  his  vessels  back  to  France  for 
supplies.  After  a winter  of  hardship  and  suffering,  Roberval 
explored  the  Saguenay,  and  later  returned  to  France,  Cartier, 
some  think,  leading  a relief  expedition.  If  so,  this  was  Cartier’s 
last  voyage  to  the  New  World.  He  died  September  1,  1557, 
either  at  St.-Malo,  or  at  his  summer  seat  called  Limo'ilou. 
The  following  report  of  Cartier’s  third  voyage  is  a translation 
made  by  Hakluyt  of  the  official  French  report.  Unfortunately 
it  is  a fragment,  the  last  date  mentioned  in  the  narrative  being 
September  11,  and  as  we  have  no  other  source  of  informa- 
tion concerning  the  third  voyage,  the  original  narrative  of 
the  expedition  in  French  not  having  been  found,  we  have 
no  account  of  Cartier’s  second-winter  experiences  in  Canada. 

H.  S.  B. 


THE  THIRD  VOYAGE  OF  DISCOVERY 
MADE  BY  CAPTAINE  JAQUES  CARTIER 

1541 

The  third  voyage  of  discovery  made  by  Captaine  J agues 
Cartier,  1540.  \_1541~\  unto  the  Countreys  of  Canada, 
Hochelaga,  and  Saguenay. 

King  Francis  the  first  having  heard  the  report  of  Captaine 
Cartier  his  Pilot  generall  in  his  two  former  Voyages  of  discovery, 
as  well  by  writing  as  by  word  of  mouth,  touching  that  which  hee 
had  found  and  seene  in  the  Westerne  partes  discovered  by  him 
in  the  parts  of  Canada  and  Hochelaga,  and  having  also  seene 
and  talked  with  the  people,  which  the  sayd  Cartier  had  brought 
out  of  those  Countreys,  whereof  one  was  king  of  Canada,  whose 
name  was  Donnacona,  and  others : which  after  that  they  had 
bene  a long  time  in  France  and  Britaine,1  were  baptized  at  their 
owne  desire  and  request,  and  died  in  the  sayd  countrey  of 
Britaine.  And  albeit  his  Majestie  was  advertized  by  the  sayd 
Cartier  of  the  death  and  decease  of  all  the  people  which  were 
brought  over  by  him  (which  were  tenne  in  number)  saving  one 
little  girle  about  tenne  yeeres  old,  yet  he  resolved  to  send  the 
sayd  Cartier  his  Pilot  thither  againe,  with  John  Francis  de  la 
Roche,  Knight,  Lord  of  Roberval,2  whome  hee  appointed  his 
Lieutenant  and  Governour  in  the  Countreys  of  Canada  and 
Hochelaga,  and  the  sayd  Cartier  Captaine  Generali  and  leader 
of  the  shippes  that  they  might  discover  more  then  was  done 
before  in  the  former  voyages,  and  attaine  (if  it  were  possible) 
unto  the  knowledge  of  the  Countrey  of  Saguenay,  whereof  the 
people  brought  by  Cartier,  as  is  declared,  made  mention  unto 
the  King,  that  there  were  great  riches,  and  very  good  countreys. 

1 Brittany.  2 Near  Boulogne,  between  that  town  and  Calais. 

93 


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[1641 


And  the  King  caused  a certaine  summe  of  money  to  be  de- 
livered to  furnish  out  the  sayd  voyage  with  five  shippes: 
which  thing  was  perfourmed  by  the  sayd  Monsieur  Roberval 
and  Cartier.  After  that  they  had  agreed  together  to  rigge 
the  sayd  five  ships  at  Saint  Malo  in  Britaine,  where  the  two 
former  voyages  had  beene  prepared  and  set  forth,  And  the 
said  Monsieur  Roberval  sent  Cartier  thither  for  the  same  pur- 
pose, And  after  that  Cartier  had  caused  the  said  five  ships 
to  be  built  and  furnished  and  set  in  good  order,  Monsieur 
Roberval  came  downe  to  S.  Malo  and  found  the  ships  fallen 
downe  to  the  roade,  with  their  yards  acrosse  full  ready  to  de- 
part and  set  saile,  staying  for  nothing  else  but  the  comming  of 
the  Generali,  and  the  payment  of  the  furniture.  And  because 
Monsieur  Roberval  the  kings  lieutenant  had  not  as  yet  his 
artillery,  powder  and  munitions,  and  other  things  necessary 
come  downe,  which  he  had  provided  for  the  voyage,  in  the 
Countreys  of  Champaigne  and  Normandie:  and  because  the 
said  things  were  very  necessary,  and  that  hee  was  loth  to 
depart  without  them,  he  determined  to  depart  from  S.  Malo 
to  Roan,1  and  to  prepare  a ship  or  two  at  Honfleur,  whither 
he  thought  his  things  were  come : And  that  the  said  Cartier 
shoulde  depart  with  the  five  shippes  which  he  had  furnished, 
and  should  goe  before.  Considering  also  that  the  said  Cartier 
had  received  letters  from  the  king,  whereby  hee  did  expresly 
charge  him  to  depart  and  set  sayle  immediatly  upon  the  sight 
and  receit  thereof,  on  payne  of  incurring  his  displeasure,  and 
to  lay  all  the  fault  on  him.  And  after  the  conclusion  of  these 
things,  and  the  said  Monsieur  Roberval  had  taken  muster 
and  view  of  the  gentlemen,  souldiers,  and  mariners  which  were 
retained  and  chosen  for  the  performance  of  the  sayd  voyage, 
hee  gave  unto  Captain  Cartier  full  authoritie  to  depart  and  goe 
before,  and  to  governe  all  things  as  if  he  had  bene  there  in 
person:  and  himselfe  departed  to  Honfleur  to  make  his  far- 
ther preparation.  After  these  things  thus  dispatched,  the 
winde  comming  faire,  the  foresayd  five  ships  set  sayle  together 


1 Rouen. 


1541] 


CARTIER’S  THIRD  VOYAGE 


95 


well  furnished  and  victualled  for  two  yeere,the  23.  of  May,  1540.1 
And  we  sailed  so  long  with  contrary  winds  and  continuall  tor- 
ments, which  fell  out  by  reason  of  our  late  departure,  that 
wee  were  on  the  sea  with  our  sayd  five  ships  full  three  moneths 
before  wee  could  arrive  at  the  Port  and  Haven  of  Canada, 
without  ever  having  in  all  that  time  30  houres  of  good  wind 
to  serve  us  to  keepe  our  right  course : so  that  our  five  shippes 
through  those  stormes  lost  company  one  of  another,  all  save 
two  that  kept  together,  to  wit  that  wherein  the  Captaine  was, 
and  the  other  wherein  went  the  Vicount  of  Beaupre,  untill  at 
length  at  the  end  of  one  moneth  wee  met  all  together  at  the 
Haven  of  Carpont 2 in  Newfoundland.  But  the  length  of 
time  which  we  were  in  passing  betweene  Britayne  and  New- 
foundland was  the  cause  that  we  stood  in  great  neede  of  water, 
because  of  the  cattell,  as  well  Goates,  Hogges,  as  other 
beastes  which  we  caried  for  breede  in  the  Countrey,  which 
wee  were  constrained  to  water  with  Sider  and  other 
drinke.  Now  therefore  because  we  were  the  space  of  three 
moneths  in  sayling  on  the  sea,  and  staying  in  Newfoundland, 
wayting  for  Monsieur  Roberval,  and  taking  in  of  fresh  water 
and  other  things  necessary,  wee  arrived  not  before  the 
Haven  of  Saincte  Croix  in  Canada,  (where  in  the  former 
voyage  we  had  remayned  eight  moneths)  untill  the  23. 
day  of  August.  In  which  place  the  people  of  the  Countrey 
came  to  our  shippes,  making  shew  of  joy  for  our  ar- 
rivall,  and  namely  he  came  thither  which  had  the  rule  and 
government  of  the  Countrey  of  Canada,  named  Agona,  which 
was  appointed  king  there  by  Donacona,  when  in  the  former 

1 Baxter,  in  his  Memoir  of  Jacques  Cartier,  p.  44,  gives  May  23,  1541,  as 
the  date  of  Cartier’s  sailing  from  St.-Malo.  This  is  necessary  in  order  to  bring 
the  narrative  into  harmony  with  the  dates  given  in  the  relation  of  Roberval’s 
voyage,  which  followed  in  the  succeeding  year.  If  Cartier  left  France  May 
23,  1540,  and  returned  to  France  in  the  summer  of  1541,  he  could  not  have 
met  Roberval  in  the  harbor  of  St.  John’s,  Newfoundland,  in  June,  1542,  as 
is  stated  in  the  relation  of  Roberval’s  voyage  in  Hakluyt.  The  difficulty  is 
relieved  by  supposing  an  error  in  Hakluyt,  and  making  the  date  of  Cartier’s 
sailing  from  France  on  his  third  voyage  May  23,  1541,  instead  of  May  23, 
1540. 

3 Island  off  the  northeastern  extremity  of  Newfoundland. 


96 


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[1541 


voyage  we  carried  him  into  France.  And  hee  came  to  the 
Captaines  ship  with  6.  or  7.  boates,  and  with  many  women 
and  children.  And  after  the  sayd  Agona  had  inquired  of  the 
Captaine  where  Donacona  and  the  rest  were,  the  Captaine  an- 
swered him,  That  Donacona  was  dead  in  France,  and  that  his 
body  rested  in  the  earth,  and  that  the  rest  stayed  there  as  great 
Lords,  and  were  maried,  and  would  not  returne  backe  into 
their  Countrey : the  said  Agona  made  no  shewe  of  anger  at  all 
these  speeches:  and  I thinke  he  tooke  it  so  well  because  he 
remained  Lord  and  Governour  of  the  countrey  by  the  death  of 
the  said  Donacona.  After  which  conference  the  said  Agona 
tooke  a piece  of  tanned  leather  of  a yellow  skin  edged  about 
with  Esnoguy  (which  is  their  riches  and  the  thing  which  they 
esteeme  most  precious,  as  wee  esteeme  gold)  which  was  upon 
his  head  in  stead  of  a crowne,  and  he  put  the  same  on  the  head 
of  our  Captaine,  and  tooke  from  his  wrists  two  bracelets  of 
Esnoguy,  and  put  them  upon  the  Captaines  armes,  colling  him 
about  the  necke,  and  shewing  unto  him  great  signes  of  joy: 
which  was  all  dissimulation,  as  afterward  it  wel  appeared. 
The  captaine  tooke  his  said  crowne  of  leather  and  put  it  againe 
upon  his  head,  and  gave  him  and  his  wives  certaine  smal 
presents,  signifying  unto  him  that  he  had  brought  certaine 
new  things,  which  afterward  he  would  bestow  upon  him:  for 
which  the  sayd  Agona  thanked  the  Captaine.  And  after  that 
he  had  made  him  and  his  company  eat  and  drinke,  they  de- 
parted and  returned  to  the  shore  with  their  boates.  After 
which  things  the  sayd  Captaine  went  with  two  of  his  boates  up 
the  river,  beyond  Canada  and  the  Port  of  Saincte  Croix,  to 
view  a Haven  and  a small  river,1  which  is  about  4.  leagues 
higher:  which  he  found  better  and  more  commodious  to  ride 
in  and  lay  his  ships,  then  the  former.  And  therefore  he  re- 
turned and  caused  all  his  ships  to  be  brought  before  the  sayd 
river,  and  at  a lowe  water  he  caused  his  Ordinance  to  bee 
planted  to  place  his  ships  in  more  safetie,  which  he  meant  to 
keepe  and  stay  in  the  Countrey,  which  were  three : which  hee 


1 Cape  Rouge  River. 


1541] 


CAETIEE’S  THIED  VOYAGE 


97 


did  the  day  following,  and  the  rest  remayned  in  the  roade  in 
the  middest  of  the  river  (In  which  place  the  victuals  and  other 
furniture  were  discharged,  which  they  had  brought)  from  the 
26.  of  August  untill  the  second  of  September,  what  time  they 
departed  to  returne  for  S.  Malo,  in  which  ships  he  sent  backe 
Mace  Jolloberte  1 his  brother  in  lawe,  and  Steven  Noel  his 
Nephew,  skilfull  and  excellent  pilots,  with  letters  unto  the 
king,  and  to  advertise  him  what  had  bene  done  and  found: 
and  how  Monsieur  de  Roberval  was  not  yet  come,  and  that 
hee  feared  that  by  occasion  of  contrary  winds  and  tempests 
he  was  driven  backe  againe  into  France. 


The  description  of  the  aforesaid  River  and  Haven. 

The  sayd  River  is  small,  not  past  50.  pases  broad,  and 
shippes  drawing  three  fathoms  water  may  enter  in  at  a full 
sea:  and  at  a low  water  there  is  nothing  but  a chanell  of  a 
foote  deepe  or  thereabout.  On  both  sides  of  the  said  River 
there  are  very  good  and  faire  grounds,  full  of  as  faire  and 
mightie  trees  as  any  be  in  the  world,  and  divers  sorts,  which 
are  above  tenne  fathoms  higher  then  the  rest,  and  there  is 
one  kind  of  tree  above  three  fathoms  about,  which  they  in  the 
Countrey  call  Hanneda,  which  hath  the  most  excellent  vertue 
of  all  the  trees  in  the  world,  whereof  I will  make  mention  here- 
after. Moreover  there  are  great  store  of  Okes  the  most  excel- 
lent that  ever  I saw  in  my  life,  which  were  so  laden  with  Mast 
that  they  cracked  againe : besides  this  there  are  fairer  Arables,2 
Cedars,  Beeches,  and  other  trees,  then  grow  in  France:  and 
hard  unto  this  wood  on  the  South  side  the  ground  is  all  covered 
with  Vines,  which  we  found  laden  with  grapes  as  blacke  as 
Mulberies,  but  they  be  not  so  kind  as  those  of  France  because 
the  Vines  bee  not  tilled,  and  because  they  grow  of  their  owne 
accord.  Moreover  there  are  many  white  Thornes,  which  beare 
leaves  as  bigge  as  oken  leaves,  and  fruit  like  unto  Medlers.3 

1 Marc  Jalobert.  2 Sugar-maples. 

3 A fruit  resembling  a small  apple. 


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[1541 


To  bee  short,  it  is  as  good  a Countrey  to  plow  and  mannure  as 
a man  should  find  or  desire.  We  sowed  seedes  here  of  our 
Countrey,  as  Cabages,  Naveaus,1  Lettises  and  others,  which 
grew  and  sprong  up  out  of  the  ground  in  eight  dayes.  The 
mouth  of  the  river  is  toward  the  South,  and  it  windeth  North- 
ward like  unto  a snake:  and  at  the  mouth  of  it  toward  the 
East  there  is  a high  and  steepe  cliffe,  where  we  made  a way  in 
maner  of  a payre  of  staires,  and  aloft  we  made  a Fort 2 to 
keepe  the  nether  Fort  and  the  ships,  and  all  things  that  might 
passe  aswell  by  the  great  as  by  this  small  river.  Moreover  a man 
may  behold  a great  extension  of  ground  apt  for  tillage,  straite 
and  handsome,  and  somewhat  enclining  toward  the  South,  as 
easie  to  be  brought  to  tillage  as  I would  desire,  and  very  well 
replenished  with  faire  Okes  and  other  trees  of  great  beauty,  no 
thicker  then  the  Forrests  of  France.  Here  we  set  twenty  men 
to  worke,  which  in  one  day  had  laboured  about  an  acre  and  an 
halfe  of  the  said  ground,  and  sowed  it  part  with  Naveaus  or 
small  Turneps,  which  at  the  ende  of  eight  dayes,  as  I said 
before,  sprang  out  of  the  earth.  And  upon  that  high  cliffe 
wee  found  a faire  fountaine  very  neere  the  sayd  Fort : adjoyn- 
ing  whereunto  we  found  good  store  of  stones,  which  we  es- 
teemed to  be  Diamants.  On  the  other  side  of  the  said  moun- 
taine  and  at  the  foote  thereof,  which  is  towards  the  great  River 
is  all  along  a goodly  Myne  of  the  best  yron  in  the  world,  and 
it  reacheth  even  hard  unto  our  Fort,  and  the  sand  which  we 
tread  on  is  perfect  refined  Myne,  ready  to  be  put  into  the 
fornace.  And  on  the  waters  side  we  found  certaine  leaves  of 
fine  gold  as  thicke  as  a mans  nayle.  And  Westward  of  the 
said  River  there  are,  as  hath  bene  sayd,  many  faire  trees : and 
toward  the  water  a goodly  Medow  full  of  as  faire  and  goodly 
grasse  as  ever  I sawe  in  any  Medowe  in  France : and  betweene 
the  said  Medow  and  the  Wood  are  great  store  of  Vines : and 
beyond  the  said  Vines  the  land  groweth  full  of  Hempe  which 
groweth  of  it  selfe,  which  is  as  good  as  possibly  may  be  seene, 

1 Turnips,  as  below. 

J The  river  is  the  Cape  Rouge  River  and  the  fort  was  built  on  the  high 
ground  now  known  as  Redclyffe. 


1541] 


CARTIER’S  THIRD  VOYAGE 


99 


and  as  strong.  And  at  the  ende  of  the  sayd  Medow  within  an 
hundred  pases  there  is  a rising  ground,  which  is  of  a kind  of 
slate  stone  blacke  and  thicke,  wherein  are  veines  of  mynerall 
matter,  which  shewe  like  gold  and  silver : and  throughout  all 
that  stone  there  are  great  graines  of,  the  sayd  Myne.  And  in 
some  places  we  have  found  stones  like  Diamants,  the  most 
faire,  pollished  and  excellently  cut  that  it  is  possible  for  a man 
to  see,  when  the  Sunne  shineth  upon  them,  they  glister  as  it 
were  sparkles  of  fire.1 

How  after  the  departure  of  the  two  shippes  which  were  sent 
backe  into  Britaine,  and  that  the  Fort  was  begun  to 
be  builded,  the  Captaine  prepared  two  boates  to  go 
up  the  great  River  to  discover  the  passage  of  the 
three  Saults  or  falles  of  the  River. 

The  sayd  Captaine  having  dispatched  two  ships  to  returne 
to  carry  newes,  according  as  hee  had  in  charge  from  the  king, 
and  that  the  Fort  was  begun  to  be  builded,  for  preservation  of 
their  victuals  and  other  things,  determined  with  the  Vicount  of 
Beaupre,  and  other  Gentlemen,  Masters,  and  Pilots  chosen  for 
counsayle,  to  make  a voyage  with  two  boates  furnished  with 
men  and  victuals  to  goe  as  farre  as  Hochelaga,  of  purpose  to 
view  and  understand  the  fashion  of  the  Saults  of  water,  which 
are  to  be  passed  to  goe  to  Saguenay,  that  hee  might  be  the 
readier  in  the  spring  to  passe  farther,  and  in  the  Winter  time 
to  make  all  things  needefull  in  a readinesse  for  their  businesse. 
The  foresaid  boates  being  made  ready,  the  Captaine  and 
Martine  de  Painpont,  with  other  Gentlemen  and  the  remnant 
of  the  Mariners  departed  from  the  sayd  place  of  Charlesburg 
Royal  the  seventh  day  of  September  in  the  yeere  aforesayd 
1540.  And  the  Vicount  of  Beaupre  stayed  behind  for  the 
garding  and  governement  of  all  things  in  the  Fort.  And  as 
they  went  up  the  river,  the  Captaine  went  to  see  the  Lord  of 
Hochelay,  which  dwelleth  betwreene  Canada  and  Hochelaga: 
which  in  the  former  voyage  had  given  unto  the  said  Captaine 

1 One  may  still  find  the  shining  crystals  at  this  place. 


100 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1541 


a little  girle,  and  had  oftentimes  enformed  him  of  the  treasons 
which  Taignoagny  and  Domagaya  (whom  the  Captaine  in  his 
former  voyage  had  caried  into  France)  would  have  wrought 
against  him.  In  regard  of  which  his  curtesie  the  said  Captaine 
would  not  passe  by  without  visiting  of  him,  and  to  let  him 
understand  that  the  Captaine  thought  himselfe  beholding  unto 
him,  hee  gave  unto  him  two  yong  boyes,  and  left  them  with 
him  to  learne  their  language,  and  bestowed  upon  him  a cloake 
of  Paris  red,  which  cloake  was  set  with  yealow  and  white 
buttons  of  Tinne,  and  small  belles.  And  withall  hee  gave  him 
two  Basons  of  Laton/and  certaine  hachets  and  knives : whereat 
the  sayde  Lord  seemed  highly  to  rejoy ce,  and  thanked  the  Cap- 
taine. This  done,  the  Captaine  and  his  company  departed 
from  that  place:  And  wee  sailed  with  so  prosperous  a wind, 
that  we  arrived  the  eleventh  day  of  the  moneth  at  the  first 
Sault 2 of  water,  which  is  two  leagues  distant  from  the  Towne 
of  Tutonaguy.  And  after  wee  were  arrived  there,  wee  deter- 
mined to  goe  and  passe  as  farre  up  as  it  was  possible  with  one 
of  the  boates,  and  that  the  other  should  stay  there  till  it  re- 
turned: and  wee  double  manned  her  to  rowe  up  against  the 
course  or  streame  of  the  sayde  Sault.  And  after  wee  had 
passed  some  part  of  the  way  from  our  other  boate,  wee  found 
badde  ground  and  great  rockes,  and  so  great  a current,3  that 
wee  could  not  possibly  passe  any  further  with  our  Boate.  And 
the  Captaine  resolved  to  goe  by  land  to  see  the  nature  and 
fashion  of  the  Sault.4  And  after  that  we  were  come  on  shore, 
wee  founde  hard  by  the  water  side  a way  and  beaten  path 
going  toward  the  sayde  Saultes,  by  which  wee  tooke  our  way. 
And  on  the  sayd  way,  and  soone  after  we  found  an  habitation 
of  people  which  made  us  great  cheere,  and  entertained  us  very 
friendly.  And  after  that  he  had  signified  unto  them,  that  wee 
were  going  toward  the  Saults,  and  that  wee  desired  to  goe  to 
Saguenay,  foure  yong  men  went  along  with  us  to  shewe  us  the 
way,  and  they  brought  us  so  farre  that  wee  came  to  another 
village  or  habitation  of  good  people,  which  dwell  over  against 


1 An  alloy  of  copper  and  zinc. 
3 Courant  de  Ste.  Marie. 


2 The  Lachine  Rapids. 
4 Sault  de  St.  Louis. 


1541] 


CARTIER’S  THIRD  VOYAGE 


101 


the  second  Sault,  which  came  and  brought  us  of  their  victuals, 
as  Pottage  and  Fish,  and  offered  us  of  the  same.  After  that 
the  Captaine  had  enquired  of  them  as  well  by  signes  as  wordes, 
how  many  more  Saults  we  had  to  passe  to  goe  to  Saguenay, 
and  what  distance  and  way  it  was  thither,  this  people  shewed 
us  and  gave  us  to  understand,  that  wee  were  at  the  second 
Sault,  and  that  there  was  but  one  more  to  passe,  that  the  River 
was  not  navigable  to  goe  to  Saguenay,  and  that  the  sayd  Sault 
was  but  a third  part  farther  then  we  had  travailed,  shewing  us 
the  same  with  certaine  little  stickes,  which  they  layd  upon  the 
ground  in  a certaine  distance,  and  afterward  layde  other  small 
branches  betweene  both,  representing  the  Saults.  And  by  the 
sayde  marke,  if  their  saying  be  true,  it  can  be  but  sixe  leagues 
by  land  to  passe  the  sayd  Saults. 


[Here  after  followeth  the  figure  of  the  three  Saults.] 


After  that  we  had  bene  advertised  by  the  sayde  people,  of 
the  things  abovementioned,  both  because  the  day  was  farre 
spent,  and  we  had  neither  drunke  nor  eaten  the  same  day,  we 
concluded  to  returne  unto  our  boats,  and  we  came  thither, 
where  we  found  great  store  of  people  to  the  number  of  400 
persons  or  thereabout,  which  seemed  to  give  us  very  good  enter- 
tainment and  to  rejoyce  of  our  comming:  And  therefore  our 
Captaine  gave  eche  of  them  certaine  small  trifles,  as  combs, 
brooches  of  tynne  and  copper,  and  other  smal  toyes,  and  unto 
the  chiefe  men  every  one  his  litle  hatchet  and  hooke,  whereat 
they  made  certaine  cries  and  ceremonies  of  joy.  But  a man 
must  not  trust  them  for  all  their  faire  ceremonies  and  signes 
of  joy,  for  if  they  had  thought  they  had  bene  too  strong  for 
us,  then  would  they  have  done  their  best  to  have  killed  us,  as 
we  understood  afterward.  This  being  done,  we  returned  with 
our  boats,  and  passed  by  the  dwelling  of  the  Lord  of  Hochelay, 
with  whom  the  Captaine  had  left  the  two  youths  as  he  came 
up  the  river,  thinking  to  have  found  him : But  hee  coulde  find 
no  body  save  one  of  his  sonnes,  who  tolde  the  Captaine  that 


102 


EARLY  FRENCH  VOYAGES 


[1541 


hee  was  gone  to  Maisouna,  as  our  boyes  also  told  us,  saying 
that  it  was  two  dayes  since  he  departed.  But  in  truth  hee 
was  gone  to  Canada  to  conclude  with  Agona  what  they 
should  doe  against  us.  And  when  we  were  arrived  at  our 
Fort,  wee  understoode  by  our  people,  that  the  Savages  of  the 
Countrey  came  not  any  more  about  our  Fort  as  they  were 
accustomed,  to  bring  us  fish,  and  that  they  were  in  a wonderful 
doubt  and  feare  of  us.  Wherefore  our  Captaine,  having  bene 
advertised  by  some  of  our  men  which  had  bene  at  Stadacona 
to  visite  them,  that  there  were  a wonderfull  number  of  the 
Countrey  people  assembled  together,  caused  all  things  in  our 
fortresse  to  bee  set  in  good  order:  etc. 

The  rest  is  wanting. 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  M.  HORE,  1536 


INTRODUCTION 


Reports  of  Cartier’s  discoveries  soon  reached  England. 
Prominent  among  those  who  studied  those  reports,  and  by 
them  was  stirred  to  activity  in  behalf  of  English  enterprise, 
was  Mr.  Robert  Hore  of  London.  Hakluyt’s  narrative  of 
Hore’s  voyage,  written  long  after  the  return  of  the  expedition 
and  as  the  result  of  painstaking  investigations,  included  facts 
communicated  by  Hakluyt’s  cousin,  Mr.  Richard  Hakluyt  of 
the  Middle  Temple.  It  is  very  probable  that  Mr.  Hore  had 
devoted  considerable  attention  to  the  project  of  the  Cabots 
with  reference  to  a northwest  passage  to  the  East  Indies.  His 
study  of  “ cosmographie  ” had  doubtless  convinced  him  that 
such  a passage,  if  it  could  be  found,  would  prove  a much 
shorter  route  to  those  far-away  regions  than  that  by  way  of 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  Hore  reached  Newfoundland,  as  the 
account  of  the  voyage  clearly  shows;  but  how  far  he  pene- 
trated into  the  regions  higher  up  the  American  coast,  it  is 
impossible  to  conjecture  from  Hakluyt’s  fragmentary  narra- 
tive. The  great  distress  which  befell  the  members  of  the  ex- 
pedition evidently  made  a deep  impression  upon  the  survivors. 
Because  of  the  reports  of  their  sufferings  and  of  the  ill  success 
attending  their  quest,  it  was  a long  time,  very  naturally,  before 
other  Englishmen  made  their  way  to  the  northern  part  of  the 
American  coast. 

H.  S.  B. 


105 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  M.  HORE 


The  voyage  of  M.  Hore  and  divers  other  gentlemen,  to  Newfound- 
land, and  Cape  Briton,  in  the  yeere  1536  and  in  the  28 
yere  of  King  Henry  the  8. 

One  master  Hore  of  London,  a man  of  goodly  stature  and 
of  great  courage,  and  given  to  the  studie  of  Cosmographie,  in 
the  28  yere  of  king  Henry  the  8 and  in  the  yere  of  our  Lord 
1536  encouraged  divers  Gentlemen  and  others,  being  assisted 
by  the  kings  favour  and  good  countenance,  to  accompany  him 
in  a voyage  of  disco verie  upon  the  Northwest  parts  of  America : 
wherein  his  perswasions  tooke  such  effect,  that  within  short 
space  many  gentlemen  of  the  Innes  of  court,  and  of  the  Chan- 
cerie,  and  divers  others  of  good  worship,  desirous  to  see  the 
strange  things  of  the  world,  very  willingly  entered  into  the 
action  with  him,  some  of  whose  names  were  as  folio weth : M. 
Weekes  a gentleman  of  the  West  countrey  of  five  hundred 
markes  by  the  yeere  living.  M.  Tucke  a gentleman  of  Kent. 
M.  Tuckfield.  M.  Thomas  Buts  the  sonne  of  Sir  William  Buts 1 
knight,  of  Norfolke,  which  was  lately  living,  and  from  whose 
mouth  I wrote  most  of  this  relation.  M.  Hardie,  M.  Biron, 
M.  Carter,  M.  Wright,  M.  Rastall  Serjeant  Rastals  brother, 
M.  Ridley,  and  divers  other,  which  all  were  in  the  Admyrall 
called  the  Trinitie,  a ship  of  seven  score  tunnes,  wherein  M. 
Hore  himselfe  was  imbarked.  In  the  other  ship  whose  name 
was  the  Minion,  went  a very  learned  and  vertuous  gentleman 
one  M.  Armigil  Wade,2  Afterwards  Clerke  of  the  Counsailes  of 
king  Henry  the  8 and  king  Edward  the  sixth,  father  to  the 

1 Physician  to  Henry  VIII.,  and  one  of  the  founders  of  the  College  of 
Physicians. 

2 Afterward  clerk  of  the  privy  council,  and  a member  of  Parliament 
for  Chipping  Wycombe,  1547-1553.  He  died  June  20,  1568. 

106 


1536] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  ROBERT  HORE 


107 


worshipfull  M.  William  Wade 1 now  Clerke  of  the  privie 
Counsell,  M.  Oliver  Dawbeney  marchant  of  London,  M.  Joy 
afterward  gentleman  of  the  Kings  Chappel,  with  divers  other 
of  good  account.  The  whole  number  that  went  in  the  two 
tall  ships  aforesaid,  to  wit,  the  Trinitie  and  the  Minion,  were 
about  sixe  score  persons,  whereof  thirty  were  gentlemen,  which 
all  were  mustered  in  warlike  maner  at  Gravesend,  and  after 
the  receiving  of  the  Sacrament,  they  embarked  themselves  in 
the  ende  of  Aprill.  1536. 

From  the  time  of  their  setting  out  from  Gravesend,2  they 
were  very  long  at  sea,  to  witte,  above  two  moneths,  and  never 
touched  any  land  untill  they  came  to  part  of  the  West  Indies 
about  Cape  Briton,3  shaping  their  course  thence  Northeast- 
wardes,  untill  they  came  to  the  Island  of  Penguin,4  which  is 
very  full  of  rockes  and  stones,  whereon  they  went  and  found 
it  full  of  great  foules  white  and  gray,  as  big  as  geese,  and  they 
saw  infinite  numbers  of  their  egges.  They  drave  a great  num- 
ber of  the  foules  into  their  boates  upon  their  sayles,  and  tooke 
up  many  of  their  egges,  the  foules  they  head  and  their  skinnes 
were  very  like  hony  combes  full  of  holes  being  head 5 off : they 
dressed  and  eate  them  and  found  them  to  be  very  good  and 
nourishing  meat.  They  saw  also  store  of  beares  both  blacke 
and  white,  of  whome  they  killed  some,  and  tooke  them  for  no 
bad  foode. 

M.  Oliver  Dawbeny,  which  (as  it  is  before  mentioned)  was 
in  this  voyage,  and  in  the  Minion,  told  M.  Richard  Hakluyt  of 
the  middle  Temple  these  things  following : to  wit,  That  after 
their  arrivall  in  Newfoundland,  and  having  bene  there  certaine 
dayes  at  ancre,  and  not  having  yet  seene  any  of  the  naturall 

1 Afterward  successively  ambassador  to  Spain,  Scotland,  and  France. 
He  was  a member  of  Parliament  in  1588, 1601,  and  1604-1611,  was  knighted 
May  20,  1603,  and  was  lieutenant  of  the  Tower  under  James  I.  He  died 
October  21,  1623. 

2 A village  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Thames,  twenty-one  miles  below 
London. 

3 An  island  belonging  to  the  province  of  Nova  Scotia,  from  which  it  is 
separated  by  the  Strait  of  Canso.  Its  name  is  derived  from  that  of  its  east 
cape,  which  was  probably  named  by  Breton  fishermen. 

4 On  the  eastern  coast  of  Newfoundland.  5 Flayed. 


108 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1536 


people  of  the  countrey,  the  same  Dawbeney  walking  one  day 
on  the  hatches,  spied  a boate  with  Savages  of  those  parts, 
rowing  downe  the  Bay  toward  them,  to  gaze  upon  the  ship  and 
our  people,  and  taking  viewe  of  their  comming  aloofe,  hee  called 
to  such  as  were  under  the  hatches,  and  willed  them  to  come  up 
if  they  would  see  the  natural  people  of  the  countrey,  that  they 
had  so  long  and  so  much  desired  to  see:  whereupon  they 
came  up,  and  tooke  viewe  of  the  Savages  rowing  toward  them 
and  their  ship,  and  upon  the  viewe  they  manned  out  a ship- 
boat  to  meet  them  and  to  take  them.  But  they  spying  our 
ship-boat  making  towards  them,  returned  with  maine  force 
and  fled  into  an  Island  that  lay  up  in  the  Bay  or  river  there, 
and  our  men  pursued  them  into  the  Island,  and  the  Savages 
fledde  and  escaped : but  our  men  found  a fire,  and  the  side  of 
a beare  on  a wooden  spit  left  at  the  same  by  the  Savages  that 
were  fled. 

There  in  the  same  place  they  found  a boote  of  leather 
garnished  on  the  outward  side  of  the  calfe  with  certaine  brave 
trailes,  as  it  were  of  rawe  silke,  and  also  found  a certaine  great 
warme  mitten : And  these  caryed  with  them,  they  returned  to 
their  shippe,  not  finding  the  Savages,  nor  seeing  any  thing  else 
besides  the  soyle,  and  the  things  growing  in  the  same,  which 
chiefely  were  store  of  firre  and  pine  trees. 

And  further,  the  said  M.  Dawbeny  told  him,  that  lying 
there  they  grew  into  great  want  of  victuals,  and  that  there 
they  found  small  reliefe,  more  then  that  they  had  from  the 
nest  of  an  Osprey,  that  brought  hourely  to  her  yong  great 
plentie  of  divers  sorts  of  fishes.  But  such  was  the  famine  that 
increased  amongst  them  from  day  to  day,  that  they  were  forced 
to  seeke  to  relieve  themselves  of  raw  herbes  and  rootes  that 
they  sought  on  the  maine : but  the  famine  increasing,  and  the 
reliefe  of  herbes  being  to  little  purpose  to  satisfie  their  in- 
satiable hunger,  in  the  fieldes  and  deserts  here  and  there,  the 
fellowe  killed  his  mate  while  he  stooped  to  take  up  a roote  for 
his  reliefe,  and  cutting  out  pieces  of  his  bodie  whom  he  had 
murthered,  broyled  the  same  on  the  coles  and  greedily  de- 
voured them. 


1636] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  ROBERT  HORE 


109 


By  this  meane  the  company  decreased,  and  the  officers 
knew  not  what  was  become  of  them ; And  it  fortuned  that  one 
of  the  company  driven  with  hunger  to  seeke  abroade  for  reliefe 
found  out  in  the  fieldes  the  savour  of  broyled  flesh,  and  fell  out 
with  one  for  that  he  would  suffer  him  and  his  fellowes  to  sterve, 
enjoying  plentie  as  he  thought:  and  this  matter  growing  to 
cruell  speaches,  he  that  had  the  broyled  meate,  burst  out 
into  these  wordes : If  thou  wouldest  needes  know,  the  broyled 
meate  that  I had  was  a piece  of  such  a mans  buttocke.  The 
report  of  this  brought  to  the  ship,  the  Captaine  found  what 
became  of  those  that  were  missing,  and  was  perswaded  that 
some  of  them  were  neither  devoured  with  wilde  beastes,  nor 
yet  destroyed  by  Savages:  And  hereupon  hee  stood  up  and 
made  a notable  Oration,  containing,  Howe  much  these  deal- 
ings offended  the  Almightie,  and  vouched  the  Scriptures  from 
first  to  last,  what  God  had  in  cases  of  distresse  done  for  them 
that  called  upon  him,  and  told  them  that  the  power  of  the 
Almighty  was  then  no  lesse,  then  in  al  former  time  it  had  bene. 
And  added,  that  if  it  had  not  pleased  God  to  have  holpen  them 
in  that  distresse,  that  it  had  bene  better  to  have  perished  in 
body,  and  to  have  lived  everlastingly,  then  to  have  relieved 
for  a poore  time  their  mortal  bodyes,  and  to  bee  condemned 
everlastingly,  both  body  and  soule  to  the  unquenchable  fire  of 
hell.  And  thus  having  ended  to  that  effect,  he  began  to  exhort 
to  repentance,  and  besought  all  the  company  to  pray,  that  it 
might  please  God  to  looke  upon  their  miserable  present  state 
and  for  his  owne  mercie  to  relieve  the  same.  The  famine  in- 
creasing, and  the  inconvenience  of  the  men  that  were  missing 
being  found,  they  agreed  amongst  themselves  rather  then  all 
should  perish,  to  cast  lots  who  should  be  killed:  And  such 
was  the  mercie  of  God,  that  the  same  night  there  arrived  a 
French  ship  1 in  that  port,  well  furnished  with  vittaile,  and 
such  was  the  policie  of  the  English,  that  they  became  masters 

1 Fishing  vessels  from  France  early  found  their  way  to  Newfoundland. 
English  fishing  vessels  came  thither  not  long  after  Cabot’s  discovery,  and  so 
important  had  English  interests  in  this  vicinity  become  in  1583  that  English 
merchants  and  fishermen  were  “at  the  head  of  all  the  other  nations,”  accord- 
ing to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert. 


110 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1536 


of  the  same,  and  changing  ships  and  vittailing  them,  they  set 
sayle  to  come  into  England. 

In  their  journey  they  were  so  farre  Northwards,  that  they 
sawe  mighty  Islands  of  yce  1 in  the  sommer  season,  on  which 
were  haukes  and  other  foules  to  rest  themselves  being  weary 
of  flying  over  farre  from  the  maine.  They  sawe  also  certaine 
great  white  foules  with  red  bils  and  red  legs,  somewhat  bigger 
then  Herons,  which  they  supposed  to  be  Storkes.  They 
arrived  at  S.  Ives 2 in  Cornewall  about  the  ende  of  October. 
From  thence  they  departed  unto  a certaine  castle  belonging 
to  sir  John  Luttrell,  where  M.  Thomas  Buts,  and  M.  Rastall 
and  other  Gentlemen  of  the  voyage  were  very  friendly  enter- 
tained : after  that  they  came  to  the  Earle  of  Bathe  at  Bathe, 
and  thence  to  Bristoll,  so  to  London.  M.  Buts  was  so  changed 
in  the  voyage  with  hunger  and  miserie,  that  sir  William  his 
father  and  my  Lady  his  mother  knew  him  not  to  be  their 
sonne,  untill  they  found  a secret  marke  which  was  a wart 
upon  one  of  his  knees,  as  hee  told  me  Richard  Hakluyt  of 
Oxford  himselfe,  to  whom  I rode  200.  miles  onely  to  learne 
the  whole  trueth  of  this  voyage  from  his  own  mouth,  as  being 
the  onely  man  now  alive  that  was  in  this  discoverie. 

Certaine  moneths  after,  those  Frenchmen  came  into  Eng- 
land and  made  complaint  to  king  Henry  the  8:  the  king 
causing  the  matter  to  be  examined,  and  finding  the  great 
distresse  of  his  subjects,  and  the  causes  of  the  dealing  so  with 
the  French,  was  so  mooved  with  pitie,  that  he  punished  not 
his  subjects,  but  of  his  owne  purse  made  full  and  royall  re- 
compence  unto  the  French. 

In  this  distresse  of  famine,  the  English  did  somewhat 
relieve  their  vitall  spirits,  by  drinking  at  the  springs  the  fresh 
water  out  of  certaine  wooden  cups,  out  of  which  they  had 
drunke  their  Aqua  composita  before. 

1 From  the  west  coast  of  Greenland  icebergs  in  large  numbers  are  carried 
past  Newfoundland  by  the  great  polar  currents.  Some  of  them  are  of  vast 
dimensions. 

2 On  the  northern  side  of  the  southwest  extremity  of  England,  and  about 
fifteen  miles  from  Land’s  End. 


THE  VOYAGE  MADE  BY 
M.  JOHN  HAWKINS  ESQUIRE 
j565 


INTRODUCTION 


John  Hawkins,  a native  of  Plymouth,  England,  was  a son 
of  William  Hawkins,  the  pioneer  in  the  African  slave  trade  so 
far  as  England  is  concerned,  and  “the  first  Englishman  who 
sailed  a ship  into  the  Southern  Seas.”  Having  “armed  out  a 
tall  and  goodly  ship  of  his  own,”  the  elder  Hawkins  three 
times  visited  the  west  coast  of  Africa  for  slaves,  and  found  a 
market  for  them  in  Brazil.  John  inherited  the  adventurous 
spirit  of  his  father.  About  1551  he  entered  the  maritime 
service,  and  is  said  to  have  made  voyages  to  Spain,  Portugal, 
and  other  places.  In  1556  he  was  admitted  a freeman  of 
Plymouth,  and  in  1558  he  invented  the  chain  pump  for  ships. 
In  1562,  on  his  first  voyage  as  commander,  he  proceeded  to  the 
coast  of  Guinea,  where,  by  the  sword  and  other  means,  he  pro- 
cured about  three  hundred  slaves,  whom  he  carried  to  the 
West  Indies,  and  sold  at  various  ports  of  Hispaniola.  He  then 
loaded  not  only  his  three  vessels  with  hides,  ginger,  sugar, 
“and  some  quantitie  of  pearles,”  but  two  other  vessels,  de- 
spatching the  latter  to  Spain.  Hawkins  safely  reached  home 
with  his  own  vessels,  but  the  Spanish  government  confiscated 
tHjLaargoes~of  the" two  vessnls-sent-to  Spain!  With  the  pi'ofits 
of  this  expedition,  notwithstanding  his  losses,  Hawkins  fitted 
out  another  and  larger  expedition  in  the  following  year,  a 
record  of  which,  written  by  “John  Sparke  the  younger,”  who 
accompanied  the  expedition  and  became  its  historian,  is  given 
herewith.  After  the  first  paragraph  of  the  narration,  there  is 
in  the  following  reprint  an  omission  of  Hawkins’s  experiences 
on  the  African  coast,  and  of  most  of  his  experiences  in  the 
West  Indies.  What  follows  is  of  especial  interest,  as  it  brought 
to  the  English  people  their  first  knowledge  of  Florida.  The 
Hakluyt  Society  reprinted  the  Hawkins  voyages  in  1878. 

H.  S.  B. 


I 


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THE  VOYAGE  MADE  BY  M.  JOHN  HAW- 
KINS ESQUIRE,  1565 


The  voyage  made  by  M.  John  Hawkins  Esquire,  and  afterward 
knight,  Captaine  of  the  Jesus  of  Lubek,  one  of  her 
Majesties  shippes,  and  Generali  of  the  Salomon,  and 
other  two  barkes  going  in  his  companie,  to  the  coast  of 
Guinea,  and  the  Indies  of  Nova  Hispania,  begun  in 
An.  Dom.  1564. 

Master  John  Hawkins  with  the  Jesus  of  Lubek,  a shippe 
of  700.  and  the  Salomon  a shippe  of  140.  the  Tiger  a barke  of 
50.  and  the  Swallow  of  30.  tunnes,  being  all  well  furnished  with 
men  to  the  number  of  one  hundreth  threescore  and  tenne,  as 
also  with  ordinance  and  victuall  requisite  for  such  a voyage, 
departed  out  of  Plymmouth  the  18.  day  of  October,  in  the 
yeere  of  our  Lord  1564.  with  a prosperous  winde. 

»{*  »J»  »{»  »J»  jJc  »j» 

Thus  the  17.  of  June,  we  departed  and  on  the  20.  wee  fell 
with  the  West  end  of  Cuba,  called  Cape  S.  Antony,1  where  for 
the  space  of  three  dayes  wee  doubled  along,  till  wee  came 
beyond  the  shoales,  which  are  20.  leagues  beyond  S.  Anthony. 
And  the  ordinary  Brise  taking  us,  which  is  the  Northeast  winde, 
put  us  the  24.  from  the  shoare,  and  therefore  we  went  to  the 
Northwest  to  fetch  wind,  and  also  to  the  coast  of  Florida  to 
have  the  helpe  of  the  current,  which  was  judged  to  have  set 
to  the  Eastward:  so  the  29.  wee  found  our  selves  in  27.  de- 
grees, and  in  the  soundings  of  Florida,  where  we  kept  our  selves 
the  space  of  foure  dayes,  sailing  along  the  coast  as  neere  as  we 
could,  in  tenne  or  twelve  fadome  water,  having  all  the  while 
no  sight  of  land. 

1 San  Antonio, 

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HAWKINS’S  VOYAGE  OF  1565 


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The  fift  of  July  we  had  sight  of  certeine  Islands  of  sand, 
called  the  Tortugas  1 (which  is  lowe  land)  where  the  captaine 
went  in  with  his  pinnesse,  and  found  such  a number  of  birds, 
that  in  halfe  an  houre  he  laded  her  with  them;  and  if  they 
had  beene  ten  boats  more,  they  might  have  done  the  like. 
These  Islands  beare  the  name  of  Tortoises,  because  of  the  num- 
ber of  them,  which  there  do  breed,  whose  nature  is  to  live  both 
in  the  water  and  upon  land  also,  but  breed  onely  upon  the 
shore,  in  making  a great  pit  wherein  they  lay  egges,  to  the 
number  of  three  or  foure  hundred,  and  covering  them  with 
sand,  they  are  hatched  by  the  heat  of  the  Sunne ; and  by  this 
meanes  commeth  the  great  increase.  Of  these  we  tooke  very 
great  ones,  which  have  both  backe  and  belly  all  of  bone,  of 
the  thicknes  of  an  inch:  the  fish  whereof  we  proved,  eating 
much  like  veale ; and  finding  a number  of  egges  in  them,  tasted 
also  of  them,  but  they  did  eat  very  sweetly.  Heere  wee 
ankered  sixe  houres,  and  then  a fair  gale  of  winde  springing, 
we  weyed  anker,  and  made  saile  toward  Cuba,  whither  we 
came  the  sixt  day,  and  weathered  as  farre  as  the  Table,2 
being  a hill  so  called  because  of  the  forme  thereof : here  we 
lay  off  and  on  all  night  to  keepe  that  we  had  gotten  to  wind- 
ward, intending  to  have  watered  in  the  morning,  if  we  could 
have  done  it,  or  els  if  the  winde  had  come  larger,  to  have 
plied  to  wind-ward  to  Havana,  which  is  an  harborow  where- 
unto  all  the  fleet  of  the  Spanyards  come,  and  doe  there  tary 
to  have  one  the  company  of  another.  This  hill  we  thinking 
to  have  beene  the  Table,  made  account  (as  it  was  indeed)  that 
Havana  was  but  eight  leagues  to  wind-ward,  but  by  the  per- 
swasion  of  a French  man,  who  made  the  captaine  beleeve  he 

1 A group  of  small  islands  at  the  western  extremity  of  the  Florida  Keys, 
one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  west  southwest  of  Cape  Sable.  They  received 
their  name  from  a Spanish  word  meaning  a tortoise. 

2 Vessels  still,  in  making  the  port  of  Havana  from  the  northward  or  west- 
ward, look  for  the  Table,  or  “Mesa  de  Mariel”  (mesa  being  the  Spanish  for 
table).  The  sailing  directions  are  as  follows:  “Port  Mariel  is  21  miles  west 
of  Havana  and  is  a snug  little  harbor.  A short  distance  inland  to  the  east- 
ward of  the  port  is  a remarkable  long  flat  ridge  of  moderate  height  with  a 
notch  or  step  at  its  east  end  called  the  Mesa  de  Mariel,  which  cannot  be  mis- 
taken.” 


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knew  the  Table  very  well,  and  had  beene  at  Havana,  sayd  that 
it  was  not  the  Table,  and  that  the  Table  was  much  higher,  and 
neerer  to  the  sea  side,  and  that  there  was  no  plaine  ground  to 
the  Eastward,  nor  hilles  to  the  Westward,  but  all  was  contrary, 
and  that  behind  the  hilles  to  the  Westward  was  Havana.  To 
which  persuasion  credit  being  given  by  some,  and  they  not  of 
the  woorst,  the  captaine  was  persuaded  to  goe  to  leeward, 
and  so  sailed  along  the  seventh  and  eight  dayes,  finding  no 
habitation  nor  no  other  Table;  and  then  perceiving  his  folly 
to  give  eare  to  such  praters,  was  not  a little  sory,  both  because 
he  did  consider  what  time  he  should  spend  yer  he  could  get  so 
far  to  wind-ward  againe,  which  would  have  bene,  with  the 
weathering  which  we  had,  ten  or  twelve  dayes  worke,  and  what 
it  would  have  bene  longer  he  knew  not,  and  (that  which  was 
woorst)  he  had  not  above  a dayes  water,  and  therfore  knew 
not  what  shift  to  make:  but  in  fine,  because  the  want  was 
such,  that  his  men  could  not  live  with  it,  he  determined  to 
seeke  water,  and  to  goe  further  to  leeward,  to  a place  (as  it 
is  set  in  the  card)  called  Rio  de  los  puercos,1  which  he  was  in 
doubt  of,  both  whether  it  were  inhabited,  and  whether  there 
were  water  or  not,  and  whether  for  the  shoalds  he  might  have 
accesse  with  his  ships,  that  he  might  conveniently  take  in  the 
same.  And  while  we  were  in  these  troubles,  and  kept  our 
way  to  the  place  aforesayd,  almighty  God  our  guide  (who 
would  not  suffer  us  to  run  into  any  further  danger,  which  we 
had  bene  like  to  have  incurred,  if  we  had  ranged  the  coast  of 
Florida  along  as  we  did  before,  which  is  so  dangerous  (by  re- 
ports) that  no  ship  escapeth  which  commeth  thither,  as  the 
Spanyards  have  very  wel  proved  the  same)  sent  us  the  eight 
day  at  night  a faire  Westerly  winde,  whereupon  the  captaine 
and  company  consulted,  determining  not  to  refuse  Gods  gift, 
but  every  man  was  contented  to  pinch  his  owne  bellie,  what- 
soever had  happened;  and  taking  the  sayd  winde,  the  ninth 
day  of  July  got  to  the  Table,  and  sailing  the  same  night,  un- 
awares overshot  Havana ; at  which  place  wee  thought  to  have 

1 Rio  de  Puercos,  a suburb  in  the  municipal  district  of  Consolacion  del 
Norte,  province  of  Pinar  del  Rio. 


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watered:  but  the  next  day,  not  knowing  that  wee  had  over- 
shot the  same,  sailed  along  the  coast,  seeking  it,  and  the 
eleventh  day  in  the  morning,  by  certaine  knowen  marks,  we 
understood  that  we  had  overshot  it  20  leagues:  in  which 
coast  ranging,  we  found  no  convenient  watering  place,  whereby 
there  was  no  remedy  but  to  disemboque,  and  to  water  upon 
the  coast  of  Florida:  for,  to  go  further  to  the  Eastward,  we 
could  not  for  the  shoalds,  which  are  very  dangerous ; and  be- 
cause the  current 1 shooteth  to  the  Northeast,  we  doubted  by 
the  force  thereof  to  be  set  upon  them,  and  therefore  durst  not 
approch  them : so  making  but  reasonable  way  the  day  afore- 
sayd,  and  all  the  night,  the  twelfth  day  in  the  morning  wre  fell 
with  the  Islands  upon  the  cape  of  Florida,  which  we  could 
scant  double  by  the  meanes  that  fearing  the  shoalds  to  the 
Eastwards,  and  doubting  the  current  comming  out  of  the  West, 
which  was  not  of  that  force  we  made  account  of ; for  we  felt 
little  or  none  till  we  fell  with  the  cape,  and  then  felt  such  a 
current,  that  bearing  all  sailes  against  the  same,  yet  were 
driven  backe  againe  a great  pace : the  experience  whereof  we 
had  by  the  Jesus  pinnesse,  and  the  Salomons  boat,  wThich  wTere 
sent  the  same  day  in  the  afternoone,  whiles  the  ships  were  be- 
calmed, to  see  if  they  could  finde  any  water  upon  the  Islands 
aforesaid ; who  spent  a great  part  of  the  day  in  rowing  thither, 
being  further  off  then  they  deemed  it  to  be,  and  in  the  meane 
time  a faire  gale  of  winde  springing  at  sea,  the  ships  departed, 
making  a signe  to  them  to  come  away,  who  although  they  saw 
them  depart,  because  they  were  so  neere  the  shore,  would  not 
lose  all  the  labour  they  had  taken,  but  determined  to  keepe 
their  way,  and  see  if  there  were  any  water  to  be  had,  making 
no  account  but  to  finde  the  shippes  well  enough : but  they 
spent  so  much  time  in  filling  the  water  which  they  had  found, 
that  the  night  was  come  before  they  could  make  an  end.  And 
having  lost  the  sight  of  the  ships,  they  rowed  what  they  could, 
but  were  wholly  ignorant  which  way  they  should  seeke  them 
againe ; as  indeed  there  was  a more  doubt  then  they  knew  of : 


1 The  Gulf  Stream. 


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for  when  they  departed,  the  shippes  were  in  no  current ; and 
sailing  but  a mile  further,  they  found  one  so  strong,  that  bear- 
ing all  sailes,  it  could  not  prevaile  against  the  same,  but  were 
driven  backe : whereupon  the  captaine  sent  the  Salomon,  with 
the  other  two  barks,  to  beare  neere  the  shore  all  night,  because 
the  current  was  lesse  there  a great  deale,1  and  to  beare  light, 
with  shooting  off  a piece  now  and  then,  to  the  intent  the  boats 
might  better  know  how  to  come  to  them. 

The  Jesus  also  bare  a light  in  her  toppe  gallant,  and  shot 
off  a piece  also  now  and  then,  but  the  night  passed,  and  the 
morning  was  come,  being  the  thirteenth  day,  and  no  newes 
could  be  heard  of  them,  but  the  ships  and  barkes  ceased  not 
to  looke  still  for  them,  yet  they  thought  it  was  all  in  vaine,  by 
the  meanes  they  heard  not  of  them  all  the  night  past;  and 
therefore  determined  to  tary  no  longer,  seeking  for  them  till 
noone,  and  if  they  heard  no  newes,  then  they  would  depart  to 
the  Jesus,  who  perforce  (by  the  vehemency  of  the  current) 
was  caried  almost  out  of  sight;  but  as  God  would  have  it, 
[noone]  time  being  come,  and  they  having  tacked  about  in  the 
pinnesses  top,  had  sight  of  them,  and  tooke  them  up:  they 
in  the  boats,  being  to  the  number  of  one  and  twenty,  having 
sight  of  the  ships,  and  seeing  them  tacking  about;  whereas 
before  at  the  first  sight  of  them  they  did  greatly  rejoy ce,  were 
now  in  a greater  perplexitie  then  ever  they  were : for  by  this 
they  thought  themselves  utterly  forsaken,  whereas  before  they 
were  in  some  hope  to  have  found  them.  Truly  God  wrought 
marvellously  for  them,  for  they  themselves  having  no  victuals 
but  water,  and  being  sore  oppressed  with  hunger,  were  not  of 
opinion  to  bestow  any  further  time  in  seeking  the  shippes 
then  that  present  noone  time:  so  that  if  they  had  not  at 
that  instant  espied  them,  they  had  gone  to  the  shore  to  have 
made  provision  for  victuals,  and  with  such  things  as  they  could 
have  gotten,  either  to  have  gone  for  that  part  of  Florida  where 
the  French  men  were  planted  (which  would  have  bene  very 
hard  for  them  to  have  done,  because  they  wanted  victuals  to 

1 Ponce  de  Leon  had  a like  experience  with  these  currents  and  counter- 
currents  in  1513. 


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bring  them  thither,  being  an  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  off) 
or  els  to  have  remained  amongst  the  Floridians;  at  whose 
hands  they  were  put  in  comfort  by  a French  man,  who  was 
with  them,  that  had  remained  in  Florida,  at  the  first  finding 
thereof,  a whole  yeere  together,  to  receive  victuals  sufficient, 
and  gentle  entertainment,  if  need  were,  for  a yeere  or  two, 
untill  which  time  God  might  have  provided  for  them.  But 
how  contrary  this  would  have  fallen  out  to  their  expectations, 
it  is  hard  to  judge,  seeing  those  people  of  the  cape  of  Florida 
are  of  more  savage  and  fierce  nature,  and  more  valiant  then 
any  of  the  rest ; which  the  Spanyards  well  prooved,  who  being 
five  hundred  men,  who  intended  there  to  land,  returned  few  or 
none  of  them,  but  were  inforced  to  forsake  the  same:  and  of 
their  cruelty  mention  is  made  in  the  booke  of  the  Decades,1  of 
a frier,  who  taking  upon  him  to  persuade  the  people  to  sub- 
jection, was  by  them  taken,  and  his  skin  cruelly  pulled  over 
his  eares,  and  his  flesh  eaten. 

In  these  Islands  they  being  a shore,  found  a dead  man, 
dried  in  a maner  whole,  with  other  heads  and  bodies  of  men : 
so  that  these  sorts  of  men  are  eaters  of  the  flesh  of  men,  aswel 
as  the  Canibals.  But  to  returne  to  our  purpose. 

The  foureteenth  day  the  shippe  and  barks  came  to  the 
Jesus,  bringing  them  newes  of  the  recovery  of  the  men,  which 
was  not  a little  to  the  rejoycing  of  the  captaine,  and  the  whole 
company : and  so  then  altogether  they  kept  on  their  way  along 
the  coast  of  Florida,  and  the  fifteenth  day  come  to  an  anker, 
and  so  from  sixe  and  twenty  degrees  to  thirty  degrees  and  a 
halfe,  where  the  French  men  abode,  ranging  all  the  coast  along, 
seeking  for  fresh  water,  ankering  every  night,  because  we  would 
overshoot  no  place  of  fresh  water,  and  in  the  day  time  the  cap- 
taine in  the  ships  pinnesse  sailed  along  the  shore,  went  into 
every  creeke,  speaking  with  divers  of  the  Floridians,  because 
hee  would  understand  where  the  French  men  inhabited;  and 

1 Peter  Martyr  of  Anghiera,  De  Rebus  Oceanicis  et  Orbe  Novo  Decades 
Tres  (Alcal&,  1530),  the  primary  general  book  on  the  earliest  explorations  of 
America;  known  to  Englishmen  through  Richard  Eden’s  translation  pub- 
lished in  London  in  1555. 


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not  finding  them  in  eight  and  twentie  degrees,  as  it  was  de- 
clared unto  him,  marvelled  thereat,  and  never  left  sailing  along 
the  coast  till  he  found  them,  who  inhabited  in  a river,  by 
them  called  the  river  of  May,1  and  standing  in  thirty  degrees 
and  better.  In  ranging  this  coast  along,  the  captaine  found 
it  to  be  all  an  Island,2  and  therefore  it  is  all  lowe  land,  and 
very  scant  of  fresh  water,  but  the  countrey  was  marvellously 
sweet,  with  both  marish  and  medow  ground,  and  goodly  woods 
among.  There  they  found  sorell  to  grow  as  abundantly  as 
grasse,  and  where  their  houses  were,  great  store  of  maiz  and 
mill,  and  grapes  of  great  bignesse,  but  of  taste  much  like  our 
English  grapes.  Also  Deere  great  plentie,  which  came  upon 
the  sands  before  them.  Their  houses  are  not  many  together, 
for  in  one  house  an  hundred  of  them  do  lodge;  they  being 
made  much  like  a great  barne,  and  in  strength  not  inferiour  to 
ours,  for  they  have  stanchions  and  rafters  of  whole  trees,  and 
are  covered  with  palmito-leaves,  having  no  place  divided,  but 
one  small  roome  for  their  king  and  queene.  In  the  middest 
of  this  house  is  a hearth,  where  they  make  great  fires  all  night, 
and  they  sleepe  upon  certeine  pieces  of  wood  hewin  in  for  the 
bowing  of  their  backs,  and  another  place  made  high  for  their 
heads,  which  they  put  one  by  another  all  along  the  walles  on 
both  sides.  In  their  houses  they  remaine  onely  in  the  nights, 
and  in  the  day  they  desire  the  fields,  where  they  dresse  their 
meat,  and  make  provision  for  victuals,  which  they  provide 
onely  for  a meale  from  hand  to  mouth.  There  is  one  thing 
to  be  marvelled  at,  for  the  making  of  their  fire,  and  not  onely 
they  but  also  the  Negros  doe  the  same,  which  is  made  onely 
by  two  stickes,  rubbing  them  one  against  another:  and  this 
they  may  doe  in  any  place  they  come,  where  they  finde  sticks 
sufficient  for  the  purpose.  In  their  apparell  the  men  onely 
use  deere  skinnes,  wherewith  some  onely  cover  their  privy 
members,  other  some  use  the  same  as  garments  to  cover  them 

1 The  St.  John  River.  Hawkins’s  attention  was  called  to  it  by  his  French 
pilot,  Martin  Atinas. 

a The  explorers  regarded  Florida  as  an  island,  as  appears  elsewhere  in 
the  narrative. 


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before  and  behind;  which  skinnes  are  painted,  some  yellow 
and  red,  some  blacke  and  russet,  and  every  man  according  to 
his  owne  fancy.  They  do  not  omit  to  paint  their  bodies  also 
with  curious  knots,  or  antike  worke,  as  every  man  in  his  owne 
fancy  deviseth,  which  painting,  to  make  it  continue  the  better, 
they  use  with  a thorne  to  pricke  their  flesh,  and  dent  in  the 
same,  whereby  the  painting  may  have  better  hold.  In  their 
warres  they  use  a sleighter  colour  of  painting  their  faces, 
whereby  to  make  themselves  shew  the  more  fierce;  which 
after  their  warres  ended,  they  wash  away  againe.  In  their 
warres  they  use  bowes  and  arrowes,  whereof  their  bowes  are 
made  of  a kind  of  Yew,  but  blacker  then  ours,  and  for  the 
most  part  passing  the  strength  of  the  Negros  or  Indians,  for  it 
is  not  greatly  inferior  to  ours : their  arrowes  are  also  of  a great 
length,  but  yet  of  reeds  like  other  Indians,  but  varying  in  two 
points,  both  in  length  and  also  for  nocks  and  feathers,  which 
the  other  lacke,  whereby  they  shoot  very  stedy : the  heads  of 
the  same  are  vipers  teeth,  bones  of  fishes,  flint  stones,  piked 
points  of  knives,  which  they  having  gotten  of  the  French  men, 
broke  the  same,  and  put  the  points  of  them  in  their  arrowes 
heads:  some  of  them  have  their  heads  of  silver,  othersome 
that  have  want  of  these,  put  in  a kinde  of  hard  wood,  notched, 
which  pierceth  as  farre  as  any  of  the  rest.  In  their  fight,  being 
in  the  woods,  they  use  a marvellous  pollicie  for  their  owne 
safegard,  which  is  by  clasping  a tree  in  their  armes,  and  yet 
shooting  notwithstanding:  this  policy  they  used  with  the 
French  men  in  their  fight,  whereby  it  appeareth  that  they  are 
people  of  some  policy:  and  although  they  are  called  by  the 
Spanyards  Gente  triste,  that  is  to  say,  Bad  people,  meaning 
thereby,  that  they  are  not  men  of  capacity:  yet  have  the 
French  men  found  them  so  witty  in  their  answeres,  that  by 
the  captaines  owne  report,  a counseller  with  us  could  not  give 
a more  profound  reason. 

The  women  also  for  their  apparell  use  painted  skinnes,  but 
most  of  them  gownes  of  mosse,  somewhat  longer  then  our 
mosse,  which  they  sowe  together  artificially,  and  make  the 
same  surplesse  wise,  wearing  their  haire  down  to  their  shoulders, 


122 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1566 


like  the  Indians.  In  this  river  of  May  aforesayd,  the  captaine 
entring  with  his  pinnesse,  found  a French  ship  of  fourescore 
tun,  and  two  pinnesses  of  fifteene  tun  a piece,  by  her,  and 
speaking  with  the  keepers  thereof,  they  tolde  him  of  a fort 
two  leagues  up,  which  they  had  built,  in  which  their  captaine 
Monsieur  Laudonniere  1 was,  with  certeine  souldiers  therein. 
To  whom  our  captaine  sending  to  understand  of  a watering 
place,  where  he  might  conveniently  take  it  in,  and  to  have 
licence  for  the  same,  he  straight,  because  there  was  no  con- 
venient place  but  up  the  river  five  leagues,  where  the  water 
was  fresh,  did  send  him  a pilot  for  the  more  expedition  thereof, 
to  bring  in  one  of  his  barks,  which  going  in  with  other  boats 
provided  for  the  same  purpose,  ankered  before  the  fort,  into 
the  which  our  captaine  went ; where  hee  was  by  the  Generali, 
with  other  captaines  and  souldiers,  very  gently  enterteined, 
who  declared  unto  him  the  time  of  their  being  there,  which 
was  fourteene  moneths,  with  the  extremity  they  were  driven 
to  for  want  of  victuals,  having  brought  very  little  with  them ; 
in  which  place  they  being  two  hundred  men  at  their  first 
comming,  had  in  short  space  eaten  all  the  maiz  they  could 
buy  of  the  inhabitants  about  them,  and  therefore  were  driven 
certeine  of  them  to  serve  a king  of  the  Floridians  against  other 

1 A French  Huguenot  expedition,  under  Jean  Ribault,  was  on  the  coast 
of  South  Carolina  in  1562.  A second  expedition,  also  of  Huguenot  origin,  was 
sent  out  in  1564,  under  Rene  de  Laudonniere,  who  was  on  the  American  coast 
with  Ribault  in  1562.  Laudonniere  located  his  colony  on  the  St.  John 
River.  The  vessels  Hawkins  found  in  the  river  evidently  were  those  of  the 
French  colonists.  After  Hawkins’s  departure,  Laudonniere  was  superseded 
by  Ribault,  who  had  sailed  from  France  May  22,  1565,  with  orders  from  Co- 
ligny  to  relieve  Laudonniere.  Shortly  after  Ribault’s  arrival,  Don  Pedro 
Menendez,  sent  by  Philip  II.  to  destroy  the  French  colonists  who  had  pre- 
sumed to  settle  on  what  he  claimed  to  be  Spanish  territory,  appeared  on 
the  coast  of  Florida,  the  French  fort  was  captured  and  most  of  the  colonists 
were  massacred.  Laudonniere  and  a few  others  escaped,  and  fled  to  the 
coast,  where  they  were  picked  up  by  a French  vessel,  which  landed  Laudon- 
niere and  his  companions  at  Swansea  in  Wales,  whence  they  made  their  way 
to  London.  Ribault,  who  had  withdrawn  to  his  ships  before  the  massacre, 
was  at  length  shipwrecked,  and  he  and  his  men,  in  their  effort  to  reach  the 
French  fort,  unaware  of  its  fate,  were  discovered  by  the  Spaniards  and  with 
a few  exceptions  were  put  to  death. 


1665] 


HAWKINS’S  VOYAGE  OF  1565 


123 


his  enemies,  for  mill  and  other  victuals : which  having  gotten 
could  not  serve  them,  being  so  many,  so  long  a time:  but 
want  came  upon  them  in  such  sort,  that  they  were  fame  to 
gather  acorns,  which  being  stamped  small,  and  often  washed, 
to  take  away  the  bitternesse  of  them,  they  did  use  for  bread, 
eating  withall  sundry  times,  roots,  whereof  they  found  many 
good  and  holesome,  and  such  as  serve  rather  for  medecines 
then  for  meates  alone.  But  this  hardnesse  not  contenting 
some  of  them,  who  would  not  take  the  paines  so  much  as  to 
fish  in  the  river  before  their  doores,  but  would  have  all  things 
put  in  their  mouthes,  they  did  rebell  against  the  captaine, 
taking  away  first  his  armour,  and  afterward  imprisoning  him : 
and  so  to  the  number  of  fourescore  of  them,  departed  with  a 
barke  and  a pinnesse,  spoiling  their  store  of  victuall,  and  taking 
away  a great  part  thereof  with  them,  and  so  went  to  the 
Islands  of  Hispaniola  1 and  Jamaica  a roving,  where  they 
spoiled  and  pilled  the  Spanyards;  and  having  taken  two 
caravels  laden  with  wine  and  casavi,  which  is  a bread  made  of 
roots,  and  much  other  victuals  and  treasure,  had  not  the  grace 
to  depart  therewith,  but  were  of  such  haughty  stomachs,  that 
they  thought  their  force  to  be  such  that  no  man  durst  meddle 
with  them,  and  so  kept  harborow  in  Jamaica,  going  dayly 
ashore  at  their  pleasure.  But  God  which  would  not  suffer 
such  evill  doers  unpunished,  did  indurate  their  hearts  in  such 
sort,  that  they  lingered  the  time  so  long,  that  a ship  and 
galliasse  2 being  made  out  of  Santa  Domingo  came  thither  into 
the  harborow,  and  tooke  twenty  of  them,  whereof  the  most  part 
were  hanged,  and  the  rest  caried  into  Spaine,  and  some  (to  the 
number  of  five  and  twenty)  escaped  in  the  pinnesse,  and  came 
to  Florida  ; where  at  their  landing  they  were  put  in  prison, 
and  incontinent  foure  of  the  chiefest  being  condemned,  at  the 
request  of  the  souldiers,  did  passe  the  harquebuzers,  and  then 
were  hanged  upon  a gibbet.  This  lacke  of  threescore  men 
was  a great  discourage  and  weakening  to  the  rest,  for  they 
were  the  best  souldiers  that  they  had:  for  they  had  now 


1 Santo  Domingo. 


2 A large  galley. 


124 


EAELY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1665 


made  the  inhabitants  weary  of  them  by  their  dayly  craving 
of  maiz,  having  no  wares  left  to  content  them  withall,  and 
therefore  were  inforced  to  rob  them,  and  to  take  away  their 
victual  perforce,  which  was  the  occasion  that  the  Floridians 
(not  well  contented  therewith)  did  take  certeine  of  their  com- 
pany in  the  woods,  and  slew  them ; whereby  there  grew  great 
warres  betwixt  them  and  the  Frenchmen : and  therefore  they 
being  but  a few  in  number  durst  not  venture  abroad,  but  at 
such  times  as  they  were  inforced  thereunto  for  want  of  food  to 
do  the  same:  and  going  twenty  harquebuzers  in  a company, 
were  set  upon  by  eighteene  kings,  having  seven  or  eight  hun- 
dred men,  which  with  one  of  their  bowes  slew  one  of  their 
men,  and  hurt  a dozen,  and  drove  them  all  downe  to  their 
boats;  whose  pollicy  in  fight  was  to  be  marvelled  at:  for 
having  shot  at  divers  of  their  bodies  which  were  armed,  and 
perceiving  that  their  arrowes  did  not  prevaile  against  the 
same,  they  shot  at  their  faces  and  legs,  which  were  the  places 
that  the  Frenchmen  were  hurt  in.  Thus  the  Frenchmen  re- 
turned, being  in  ill  case  by  the  hurt  of  their  men,  having  not 
above  forty  souldiers  left  unhurt,  whereby  they  might  ill 
make  any  more  invasions  upon  the  Floridians,  and  keepe  their 
fort  withall : which  they  must  have  beene  driven  unto,  had 
not  God  sent  us  thither  for  their  succour;  for  they  had  not 
above  ten  dayes  victuall  left  before  we  came.  In  which  per- 
plexity our  captaine  seeing  them,  spared  them  out  of  his  ship 
twenty  barrels  of  meale,  and  foure  pipes  of  beanes,  with  divers 
other  victuals  and  necessaries  which  he  might  conveniently 
spare : and  to  helpe  them  the  better  homewardes,  whither  they 
were  bound  before  our  comming,  at  their  request  we  spared 
them  one  of  our  barks  of  fifty  tun.  Notwithstanding  the  great 
want  that  the  Frenchmen  had,  the  ground  doth  yeeld  victuals 
sufficient,  if  they  would  have  taken  paines  to  get  the  same; 
but  they  being  souldiers  desired  to  live  by  the  sweat  of  other 
mens  browes:  for  while  they  had  peace  with  the  Floridians, 
they  had  fish  sufficient,  by  weares  which  they  made  to  catch 
the  same : but  when  they  grew  to  warres,  the  Floridians  tooke 
away  the  same  againe,  and  then  would  not  the  Frenchmen 


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HAWKINS’S  VOYAGE  OF  1565 


125 


take  the  paines  to  make  any  more.  The  ground  yeeldeth 
naturally  grapes  in  great  store,  for  in  the  time  that  the  French- 
men were  there,  they  made  20  hogsheads  of  wine.1  Also  it 
yeeldeth  roots  passing  good,  Deere  marvellous  store,  with 
divers  other  beasts,  and  fowle,  serviceable  to  the  use  of  man. 
These  be  things  wherewith  a man  may  live,  having  corne  or 
maiz  wherewith  to  make  bread : for  maiz  maketh  good  savory 
bread,  and  cakes  as  fine  as  flowre.  Also  it  maketh  good  meale, 
beaten  and  sodden  with  water,  and  eateth  like  pap  wherewith 
we  feed  children.  It  maketh  also  good  beverage,  sodden  in 
water,  and  nourishable;  which  the  Frenchmen  did  use  to 
drinke  of  in  the  morning,  and  it  assuageth  their  thirst,  so  that 
they  had  no  need  to  drinke  all  the  day  after.  And  this  maiz 
was  the  greatest  lacke  they  had,  because  they  had  no  labourers 
to  sowe  the  same,  and  therefore  to  them  that  should  inhabit 
the  land  it  were  requisit  to  have  labourers  to  till  and  sowe 
the  ground:  for  they  having  victuals  of  their  owne,  whereby 
they  neither  rob  nor  spoile  the  inhabitants,  may  live  not  onely 
quietly  with  them,  who  naturally  are  more  desirous  of  peace 
then  of  warres,  but  also  shall  have  abundance  of  victuals  prof- 
ered  them  for  nothing : for  it  is  with  them  as  it  is  with  one 
of  us,  when  we  see  another  man  ever  taking  away  from  us, 
although  we  have  enough  besides,  yet  then  we  thinke  all  too 
little  for  our  selves : for  surely  we  have  heard  the  Frenchmen 
report,  and  I know  it  by  the  Indians,  that  a very  little  con- 
tenteth  them:  for  the  Indians  with  the  head  of  maiz  rested, 
will  travell  a whole  day,  and  when  they  are  at  the  Spanyards 
finding,  they  give  them  nothing  but  sodden  herbs  and  maiz : 
and  in  this  order  I saw  threescore  of  them  feed,  who  were 
laden  with  wares,  and  came  fifty  leagues  off.  The  Floridians 
when  they  travell,  have  a kinde  of  herbe  dried,2  who  with  a 
cane  and  an  earthen  cup  in  the  end,  with  fire,  and  the  dried 
herbs  put  together,  doe  sucke  thorow  the  cane  the  smoke 

1 “ Like  to  the  wine  of  Orleans,”  says  the  margin. 

“Tobacco,”  says  the  margin.  This  was  twenty  years  before  tobacco 
was  introduced  into  England  by  Ralph  Lane.  It  had  been  used  in  southern 
Europe  before. 


126 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1565 


thereof,  which  smoke  satisfieth  their  hunger,  and  therwith 
they  live  foure  or  five  dayes  without  meat  or  drinke,  and  this 
all  the  Frenchmen  used  for  this  purpose:  yet  do  they  holde 
opinion  withall,  that  it  causeth  water  and  fleame  to  void  from 
their  stomacks.  The  commodities  of  this  land  are  more  then 
are  yet  knowen  to  any  man:  for  besides  the  land  it  selfe, 
whereof  there  is  more  then  any  Christian  king  is  able  to  in- 
habit, it  flourisheth  with  medow,  pasture  ground,  with  woods 
of  Cedar  and  Cypres,  and  other  sorts,  as  better  can  not  be  in 
the  world.  They  have  for  apothecary  herbs,  trees,  roots  and 
gummes  great  store,  as  Storax  liquida,  Turpintine,  Gumme, 
Myrrhe,  and  Frankinsence,  with  many  others,  whereof  I know 
not  the  names.  Colours  both  red,  blacke,  yellow,  and  russet, 
very  perfect,  wherewith  they  so  paint  their  bodies,  and  Deere 
skinnes  which  they  weare  about  them,  that  with  water  it 
neither  fadeth  away,  nor  altereth  colour.  Golde  and  silver 
they  want  not : for  at  the  Frenchmens  first  comming  thither 
they  had  the  same  offered  them  for  little  or  nothing,  for  they 
received  for  a hatchet  two  pound  weight  of  golde,  because 
they  knew  not  the  estimation  thereof : but  the  souldiers  being 
greedy  of  the  same,  did  take  it  from  them,  giving  them  nothing 
for  it:  the  which  they  perceiving,  that  both  the  Frenchmen 
did  greatly  esteeme  it,  and  also  did  rigorously  deale  with  them, 
by  taking  the  same  away  from  them,  at  last  would  not  be 
knowen  they  had  any  more,  neither  durst  they  weare  the 
same  for  feare  of  being  taken  away:  so  that  saving  at  their 
first  comming,  they  could  get  none  of  them:  and  how  they 
came  by  this  golde  and  silver  the  French  men  know  not  as 
yet,  but  by  gesse,  who  having  travelled  to  the  Southwest  of  the 
cape,  having  found  the  same  dangerous,  by  means  of  sundry 
banks,  as  we  also  have  found  the  same : and  there  finding  masts 
which  were  wracks  of  Spaniards  comming  from  Mexico,  judged 
that  they  had  gotten  treasure  by  them.  For  it  is  most  true 
that  divers  wracks  have  beene  made  of  Spaniards,  having  much 
treasure:  for  the  Frenchmen  having  travelled  to  the  capeward 
an  hundred  and  fiftie  miles,  did  finde  two  Spanyards  with  the 
Floridians,  which  they  brought  afterward  to  their  fort,  whereof 


1565] 


HAWKINS’S  VOYAGE  OF  1565 


127 


one  was  in  a caravel  comming  from  the  Indies,  which  was  cast 
away  fourteene  yeeres  ago,  and  the  other  twelve  yeeres;  of 
whose  fellowes  some  escaped,  othersome  were  slain  by  the 
inhabitants.  It  seemeth  they  had  estimation  of  their  golde 
and  silver,  for  it  is  wrought  flat  and  graven,  which  they  weare 
about  their  neckes;  othersome  made  round  like  a pancake, 
with  a hole  in  the  midst,  to  boulster  up  their  breasts  withall, 
because  they  thinke  it  a deformity  to  have  great  breasts.  As 
for  mines  either  of  gold  or  silver,  the  Frenchmen  can  heare  of 
none  they  have  upon  the  Island,  but  of  copper,  whereof  as  yet 
also  they  have  not  made  the  proofe,  because  they  were  but  few 
men : 1 but  it  is  not  unlike,  but  that  in  the  maine  where  are  high 
hilles,  may  be  golde  and  silver  as  well  as  in  Mexico,  because  it 
is  all  one  maine.  The  Frenchmen  obteined  pearles  of  them 
of  great  bignesse,  but  they  were  blacke,  by  meanes  of  rosting 
of  them,  for  they  do  not  fish  for  them  as  the  Spanyards  doe, 
but  for  their  meat:  for  the  Spanyards  use  to  keepe  dayly 
afishing  some  two  or  three  hundred  Indians,  some  of  them 
that  be  of  choise  a thousand : and  their  order  is  to  go  in  canoas, 
or  rather  great  pinnesses,  with  thirty  men  in  a piece,  whereof 
the  one  halfe,  or  most  part  be  divers,  the  rest  doe  open  the 
same  for  the  pearles:  for  it  is  not  suffered  that  they  should 
use  dragging,  for  that  would  bring  them  out  of  estimation, 
and  marre  the  beds  of  them.  The  oisters  which  have  the 
smallest  sort  of  pearles  are  found  in  seven  or  eight  fadome 
water,  but  the  greatest  in  eleven  or  twelve  fadome. 

The  Floridians  have  pieces  of  unicornes  homes  which  they 
weare  about  their  necks,  whereof  the  Frenchmen  obteined 
many  pieces.  Of  those  unicornes 2 they  have  many : for  that 
they  doe  affirme  it  to  be  a beast  with  one  home,  which  comming 
to  the  river  to  drinke,  putteth  the  same  into  the  water  before 
he  drinketh.  Of  this  unicornes  home  there  are  of  our  com- 
pany, that  having  gotten  the  same  of  the  Frenchmen  brought 
home  thereof  to  shew.  It  is  therefore  to  be  presupposed  that 

1 “This  copper,”  says  the  margin,  “was  found  perfect  golde,  called  by 
the  Savages  Sycroa  phyra.” 

2 According  to  the  margin,  the  native  name  was  Souannamma. 


128 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1665 


there  are  more  commodities  as  well  as  that,  which  for  want 
of  time,  and  people  sufficient  to  inhabit  the  same,  can  not  yet 
come  to  light:  but  I trust  God  will  reveale  the  same  before 
it  be  long,  to  the  great  profit  of  them  that  shal  take  it  in  hand. 
Of  beasts  in  this  countrey  besides  deere,  foxes,  hares,  polcats, 
conies,  ownces,  and  leopards,  I am  not  able  certeinly  to  say: 
but  it  is  thought  that  there  are  lions  and  tygres  as  well  as 
unicornes;  lions  especially;  if  it  be  true  that  is  sayd,  of  the 
enmity  betweene  them  and  the  unicornes;  for  there  is  no 
beast  but  hath  his  enemy,  as  the  cony  the  polcat,  a sheepe 
the  woolfe,  the  elephant  the  rinoceros ; and  so  of  other  beasts 
the  like : insomuch,  that  whereas  the  one  is,  the  other  can  not 
be  missing.  And  seeing  I have  made  mention  of  the  beasts  of 
this  countrey,  it  shall  not  be  from  my  purpose  to  speake  also 
of  the  venimous  beasts,  as  crocodiles,  whereof  there  is  great 
abundance,  adders  of  great  bignesse,  whereof  our  men  killed  some 
of  a yard  and  halfe  long.  Also  I heard  a miracle  of  one  of  these 
adders,  upon  the  which  a faulcon  seizing,  the  sayd  adder  did 
claspe  her  tail  about  her;  which  the  French  captaine  seeing, 
came  to  the  rescue  of  the  falcon,  and  tooke  her  slaying  the 
adder;  and  this  faulcon  being  wilde,  he  did  reclaim  her,  and 
kept  her  for  the  space  of  two  moneths,  at  which  time  for  very 
want  of  meat  he  was  faine  to  cast  her  off.  On  these  adders 
the  Frenchmen  did  feed,  to  no  little  admiration  of  us,  and 
affirmed  the  same  to  be  a delicate  meat.  And  the  captaine  of 
the  Frenchmen  saw  also  a serpent  with  three  heads  and  foure 
feet,  of  the  bignesse  of  a great  spaniell,  which  for  want  of  a 
harquebuz  he  durst  not  attempt  to  slay.  Of  fish  also  they 
have  in  the  river,  pike,  roch,  salmon,  trout,  and  divers  other 
small  fishes,  and  of  great  fish,  some  of  the  length  of  a man  and 
longer,  being  of  bignesse  accordingly,  having  a snout  much 
like  a sword  of  a yard  long.  There  be  also  of  sea  fishes,  which 
we  saw  coming  along  the  coast  flying,  which  are  of  the  bignesse 
of  a smelt,  the  biggest  sort  whereof  have  foure  wings,  but  the 
other  have  but  two : of  these  wee  sawe  comming  out  of  Guinea 
a hundred  in  a company,  which  being  chased  by  the  gilt  heads, 
otherwise  called  the  bonitos,  do  to  avoid  them  the  better,  take 


1565] 


HAWKINS’S  VOYAGE  OF  1565 


12S 


their  flight  out  of  the  water,  but  yet  are  they  not  able  to  fly 
farre,  because  of  the  drying  of  their  wings,  which  serve  them 
not  to  flie  but  when  they  are  moist,  and  therefore  when  they 
can  flie  no  further,  they  fall  into  the  water,  and  having  wet 
their  wings,  take  a new  flight  againe.  These  bonitos  be  of 
bignesse  like  a carpe,  and  in  colour  like  a makarell,  but  it  is 
the  swiftest  fish  in  swimming  that  is,  and  followeth  her  prey 
very  fiercely,  not  only  in  the  water,  but  also  out  of  the  water : 
for  as  the  flying  fish  taketh  her  flight,  so  doeth  this  bonito 
leape  after  them,  and  taketh  them  sometimes  above  the  water. 
There  were  some  of  those  bonitos,  which  being  galled  by  a 
fishgig,  did  follow  our  shippe  comming  out  of  Guinea  500 
leagues.  There  is  a sea-fowle  also  that  chaseth  this  flying 
fish  aswell  as  the  bonito:  for  as  the  flying  fish  taketh  her 
flight,  so  doth  this  fowle  pursue  to  take  her,  which  to  beholde 
is  a greater  pleasure  then  hawking,  for  both  the  flights  are  as 
pleasant,  and  also  more  often  then  an  hundred  times : for  the 
fowle  can  flie  no  way,  but  one  or  other  lighteth  in  her  pawes, 
the  number  of  them  are  so  abundant.  There  is  an  innu- 
merable yoong  frie  of  these  flying  fishes,  which  commonly 
keepe  about  the  ship,  and  are  not  so  big  as  butter-flies,  and 
yet  by  flying  do  avoid  the  unsatiablenesse  of  the  bonito.  Of 
the  bigger  sort  of  these  fishes  wee  tooke  many,  which  both 
night  and  day  flew  into  the  sailes  of  our  ship,  and  there  was 
not  one  of  them  which  was  not  woorth  a bonito:  for  being 
put  upon  a hooke  drabling  in  the  water,  the  bonito  would 
leape  thereat,  and  so  was  taken.  Also,  we  tooke  many  with 
a white  cloth  made  fast  to  a hooke,  which  being  tied  so  short 
in  the  water,  that  it  might  leape  out  and  in,  the  greedie  bonito 
thinking  it  to  be  a flying  fish  leapeth  thereat,  and  so  is  deceived. 
We  tooke  also  dolphins  which  are  of  very  goodly  colour  and 
proportion  to  behold,  and  no  less  delicate  in  taste.  Fowles 
also  there  be  many,  both  upon  land  and  upon  sea:  but  con- 
cerning them  on  the  land  I am  not  able  to  name  them,  be- 
cause my  abode  was  there  so  short.  But  for  the  fowle  of  the 
fresh  rivers,  these  two  I noted  to  be  the  chiefe,  whereof  the 
Flemengo  is  one,  having  all  red  feathers,  and  long  red  legs  like 


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[1565 


a herne,  a necke  according  to  the  bill,  red,  whereof  the  upper 
neb  hangeth  an  inch  over  the  nether;  and  an  egript,1  which 
is  all  white  as  the  swanne,  with  legs  like  to  an  hearn-shaw,  and 
of  bignesse  accordingly,  but  it  hath  in  her  taile  feathers  of  so 
fine  a plume,2  that  it  passeth  the  estridge 3 his  feather.  Of  the 
sea-fowle  above  all  other  not  common  in  England,  I noted  the 
pellicane,  which  is  fained  to  be  the  lovingst  bird  that  is ; which 
rather  then  her  yong  should  want,  wil  spare  her  heart  bloud 
out  of  her  belly:  but  for  all  this  lovingnesse  she  is  very  de- 
formed to  beholde ; for  she  is  of  colour  russet : notwithstand- 
ing in  Guinea  I have  seene  of  them  as  white  as  a swan,  having 
legs  like  the  same,  and  a body  like  a hearne,  with  a long  necke, 
and  a thick  long  beak,  from  the  nether  jaw  whereof  downe  to 
the  breast  passeth  a skinne  of  such  a bignesse,  as  is  able  to 
receive  a fish  as  big  as  ones  thigh,  and  this  her  big  throat  and 
long  bill  doeth  make  her  seem  so  ougly. 

Here  I have  declared  the  estate  of  Florida,  and  the  com- 
modities therein  to  this  day  knowen,  which  although  it  may 
seeme  unto  some,  by  the  meanes  that  the  plenty  of  golde  and 
silver,  is  not  so  abundant  as  in  other  places,  that  the  cost 
bestowed  upon  the  same  will  not  be  able  to  quit  the  charges: 
yet  am  I of  the  opinion,  that  by  that  which  I have  seene  in 
other  Islands  of  the  Indians,  where  such  increase  of  cattell 
hath  bene,  that  of  twelve  head  of  beasts  in  five  and  twenty 
yeeres,  did  in  the  hides  of  them  raise  a thousand  pound  profit 
yerely,  that  the  increase  of  cattel  only  would  raise  profit  suffi- 
cient for  the  same : for  wee  may  consider,  if  so  small  a portion 
did  raise  so  much  gaines  in  such  short  time,  what  would  a 
greater  do  in  many  yeres?  and  surely  I may  this  affirme, 
that  the  ground  of  the  Indians  for  the  breed  of  cattell,  is  not 
in  any  point  to  be  compared  to  this  of  Florida,  which  all  the 
yeere  long  is  so  greene,  as  any  time  in  the  Summer  with  us: 
which  surely  is  not  to  be  marvelled  at,  seeing  the  countrey 
standeth  in  so  watery  a climate : for  once  a day  without  faile 
they  have  a shower  of  raine ; which  by  meanes  of  the  countrey 


1 Egret. 


2 Aigrettes. 


3 Ostrich. 


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HAWKINS’S  VOYAGE  OF  1565 


131 


it  selfe,  which  is  drie,  and  more  fervent  hot  then  ours,  doeth 
make  all  things  to  flourish  therein.  And  because  there  is  not 
the  thing  we  all  seeke  for,  being  rather  desirous  of  present 
games,  I doe  therefore  affirme  the  attempt  thereof  to  be  more 
requisit  for  a prince,  who  is  of  power  able  to  go  thorow  with 
the  same,  rather  then  for  any  subject. 

From  thence  wee  departed  the  28  of  July,  upon  our  voyage 
homewards,  having  there  all  things  as  might  be  most  con- 
venient for  our  purpose:  and  tooke  leave  of  the  Frenchmen 
that  there  still  remained,  who  with  diligence  determined  to 
make  as  great  speede  after,  as  they  could.  Thus  by  meanes 
of  contrary  windes  oftentimes,  wee  prolonged  our  voyage  in 
such  manner  that  victuals  scanted  with  us,  so  that  we  were 
divers  times  (or  rather  the  most,  part)  in  despaire  of  ever 
comming  home,  had  not  God  in  his  goodnesse  better  provided 
for  us,  then  our  deserving.1  In  which  state  of  great  miserie, 
wee  were  provoked  to  call  upon  him  by  fervent  prayer,  which 
mooved  him  to  heare  us,  so  that  we  had  a prosperous  winde, 
which  did  set  us  so  farre  shot,  as  to  be  upon  the  banke  of 
Newfound  land,  on  Saint  Bartholomews  eve,2  and  we  sounded 
therupon,  finding  ground  at  an  hundred  and  thirty  fadoms, 
being  that  day  somewhat  becalmed,  and  tooke  a great  number 
of  fresh  codde-fish,  which  greatly  relieved  us : and  being  very 
glad  thereof,  the  next  day  we  departed,  and  had  lingring  little 
gales  for  the  space  of  foure  and  five  dayes,  at  the  ende  of  which 
we  sawe  a couple  of  French  shippes,  and  had  of  them  so  much 
fish  as  would  serve  us  plentifully  for  all  the  rest  of  the  way, 
the  Captaine  paying  for  the  same  both  golde  and  silver,  to 
the  just  value  thereof,  unto  the  chiefe  owners  of  the  saide 
shippes,  but  they  not  looking  for  any  thing  at  all,  were  glad 
in  themselves  to  meete  with  such  good  intertainement  at  sea, 
as  they  had  at  our  handes.  After  which  departure  from  them, 
with  a good  large  winde,  the  twentieth  of  September  we  came 
to  Padstow  3 in  Cornewall,  God  be  thanked,  in  safetie,  with 

1 Hawkins  was  the  first  English  navigator  to  make  his  way  up  the  Ameri- 

can coast.  Cabot  had  sailed  down  the  coast.  2 I.e.,  on  August  23. 

3 On  Padstow  Bay,  on  the  northern  coast  of  Cornwall. 


132 


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[1566 


the  losse  of  twentie  persons  in  all  the  voyage,  and  with  great 
profit  to  the  venturers  of  the  said  voyage,  as  also  to  the  whole 
realme,  in  bringing  home  both  golde,  silver,  pearles  and  other 
jewels  great  store.  His  name  therefore  be  praised  for  ever- 
more. Amen. 

The  names  of  certaine  Gentlemen  that  were  in  this  voyage. 
” M.  John  Hawkins. 

M.  John  Chester,  sir  William  Chesters  sonne. 

M.  Anthony  Parkhurst 

M.  Fitzwilliam. 

M.  Thomas  Woorley. 

M.  Edward  Lacie,  with  divers  others. 

^ r 7 

The  Register  and  true  accounts  of  all  herein 
expressed  hath  beene  approoved  by  me  John 
I Sparke  the  younger,  who  went  upon  the  same 
k voyage,  and  wrote  the  same. 


THE  THIRD  TROUBLESOME  VOYAGE 
MADE  WITH  THE  JESUS  OF  LUBEC 
1 5 6 7~ 1 5 6 8 


INTRODUCTION 


Hawkins  reached  England  in  September,  1565,  bringing 
with  him  much  treasure  in  gold,  silver,  and  various  commodities, 
and  valuable  information  concerning  that  part  of  the  New 
World  which  he  had  visited.  With  such  results  as  a return 
for  his  outlay,  Hawkins  had  no  difficulty  in  enlisting  the  in- 
terest of  his  countrymen  in  a new  and  larger  expedition,  having 
commercial  gains  principally  in  view.  The  record  of  this  third 
“troublesome”  voyage  was  written  by  Hawkins  himself.  It 
was  reprinted  by  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  its  Hawkins  volume 
in  1868.  Francis  Drake,  afterward  Sir  Francis  Drake,  com- 
manded one  of  the  vessels  connected  with  the  expedition.  The 
African  coast  was  again  visited,  and  a large  number  of  slaves 
were  secured  and  afterward  sold  in  the  Spanish  settlements  of 
the  New  World.  Neither  in  the  relation  of  the  second  voyage 
by  Sparke,  nor  in  this  by  Hawkins,  is  there  any  intimation 
whatever  that  at  that  time  the  slightest  disgrace  attached  to 
slave-stealing  and  slave-selling.  The  authorities  for  the  voyage 
are  best  discussed  by  Mr.  Julian  S.  Corbett,  Drake  and  the  Tudor 
Navy,  I.  414-420.  Hawkins  was  a member  of  Parliament  for 
Plymouth  from  1571  to  1583.  Deceiving  both  the  Queen  of 
Scots  and  Philip  as  to  his  loyaltyyHawkins  was  made  a grandee 
of  Spain  in  1571.  and  received  as  a reward  for  his  pretended 
treachery  a considerable  sum  of  money,  which  he  used  in 
equipping  a large  number  of  vessels  for  operations  against 
Spain  in  the  summer  of  1572.  He  was  made  treasurer  of  the 
navy  in  1573,  succeeding  his  father-in-law,  Ben  Gonson.^He 
was  “the  man  to  whom  is  due  all  the  credit  of  preparing  the 
royal  fleet  to"  meet  the  AjFmadaTnn  1588,  served  with  distinc- 


136 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


tion  as  rear-admiral  in  the  naval  conflict  that  ensued,  and 
was  knighted  July  25,  1588.  With  Frobisher,  Hawkins  under- 
took a voyage  in  1590  for  the  purpose  of  harassing  Spanish 
commerce.  In  1592  he  founded,  at  Chatham,  “Sir  John 
Hawkins’s  Hospital”  for  needy  mariners  and  shipwrights.  In 
1595,  in  company  with  Drake,  he  was  connected  with  an  ex- 
pedition against  the  Spanish  settlements  in  the  West  Indies; 
and  he  died  at  sea  November  12,  1595,  “neere  the  Eastern- 
most end  of  Saint  Juan  de  Puerto  Rico.” 


H.  S.  B. 


THE  THIRD  VOYAGE  BY  M.  JOHN  HAW- 
KINS, 1567-1568 


The  third  troublesome  voyage  made  with  the  Jesus  of  Lubec,  the 
Minion,  and  foure  other  ships,  to  the  parts  of  Guinea, 
and  the  West  Indies,  in  the  yeeres  1567  and  1568  by 
M.  John  Hawkins. 

The  ships  departed  from  Plimmouth,  the  second  day  of 
October,  Anno  1567  and  had  reasonable  weather  untill  the 
seventh  day,  at  which  time  fortie  leagues  North  from  Cape 
Finister,1  there  arose  an  extreme  storme,  which  continued  foure 
dayes,  in  such  sort,  that  the  fleete  was  dispersed,  and  all  our 
great  boats  lost,  and  the  Jesus  our  chiefe  shippe,  in  such  case, 
as  not  thought  able  to  serve  the  voyage:  whereupon  in  the 
same  storme  we  set  our  course  homeward,  determining  to  give 
over  the  voyage:  but  the  eleventh  day  of  the  same  moneth, 
the  winde  changed  with  faire  weather,  whereby  we  were  ani- 
mated to  followe  our  enterprise,  and  so  did,  directing  our 
course  with  the  Islands  of  the  Canaries,  where  according  to  an 
order  before  prescribed,  all  our  shippes  before  dispersed,  met 
at  one  of  those  Hands,  called  Gomera,  where  we  tooke  water, 
and  departed  from  thence  the  fourth  day  of  November,  towards 
the  coast  of  Guinea,  and  arrived  at  Cape  Verde,  the  eighteenth 
of  November:  where  we  landed  150  men,  hoping  to  obtain 
some  Negros,  where  we  got  but  fewe,  and  those  with  great 
hurt  and  damage  to  our  men,  which  chiefly  proceeded  of  their 
envenomed  arrowes:  and  although  in  the  beginning  they 
seemed  to  be  but  small  hurts,  yet  there  hardly  escaped  any 
that  had  blood  drawen  of  them,  but  died  in  strange  sort,  with 

1 On  the  northwestern  coast  of  Spain. 

137 


138 


EARLY  EXGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1567 


their  mouthes  shut  some  tenne  dayes  before  they  died,  and  after 
their  wounds  were  whole ; 1 where  I my  selfe  had  one  of  the 
greatest  woundes,  yet  thanks  be  to  God,  escaped.  From 
thence  we  passed  the  time  upon  the  coast  of  Guinea,  search- 
ing with  all  diligence  the  rivers  from  Rio  grande,  unto  Sierra 
Leona,  till  the  twelfth  of  Januarie,  in  which  time  we  had  not 
gotten  together  a hundreth  and  fiftie  Negros:  yet  notwith- 
standing the  sicknesse  of  our  men,  and  the  late  time  of  the 
yeere  commanded  us  away:  and  thus  having  nothing  where- 
with to  seeke  the  coast  of  the  West  Indies,  I was  with  the 
rest  of  our  company  in  consultation  to  goe  to  the  coast  of  the 
Mine,2  hoping  there  to  have  obtained  some  golde  for  our  wares, 
and  thereby  to  have  defraied  our  charge.  But  even  in  that 
present  instant,  there  came  to  us  a Negro,  sent  from  a king 
oppressed  by  other  Kings  his  neighbours,  desiring  our  aide, 
with  promise  that  as  many  Negros  as  by  these  warres  might 
be  obtained,  aswell  of  his  part  as  of  ours,  should  be  at  our 
pleasure:  whereupon  we  concluded  to  give  aide,  and  sent  120 
of  our  men,  which  the  15  of  Januarie,  assaulted  a towne  of 
the  Negros  of  our  Allies  adversaries,  which  had  in  it  8000 
Inhabitants,  being  very  strongly  impaled  and  fenced  after 
their  manner,  but  it  was  so  well  defended  that  our  men  pre- 
vailed not,  but  lost  sixe  men  and  fortie  hurt : so  that  our  men 
sent  forthwith  to  me  for  more  helpe:  whereupon  considering 
that  the  good  successe  of  this  enterprise  might  highly  further 
the  commoditie  of  our  voyage,  I went  my  selfe,  and  with  the 
helpe  of  the  king  of  our  side,  assaulted  the  towne,  both  by 
land  and  sea,  and  very  hardly  with  fire  (their  houses  being 
covered  with  dry  Palme  leaves)  obtained  the  towne,  and  put 
the  inhabitants  to  flight,  where  we  tooke  250  persons,  men, 
women,  and  children,  and  by  our  friend  the  king  of  our  side, 
there  were  taken  600  prisoners,  whereof  we  hoped  to  have  had 
our  choise : but  the  Negro  (in  which  nation  is  seldome  or  never 
found  truth)  meant  nothing  lesse : for  that  night  he  remooved 

1 The  West  African  negroes  poisoned  their  arrows ; the  wounds  produced 
by  them  tended  to  result  in  something  resembling  lockjaw. 

2 El  Mina,  or  the  Gold  Coast. 


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HAWKINS'S  VOYAGE  OF  1568 


139 


his  campe  and  prisoners,  so  that  we  were  fame  to  content  us 
with  those  fewe  which  we  had  gotten  ourselves. 

Now  had  we  obtained  between  foure  and  five  hundred 
Negros,  wherewith  we  thought  it  somewhat  reasonable  to 
seeke  the  coast  of  the  West  Indies,  and  there,  for  our  Negros, 
and  other  our  merchandize,  we  hoped  to  obtaine,  whereof  to 
countervaile  our  charges  with  some  gaines,  wherunto  we  pro- 
ceeded with  all  diligence,  furnished  our  watering,  tooke  fuell, 
and  departed  the  coast  of  Guinea  the  third  of  Februarie, 
continuing  at  the  sea  with  a passage  more  hard,  then  before 
had  bene  accustomed  till  the  27  day  of  March,  which  day  we 
had  sight  of  an  Hand,  called  Dominica,  upon  the  coast  of  the 
West  Indies,  in  fourteene  degrees:  from  thence  we  coasted 
from  place  to  place,  making  our  traffike  with  the  Spaniards  as 
we  might,  somewhat  hardly,  because  the  king  had  straightly 
commanded  all  his  Governours  in  those  parts,  by  no  meanes 
to  suffer  any  trade  to  be  made  with  us:  notwithstanding  we 
had  reasonable  trade,  and  courteous  entertainement,  from  the 
lie  of  Margarita  1 unto  Cartagena,2  without  any  thing  greatly 
worth  the  noting,  saving  at  Capo  de  la  Vela,3  in  a towne  called 
Rio  de  la  Hacha 4 (from  whence  come  all  the  pearles)  the 
treasurer  who  had  the  charge  there,  would  by  no  meanes  agree 
to  any  trade,  or  suffer  us  to  take  water,  he  had  fortified  his 
towne  with  divers  bulwarkes  in  all  places  where  it  might  be 
entered,  and  furnished  himselfe  with  an  hundred  Hargabuziers,5 
so  that  he  thought  by  famine  to  have  inforced  us  to  have  put 
a land  our  Negros:  of  which  purpose  he  had  not  greatly  failed, 
unlesse  we  had  by  force  entred  the  towne:  which  (after  we 
could  by  no  meanes  obtaine  his  favour)  we  were  inforced  to 
doe,  and  so  with  two  hundred  men  brake  in  upon  their  bul- 
warkes, and  entred  the  towne  with  the  losse  onely  of  two  men 

1 In  the  Caribbean  Sea,  off  the  coast  of  Venezuela. 

2 A city  on  the  northern  coast  of  Colombia,  capital  of  a province  of  the 
same  name  and  of  the  state  of  Bolivar. 

3 On  the  coast  of  Magdalena,  one  of  the  states  of  Colombia. 

4 West  of  Capo  de  la  Vela. 

5 Men  armed  with  the  arquebus,  a firearm  of  the  period ; written  alsG 
harquebus. 


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[1608 


of  our  partes,  and  no  hurt  done  to  the  Spaniards  because  after 
their  voley  of  shot  discharged,  they  all  fled. 

Thus  having  the  town  with  some  circumstance,  as  partly 
by  the  Spaniards  desire  of  Negros,  and  partly  by  friendship  of 
the  Treasurer,  we  obtained  a secret  trade:  whereupon  the 
Spaniards  resorted  to  us  by  night,  and  bought  of  us  to  the 
number  of  200  Negros:  in  all  other  places  where  we  traded 
the  Spaniards  inhabitants  were  glad  of  us,  and  traded  willingly. 

At  Cartagena  the  last  towne  we  thought  to  have  seene  on 
the  coast,  we  could  by  no  meanes  obtaine  to  deale  with  any 
Spaniard,  the  governor  was  so  straight,  and  because  our  trade 
was  so  neere  finished  we  thought  not  good  either  to  adventure 
any  landing,  or  to  detract  further  time,  but  in  peace  departed 
from  thence  the  24  of  July,  hoping  to  have  escaped  the  time 
of  their  stormes  which  then  soone  after  began  to  reigne,  the 
which  they  called  Furicanos,  but  passing  by  the  West  end  of 
Cuba,  towards  the  coast  of  Florida,  there  happened  to  us  the 
12  day  of  August  an  extreme  storme  which  continued  by  the 
space  of  foure  dayes,  which  so  beat  the  Jesus,  that  we  cut 
downe  all  her  higher  buildings,  her  rudder  also  was  sore  shaken, 
and  withall  was  in  so  extreme  a leake,  that  we  were  rather  upon 
the  point  to  leave  her  then  to  keepe  her  any  longer,  yet  hoping 
to  bring  all  to  good  passe,  we  sought  the  coast  of  Florida, 
where  we  found  no  place  nor  Haven  for  our  ships,  because  of 
the  shalownesse  of  the  coast:  thus  being  in  greater  dispaire, 
and  taken  with  a newe  storme  which  continued  other  3 dayes, 
we  were  inforced  to  take  for  our  succour  the  Port  which  serveth 
the  citie  of  Mexico  called  Saint  John  de  Ullua,1  which  standeth 
in  19  degrees : in  seeking  of  which  Port  we  tooke  in  our  way 
3 ships  which  carried  passengers  to  the  number  of  an  hundred, 
which  passengers  we  hoped  should  be  a meane  to  us  the  better 
to  obtaine  victuals  for  our  money,  and  a quiet  place  for  the 
repairing  of  our  fleete.  Shortly  after  this  the  16  of  September 
we  entered  the  Port  of  Saint  John  de  Ullua  and  in  our  entrie 
the  Spaniardes  thinking  us  to  be  the  fleete  of  Spaine,  the 

1 San  Juan  de  Ulua,  a small  island  on  the  Mexican  coast  opposite  Vera 
Cruz,  on  which  is  a castle  of  the  same  name. 


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chiefe  officers  of  the  Countrey  came  aboord  us,  which  being 
deceived  of  their  expectation  were  greatly  dismayed : but  im- 
mediatly  when  they  sawe  our  demand  was  nothing  but  victuals, 
were  recomforted.  I found  also  in  the  same  Port  twelve  ships 
which  had  in  them  by  the  report  two  hundred  thousand  pound 
in  gold  and  silver,  all  which  (being  in  my  possession,  with  the 
kings  Hand  as  also  the  passengers  before  in  my  way  thither- 
ward stayed)  I set  at  libertie,  without  the  taking  from  them 
the  waight  of  a groat : onely  because  I would  not  be  delayed  of 
my  dispatch,  I stayed  two  men  of  estimation  and  sent  post 
immediatly  to  Mexico,  wffiich  was  two  hundred  miles  from 
us,  to  the  Presidentes  and  Councell  there,  shewing  them  of 
our  arrivall  there  by  the  force  of  weather,  and  the  necessitie 
of  the  repaire  of  our  shippes  and  victuals,  which  wantes  we 
required  as  friends  to  king  Philip  to  be  furnished  of  for  our 
money:  and  that  the  Presidents  and  Councell  there  should 
with  all  convenient  speede  take  order,  that  at  the  arrivall  of 
the  Spanish  fleete,  which  was  dayly  looked  for,  there  might 
no  cause  of  quarrell  rise  betweene  us  and  them,  but  for  the 
better  maintenance  of  amitie,  their  commandement  might  be 
had  in  that  behalfe.  This  message  being  sent  away  the  six- 
teenth day  of  September  at  night,  being  the  very  day  of  our 
arrivall,  in  the  next  morning  which  was  the  seventeenth  day 
of  the  same  moneth,  we  sawe  open  of  the  Haven  thirteene 
great  shippes,  and  understanding  them  to  bee  the  fleete  of 
Spaine,  I sent  immediatly  to  advertise  the  Generali  of  the 
fleete  of  my  being  there,  doing  him  to  understand,  that  before 
I would  suffer  them  to  enter  the  Port,  there  should  some  order 
of  conditions  passe  betweene  us  for  our  safe  being  there,  and 
maintenance  of  peace.  Now  it  is  to  be  understood  that  this 
Port  is  made  by  a little  Hand  of  stones  not  three  foote  above 
the  water  in  the  highest  place,  and  but  a bow-shoot  of  length 
any  way,  this  Hand  standeth  from  the  maine  land  two  bow 
shootes  or  more,  also  it  is  to  be  understood  that  there  is  not 
in  all  this  coast  any  other  place  for  shippes  to  arrive  in  safety, 
because  the  North  winde  hath  there  such  violence,  that  un- 
lesse  the  shippes  be  very  safely  mored  with  their  ankers  fastened 


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upon  this  Hand,  there  is  no  remedie  for  these  North  windes  but 
death : also  the  place  of  the  Haven  was  so  little,  that  of  neces- 
sity the  shippes  must  ride  one  aboord  the  other,  so  that  we 
could  not  give  place  to  them,  nor  they  to  us:  and  here  I 
beganne  to  bewaile  that  which  after  followed,  for  now,  said  I, 
I am  in  two  dangers,  and  forced  to  receive  the  one  of  them. 
That  was,  either  I must  have  kept  out  the  fleete  from  enter- 
ing the  Port,  the  which  with  Gods  helpe  I was  very  well  able 
to  doe,  or  else  suffer  them  to  enter  in  with  then’  accustomed 
treason,  which  they  never  fade  to  execute,  where  they  may 
have  opportunity,  to  compasse  it  by  any  meanes:  if  I had 
kept  them  out,  then  had  there  bene  present  shipwracke  of  all 
the  fleete  which  amounted  in  value  to  sixe  Millions,  which  was 
in  value  of  our  money  1800000.  li.  which  I considered  I was  not 
able  to  answere,  fearing  the  Queenes  Majesties  indignation  in 
so  waightie  a matter.  Thus  with  my  selfe  revolving  the 
doubts,  I thought  rather  better  to  abide  the  Jutt  of  the  un- 
certainty, then  the  certaintie.  The  uncertaine  doubt  I account 
was  their  treason  which  by  good  policie  I hoped  might  be 
prevented,  and  therefore  as  chusing  the  least  mischiefe  I pro- 
ceeded to  conditions.  Now  was  our  first  messenger  come  and 
returned  from  the  fleete  with  report  of  the  arrivall  of  a Viceroy, 
so  that  hee  had  authority,  both  in  all  this  Province  of  Mexico 
(otherwise  called  Neuva  Espanna)  and  in  the  sea,  who  sent 
us  word  that  we  should  send  our  conditions,  which  of  his  part 
should  (for  the  better  maintenance  of  amitie  betweene  the 
Princes)  be  both  favourably  granted,  and  faithfully  performed 
with  many  faire  wordes  how  passing  the  coast  of  the  Indies 
he  had  understood  of  our  honest  behaviour  towardes  the  in- 
habitants where  we  had  to  doe,  aswell  elsewhere  as  in  the 
same  Port,  the  which  I let  passe : thus  following  our  demand, 
we  required  victuals  for  our  money,  and  licence  to  sell  as 
much  ware  as  might  furnish  our  wants,  and  that  there  might 
be  of  either  part  twelve  gentlemen  as  hostages  for  the  main- 
tenance of  peace:  and  that  the  Hand  for  our  better  safetie 
might  be  in  our  owne  possession,  during  our  abode  there,  and 
such  ordinance  as  was  planted  in  the  same  Hand  which  were 


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eleven  peeces  of  brasse:  and  that  no  Spaniard  might  land  in 
the  Hand  with  any  kind  of  weapon:  these  conditions  at  the 
first  he  somewhat  misliked,  chiefly  the  guard  of  the  Hand  to 
be  in  our  owne  keeping,  which  if  they  had  had,  we  had  soone 
knowen  our  fare:  for  with  the  first  North  winde  they  had  cut 
our  cables  and  our  ships  had  gone  ashore : but  in  the  ende  he 
concluded  to  our  request,  bringing  the  twelve  hostages  to  ten, 
which  with  all  speede  of  either  part  were  received,  with  a 
writing  from  the  Viceroy  signed  with  his  hande  and  sealed 
with  his  seale  of  all  the  conditions  concluded,  and  forthwith  a 
trumpet  blowen  with  commandement  that  none  of  either  part 
should  be  meane  to  violate  the  peace  upon  paine  of  death: 
and  further  it  was  concluded  that  the  two  Generals  of  the 
fleetes  should  meete,  and  give  faith  ech  to  other  for  the  per- 
formance of  the  premisses  which  was  so  done.  Thus  at  the 
end  of  3 dayes  all  was  concluded  and  the  fleete  entered  the 
port,  saluting  one  another  as  the  maner  of  the  sea  doth  re- 
quire. Thus  as  I said  before,  Thursday  we  entred  the  port, 
Friday  we  saw  the  fleete,  and  on  Munday  at  night  they  entered 
the  Port : then  we  laboured  2.  daies  placing  the  English  ships 
by  themselves,  and  the  Spanish  ships  by  themselves,  the  cap- 
taines  of  ech  part  and  inferiour  men  of  their  parts  promising 
great  amity  of  al  sides : which  even  as  with  all  fidelitie  it  was 
ment  on  our  part,  so  the  Spaniards  ment  nothing  lesse  on 
their  parts,  but  from  the  maine  land  had  furnished  them- 
selves with  a supply  of  men  to  the  number  of  1000,  and  ment 
the  next  Thursday  being  the  23  of  September  at  dinner  time, 
to  set  upon  us  on  all  sides.  The  same  Thursday  in  the  morn- 
ing the  treason  being  at  hand,  some  appearance  shewed,  as 
shifting  of  weapon  from  ship  to  ship,  planting  and  bending  of 
ordinance  from  the  ships  to  the  Hand  where  our  men  warded, 
passing  too  and  fro  of  companies  of  men  more  then  required 
for  their  necessary  busines,  and  many  other  ill  likelihoods, 
which  caused  us  to  have  a vehement  suspition,  and  there- 
withall  sent  to  the  Viceroy  to  enquire  what  was  ment  by  it, 
which  sent  immediatly  straight  commandement  to  unplant  all 
things  suspicious,  and  also  sent  word  that  he  in  the  faith  of  a 


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[1568 


Viceroy  would  be  our  defence  from  all  villanies.  Yet  we 
being  not  satisfied  with  this  answere,  because  we  suspected  a 
great  number  of  men  to  be  hid  in  a great  ship  of  900  tunnes, 
which  was  mored  next  unto  the  Minion,  sent  againe  to  the 
Viceroy  the  master  of  the  Jesus  which  had  the  Spanish  tongue, 
and  required  to  be  satisfied  if  any  such  thing  were  or  not. 
The  Viceroy  now  seeing  that  the  treason  must  be  discovered, 
foorthwith  stayed  our  master,  blew  the  Trumpet,  and  of  all 
sides  set  upon  us : our  men  which  warded  a shore  being  stricken 
with  sudden  feare,  gave  place,  fled,  and  sought  to  recover 
succour  of  the  ships;  the  Spaniardes  being  before  provided 
for  the  purpose  landed  in  all  places  in  multitudes  from  their 
ships  which  they  might  easily  doe  without  boates,  and  slewe 
all  our  men  ashore  without  mercie,  a fewe  of  them  escaped 
aboord  the  Jesus.  The  great  ship  which  had  by  the  estima- 
tion three  hundred  men  placed  in  her  secretly,  immediatly  fell 
aboord  the  Minion,  but  by  Gods  appointment,  in  the  time  of 
the  suspicion  we  had,  which  was  onely  one  halfe  houre,  the 
Minion  was  made  readie  to  avoide,  and  so  leesing  her  hedfasts, 
and  hayling  away  by  the  sternefastes  she  was  gotten  out : thus 
with  Gods  helpe  she  defended  the  violence  of  the  first  brunt  of 
these  three  hundred  men.  The  Minion  being  past  out,  they 
came  aboord  the  Jesus,  which  also  with  very  much  a doe  and 
the  losse  of  manie  of  our  men  were  defended  and  kept  out. 
Then  there  were  also  two  other  ships  that  assaulted  the  Jesus 
at  the  same  instant,  so  that  she  had  hard  getting  loose,  but 
yet  with  some  time  we  had  cut  our  head-fastes,  and  gotten 
out  by  the  stern-fastes.  Nowe  when  the  Jesus  and  the  Minion 
were  gotten  about  two  shippes  length  from  the  Spanish  fleete, 
the  fight  beganne  so  hotte  on  all  sides  that  within  one  houre 
the  Admirall  of  the  Spaniards  was  supposed  to  be  sunke,  their 
Viceadmirall  burned,  and  one  other  of  their  principall  ships 
supposed  to  be  sunke,  so  that  the  shippes  were  little  able  to 
annoy  us. 

Then  it  is  to  be  understood,  that  all  the  Ordinance  upon 
the  Ilande  was  in  the  Spaniardes  handes,  which  did  us  so  great 
annoyance,  that  it  cut  all  the  mastes  and  yardes  of  the  Jesus 


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in  such  sort  that  there  was  no  hope  to  carrie  her  away : also 
it  sunke  our  small  shippes,  whereupon  we  determined  to  place 
the  Jesus  on  that  side  of  the  Minion,  that  she  might  abide  all 
the  batterie  from  the  land,  and  so  be  a defence  for  the  Minion 
till  night,  and  then  to  take  such  relief e of  victuall  and  other 
necessaries  from  the  Jesus,  as  the  time  would  suffer  us,  and  to 
leave  her.  As  we  were  thus  determining,  and  had  placed  the 
Minion  from  the  shot  of  the  land,  suddenly  the  Spaniards  had 
fired  two  great  shippes  which  were  comming  directly  with  us, 
and  having  no  meanes  to  avoide  the  fire,  it  bredde  among  our 
men  a marvellous  feare,  so  that  some  sayd,  let  us  depart  with 
the  Minion,  other  said,  let  us  see  whether  the  winde  will  carrie 
the  fire  from  us.  But  to  be  short,  the  Minions  men  which  had 
alwayes  their  sayles  in  a readinesse,  thought  to  make  sure 
worke,  and  so  without  either  consent  of  the  Captaine  or 
Master  cut  their  saile,  so  that  very  hardly  I was  received  into 
the  Minion. 

The  most  part  of  the  men  that  were  left  alive  in  the  Jesus, 
made  shift  and  followed  the  Minion  in  a small  boat,  the  rest 
which  the  little  boate  was  not  able  to  receive,  were  inforced 
to  abide  the  mercie  of  the  Spaniards  (which  I doubt  was  very 
little)  so  with  the  Minion  only  and  the  Judith  (a  small  barke 
of  50  tunne)  we  escaped,  which  barke  the  same  night  forsooke 
us  in  our  great  miserie:  we  were  now  remooved  with  the 
Minion  from  the  Spanish  ships  two  bow-shootes,  and  there 
rode  all  that  night : the  next  morning  we  recovered  an  Hand 
a mile  from  the  Spaniardes,  where  there  tooke  us  a North 
winde,  and  being  left  onely  with  two  ankers  and  two  cables 
(for  in  this  conflict  we  lost  three  cables  and  two  ankers)  we 
thought  alwayes  upon  death  which  ever  was  present,  but  God 
preserved  us  to  a longer  time. 

The  weather  waxed  reasonable,  and  the  Saturday  we  set 
saile,  and  having  a great  number  of  men  and  little  victuals 
our  hope  of  life  waxed  lesse  and  lesse : some  desired  to  yeeld 
to  the  Spaniards,  some  rather  desired  to  obtaine  a place  where 
they  might  give  themselves  to  the  Infidels,  and  some  had 
rather  abide  with  a little  pittance  the  mercie  of  God  at  Sea: 


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so  thus  with  many  sorowful  hearts  we  wandred  in  an  un- 
knowen  Sea  by  the  space  of  14  dayes,  till  hunger  inforced  us 
to  seek  the  land,  for  hides  were  thought  very  good  meat,  rats, 
cats,  mice  and  dogs,  none  escaped  that  might  be  gotten,  parrats 
and  monkeyes  that  were  had  in  great  price,  were  thought  there 
very  profitable  if  they  served  the  turne  one  dinner:  thus  in 
the  end  the  8 day  of  October  we  came  to  the  land  in  the 
botome  of  the  same  bay  of  Mexico  in  23  degrees  and  a halfe, 
where  we  hoped  to  have  found  inhabitants  of  the  Spaniards, 
reliefe  of  victuals,  and  place  for  the  repaire  of  our  ship,  which 
was  so  sore  beaten  with  shot  from  our  enemies  and  brused  with 
shooting  off  our  owne  ordinance,  that  our  wearie  and  weake 
armes  were  scarce  able  to  defende  and  keepe  out  water.  But 
all  things  happened  to  the  contrary,  for  we  found  neither  people, 
victuall,  nor  haven  of  reliefe,  but  a place  where  having  faire 
weather  with  some  perill  we  might  land  a boat;  our  people 
being  forced  with  hunger  desired  to  be  set  on  land,  where- 
unto  I consented. 

And  such  as  were  willing  to  land  I put  them  apart,  and 
such  as  were  desirous  to  goe  homewardes,  I put  apart,  so  that 
they  were  indifferently  parted  a hundred  of  one  side  and  a 
hundred  of  the  other  side : these  hundred  men  we  set  a land 
with  all  diligence  in  this  little  place  beforesaid,1  which  being 
landed,  we  determined  there  to  take  in  fresh  water,  and  so 
with  our  little  remaine  of  victuals  to  take  the  sea. 

The  next  day  having  a land  with  me  fiftie  of  our  hundreth 
men  that  remained  for  the  speedier  preparing  of  our  water 

1 The  number  was  one  hundred  and  fourteen.  David  Ingram,  Richard 
Brown  and  Richard  Twide  made  their  way  northward,  and  about  fifty 
leagues  from  Cape  Breton  found  a French  vessel,  on  which  they  were  carried 
to  England.  About  seventy  of  the  others,  including  Miles  Phillips  and  Job 
Hortop,  marched  westward  into  Mexico.  Of  this  number  sixty-eight  suffered 
punishment  and  imprisonment  in  the  galleys,  and  three  were  burned  to  death. 
Narratives  written  by  Miles  Phillips  and  Job  Hortop  are  preserved  in 
Hakluyt’s  Voyages,  IX.  398-465,  of  the  Hakluyt  Society’s  edition.  David 
Ingram’s  narrative,  printed  by  Hakluyt  in  his  edition  of  1589,  was  omitted  in 
the  edition  of  1600  on  account  of  “some  incredibilities.”  In  his  Westward 
Ho,  Charles  Kingsley  made  extensive  use  of  the  material  furnished  by  these 
relations,  as  well  as  of  that  found  in  Hawkins’s  own  narrative. 


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aboord,  there  arose  an  extreame  storme,  so  that  in  three  dayes 
we  could  by  no  meanes  repaire  aboord  our  ship : the  ship  also 
was  in  such  perill  that  every  houre  we  looked  for  ship- 
wracke. 

But  yet  God  againe  had  mercie  on  us,  and  sent  faire  weather, 
we  had  aboord  our  water,  and  departed  the  sixteenth  day  of 
October,  after  which  day  we  had  faire  and  prosperous  weather 
till  the  sixteenth  day  of  November,  which  day  God  be  praysed 
we  were  cleere  from  the  coast  of  the  Indies,  and  out  of  the 
chanell  and  gulfe  of  Bahama,  which  is  betweene  the  Cape  of 
Florida,  and  the  Ilandes  of  Lucayo.1  After  this  growing  neere 
to  the  colde  countrey,  our  men  being  oppressed  with  famine, 
died  continually,  and  they  that  were  left,  grew  into  such 
weakenesse  that  we  were  scantly  able  to  manage  our  shippe, 
and  the  winde  being  always  ill  for  us  to  recover  England,  we 
determined  to  goe  'with  Galicia2  in  Spaine,  with  intent  there 
to  relieve  our  companie  and  other  extreame  wrantes.  And 
being  arrived  the  last  day  of  December  in  a place  neere  unto 
Vigo  called  Ponte  Vedra,3  our  men  with  excesse  of  fresh  meate 
grew  into  miserable  disseases,  and  died  a great  part  of  them. 
This  matter  was  borne  out  as  long  as  it  might  be,  but  in  the 
end  although  there  were  none  of  our  men  suffered  to  goe  a 
land,  yet  by  accesse  of  the  Spaniards,  our  feeblenesse  was 
knowen  to  them.  Whereupon  they  ceased  not  to  seeke  by  all 
meanes  to  betray  us,  but  with  all  speede  possible  we  departed 
to  Vigo,  where  we  had  some  helpe  of  certaine  English  ships 
and  twelve  fresh  men,  wherewith  we  repaired  our  wants  as 
we  might,  and  departing  the  20  day  of  January  1568  4 arrived 
in  Mounts  bay5  in  Cornewall  the  25  of  the  same  moneth,  praised 
be  God  therefore. 

If  all  the  miseries  and  troublesome  affaires  of  this  sorowfull 


1 Hawkins  was  familiar  with  this  route,  as  he  passed  the  same  way  in 
his  previous  voyage. 

2 Northwest  province  of  Spain. 

3 In  the  southern  part  of  the  province  of  Galicia. 

4 Old  style.  By  new  style,  1569. 

5 On  the  southern  coast  of  Cornwall,  between  the  Lizard  and  Land’s  End. 


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[1669 


voyage  should  be  perfectly  and  throughly  written,  there  should 
neede  a painefull  man  with  his  pen,  and  as  great  a time  as  he 
had  that  wrote  the  lives  and  deathes  of  the  Martyrs. 

John  Hawkins. 


THE  WORLD  ENCOMPASSED  BY  SIR 
FRANCIS  DRAKE,  (CALIFORNIA) 

1579 


INTRODUCTION 


Francis  Drake,  a native  of  Tavistock,  Devonshire,  early- 
entered  upon  a sea  life.  In  Hawkins’s  expedition  of  1567  he 
commanded  the  Judith.  The  treatment  he  and  others  received 
at  San  Juan  de  Ulua  so  greatly  embittered  him  against  the 
Spaniards  that  for  several  years  he  ravaged  the  Spanish  main. 
It  was  on  one  of  these  expeditions  that  Drake  crossed  the 
Isthmus  of  Panama,  and  obtained  a view  of  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
which  later  he  was  to  navigate  and  explore.  He  sailed  from 
Plymouth,  on  his  celebrated  voyage  around  the  world,  Novem- 
ber 15,  1577,  his  fleet  consisting  of  five  vessels.  In  sailing 
down  the  South  American  coast,  Drake  paused  to  refit  here 
and  there.  Two  months,  from  June  19,  1578,  to  August  17, 
were  spent  at  Port  St.  Julian.  The  Straits  of  Magellan  were 
reached  August  20,  and,  after  entering  the  waters  of  the 
Pacific,  several  months  were  passed  in  preying  upon  various 
Spanish  interests  on  the  west  coast  of  South  America,  Drake 
enriching  himself  here  and  there  with  Spanish  plunder.  In 
March,  1579,  having  become  separated  from  his  consorts, 
Drake  was  at  Cape  San  Francisco,  a little  north  of  the  equator. 
April  15  he  reached  the  harbor  of  Guatulco,  or  Aguatulco,  with 
a reference  to  which  the  following  extract  from  the  World 
Encompassed  begins. 

After  the  events  there  narrated,  Drake,  leaving  the  Ameri- 
can coast,  crossed  the  Pacific  to  the  Philippines,  and  then  made 
his  way  home  by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  thus  encom- 
passing the  world.  He  reached  Plymouth  September  26, 
1580.  The  earliest  relation  of  the  voyage  in  print  is  the  one 
ascribed  to  Francis  Pretty,  entitled  The  Famous  Voyage  of  Sir 
Francis  Drake  into  the  South  Sea  . . . begun  in  the  yeare  of  our 

151 


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Lord  1577.  Hakluyt  had  a copy,  but  in  the  introduction  of 
his  edition  of  1589  he  says  that  the  friends  of  Drake,  who  did 
not  wish  to  have  their  publications  forestalled,  asked  him  to 
omit  it.  He  seems  to  have  printed  it  privately,  however,  and 
the  six  pages,  without  pagination,  were  inserted  after  page 
643  in  some,  if  not  all,  of  the  copies  of  the  edition.  The  John 
Carter  Brown  Library  at  Brown  University  and  the  Library 
of  Harvard  University  have  copies.  Pretty’s  narrative  found 
a place  in  the  third  volume  of  the  edition  of  1598-1600.  The 
authoritative  account  of  the  expedition  is  to  be  found  in  The 
World  Encompassed  by  Sir  Francis  Drake,  carefully  Collected 
out  of  the  notes  of  Master  Francis  Fletcher,  Preacher  in  this 
Imployment,  and  divers  others  his  followers  (London,  1628). 
A reprint,  edited  by  W.  S.  W.  Vaux,  was  published  by  the 
Hakluyt  Society  (London,  1854).  A portion  has  been  re- 
printed in  the  Old  South  Leaflets,  No.  116.  The  best  discus- 
sion of  the  materials  for  the  history  of  Drake’s  voyage  of 
circumnavigation  will  be  found  in  Mr.  Julian  S.  Corbett’s 
Drake  and  the  Tudor  Navy,  I.  421-429. 

Drake  was  rewarded  by  Elizabeth  with  the  honor  of  knight- 
hood. In  1587,  when  the  Spanish  Armada  was  in  preparation, 
Drake,  with  his  fleet,  entered  the  harbor  of  Cadiz  and  destroyed 
nearly  a hundred  vessels.  In  the  following  year,  at  the  de- 
struction of  the  Armada,  Drake  was  present  as  vice-admiral. 
In  1592  he  was  made  a member  of  Parliament.  He  died 
December  27,  1595,  while  leading  an  expedition  against 
Spanish  interests  in  the  West  Indies,  and  was  buried  at  sea. 
Of  the  voyage  of  1595-1596  there  is  a manuscript  account  by 
Thomas  Maynarde  in  the  British  Museum.  This,  with  a 
Spanish  account,  was  printed  by  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1849. 

H.  S.  B. 


SIR  FRANCIS  DRAKE  ON  THE  CALIFORNIA 

COAST,  1579 


From  Guatulco  1 we  departed  the  day  following,  viz.,  Aprill 
16,  [1579]  setting  our  course  directly  into  the  sea,  whereon  we 
sayled  500  leagues  in  longitude,  to  get  a winde : and  betweene 
that  and  June  3,  1400  leagues  in  all,  till  we  came  into  42  deg. 
of  North  latitude,  where  in  the  night  following  we  found  such 
alteration  of  heate,  into  extreame  and  nipping  cold,  that  our 
men  in  generall  did  grievously  complaine  thereof,  some  of  them 
feeling  their  healths  much  impaired  thereby;  neither  was  it 
that  this  chanced  in  the  night  alone,  but  the  day  following  car- 
ried with  it  not  onely  the  markes,  but  the  stings  and  force  of 
the  night  going  before,  to  the  great  admiration  of  us  all ; for 
besides  that  the  pinching  and  biting  aire  was  nothing  altered, 
the  very  roapes  of  our  ship  were  stiffe,  and  the  raine  which  fell 
was  an  unnatural  congealed  and  frozen  substance,  so  that  we 
seemed  rather  to  be  in  the  frozen  Zone  then  any  way  so  neere 
unto  the  sun,  or  these  hotter  climates. 

Neither  did  this  happen  for  the  time  onely,  or  by  some  sud- 
den accident,  but  rather  seemes  indeed  to  proceed  from  some 
ordinary  cause,  against  the  which  the  heate  of  the  sun  prevailes 
not ; for  it  came  to  that  extremity  in  say  ling  but  2 deg.  farther 
to  the  Northward  in  our  course,  that  though  sea-men  lack  not 
good  stomaches,  yet  it  seemed  a question  to  many  amongst  us, 
whether  their  hands  should  feed  their  mouthes,  or  rather  keepe 
themselves  within  their  coverts  from  the  pinching  cold  that  did 
benumme  them.  Neither  could  we  impute  it  to  the  tendernesse 
of  our  bodies,  though  we  came  lately  from  the  extremitie  of 
heate,  by  reason  whereof  we  might  be  more  sensible  of  the 
present  cold:  insomuch  as  the  dead  and  sencelesse  creatures 

1 A small  port  of  Guatemala. 

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[1679 


were  as  well  affected  with  it  as  ourselves : our  meate,  as  soone 
as  it  was  remooved  from  the  fire,  would  presently  in  a manner 
be  frozen  up,  and  our  ropes  and  tackling  in  few  dayes  were 
growne  to  that  stiffnesse,  that  what  3 men  afore  were  able  with 
them  to  performe,  now  6 men,  with  their  best  strength  and 
uttermost  endeavour,  were  hardly  able  to  accomplish : whereby 
a sudden  and  great  discouragement  seased  upon  the  mindes  of 
our  men,  and  they  were  possessed  with  a great  mislike  and 
doubting  of  any  good  to  be  done  that  way ; yet  would  not  our 
General  be  discouraged,  but  as  wel  by  comfortable  speeches, 
of  the  divine  providence,  and  of  God’s  loving  care  over  his 
children,  out  of  the  Scriptures,  as  also  by  other  good  and  profit- 
able perswasions,  adding  thereto  his  own  cheerfull  example,  he 
so  stirred  them  up  to  put  on  a good  courage,  and  to  quite 
themselves  like  men,  to  indure  some  short  extremity  to  have 
the  speedier  comfort,  and  a little  trouble  to  obtaine  the  greater 
glory,  that  every  man  was  throughly  armed  with  willingnesse 
and  resolved  to  see  the  uttermost,  if  it  were  possible,  of  what 
good  was  to  be  done  that  way. 

The  land  in  that  part  of  America,  bearing  farther  out  into  the 
West  then  we  before  imagined,  we  were  neerer  on  it  than  wee 
were  aware;  and  yet  the  neerer  still  wee  came  unto  it,  the 
more  extremitie  of  cold  did  sease  upon  us.  The  5 day  of  June 
wee  were  forced  by  contrary  windes  to  runne  in  with  the 
shoare,  which  we  then  first  descried,  and  to  cast  anchor  in  a 
bad  bay,  the  best  roade  we  could  for  the  present  meete  with, 
where  wee  were  not  without  some  danger  by  reason  of  the 
many  extreme  gusts  and  flawes  that  beate  upon  us,  which  if 
they  ceased  and  were  still  at  any  time,  immediately  upon  their 
intermission  there  followed  most  vile,  thicke,  and  stinking 
fogges,  against  which  the  sea  prevailed  nothing,  till  the  gusts 
of  wind  againe  removed  them,  which  brought  with  them  such 
extremity  and  violence  when  they  came,  that  there  was  no 
dealing  or  resisting  against  them. 

In  this  place  was  no  abiding  for  us ; and  to  go  further  North, 
the  extremity  of  the  cold  (which  had  now  utterly  discouraged 
our  men)  would  not  permit  us;  and  the  winds  directly  bent 


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155 


against  us,  having  once  gotten  us  under  sayle  againe,  com- 
manded us  to  the  Southward  whether  we  would  or  no. 

From  the  height  of  48  deg.,  in  which  now  we  were,  to  38, 
we  found  the  land,  by  coasting  alongst  it,  to  bee  but  low  and 
reasonable  plaine ; every  hill  (whereof  we  saw  many,  but  none 
verie  high),  though  it  were  in  June,  and  the  sunne  in  his  neerest 
approch  unto  them,  being  covered  with  snow. 

In  38  deg.  30  min.  we  fell  with  a convenient  and  fit  har- 
borough,1  and  June  17  came  to  anchor  therein,  where  we  con- 
tinued till  the  23  day  of  July  following.  During  all  which 
time,  notwithstanding  it  was  in  the  height  of  summer,  and  so 
neere  the  sunne,  yet  were  wee  continually  visited  with  like 
nipping  colds  as  we  had  felt  before;  insomuch  that  if  violent 
exercises  of  our  bodies,  and  busie  employment  about  our  nec- 
essarie  labours,  had  not  sometimes  compeld  us  to  the  contrary, 
we  could  very  well  have  been  contented  to  have  kept  about  us 
still  our  winter  clothes ; yea  (had  our  necessities  suffered  us)  to 

1 Professor  George  Davidson,  of  the  United  States  Coast  and  Geodetic 
Survey,  after  a careful  study  of  the  Narrative  and  the  coast  ( Voyages  of  Dis- 
covery and  Exploration  on  the  Northwest  Coast  of  America  from  1539  to  1603, 
Washington,  Government  Printing-office,  1887,  pp.  214-218),  identifies  the 
harbor  entered  by  Drake  with  Drake’s  Bay,  under  Point  Reyes,  about  thirty 
miles  north  of  San  Francisco.  “Drake’s  Bay,”  he  says,  “is  a capital  harbor 
in  northwest  winds,  such  as  Drake  encountered.  It  is  easily  entered,  shel- 
tered by  high  lands,  and  a vessel  may  anchor  in  three  fathoms  close  under  the 
shore  in  good  holding  ground.  ...  If  he  had  been  inside  the  Estero  Liman- 
tour,  of  which  he  could  not  have  detected  the  entrance  from  his  vessel,  he 
would  necessarily  have  been  very  close  to  either  shore.  And  had  he  seen  it, 
he  would  not  have  dared  to  enter  it  without  sounding  it  out.  It  has  only 
thirteen  feet  of  water  on  the  bar  at  the  highest  tides,  and  he  would  not  have 
hazarded  his  vessel  in  entering  such  a doubtful  anchorage.  Nor  would  he 
have  risked  the  possibility  of  attack  from  the  Indians  in  such  a contracted 
place.  He  doubtless  anchored  in  Drake’s  Bay,  and  the  reef  in  his  plan  rep- 
resents in  a crude  manner  the  reef  of  the  easternmost  point  of  Point  Reyes 
Head.  In  a rough  sketch  of  his  anchorage  it  is  called  Portus  Novae  Albionis.” 
On  the  other  hand  Edward  Everett  Hale,  in  his  “Critical  Essay  on  Drake’s 
Bay,”  in  Winsor’s  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  III.  74-78, 
identifies  the  “convenient  and  fit  harbor,”  which  Drake  entered,  with  San 
Francisco  Bay.  The  consensus  of  opinion  among  scholars  on  the  Pacific 
coast  at  the  present  time,  however,  is  said  to  be  in  favor  of  Drake's  Bay, 
and  such  is  also  the  view  expressed  by  Mr.  Corbett  in  his  Drake  and  the 
Tudor  Navy. 


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[1579 


have  kept  our  beds;  neither  could  we  at  any  time,  in  whole 
fourteene  dayes  together,  find  the  aire  so  cleare  as  to  be  able 
to  take  the  height  of  sunne  or  starre. 

And  here,  having  so  fit  occasion  (notwithstanding  it  may 
seeme  to  be  besides  the  purpose  of  writing  the  history  of  this 
our  voyage),  we  will  a little  more  diligently  inquire  into  the 
causes  of  the  continuance  of  the  extreame  cold  in  these  parts, 
as  also  into  the  probabilities  or  unlikelihoods  of  a passage  to 
be  found  that  way.  Neither  was  it  (as  hath  formerly  beene 
touched)  the  tendernesse  of  our  bodies,  comming  so  lately  out 
of  the  heate,  whereby  the  poores  were  opened,  that  made  us  so 
sensible  of  the  colds  we  here  felt : in  this  respect,  as  in  many 
others,  we  found  our  God  a provident  Father  and  carefull  Phy- 
sitian  for  us.  We  lacked  no  outward  helpes  nor  inward  com- 
forts to  restore  and  fortifie  nature,  had  it  beene  decayed  or 
weakened  in  us;  neither  was  there  wanting  to  us  the  great 
experience  of  our  Generali,  who  had  often  himselfe  proved  the 
force  of  the  burning  Zone,  whose  advice  alwayes  prevailed 
much  to  the  preserving  of  a moderate  temper  in  our  constitu- 
tions; so  that  even  after  our  departure  from  the  heate  wee 
alwayes  found  our  bodies,  not  as  sponges,  but  strong  and 
hardned,  more  able  to  beare  out  cold,  though  we  came  out  of 
excesse  of  heate,  then  a number  of  chamber  champions  could 
have  beene,  who  lye  on  their  feather  beds  till  they  go  to  sea, 
or  rather,  whose  teeth  in  a temperate  aire  do  beate  in  their 
heads  at  a cup  of  cold  sack  and  sugar  by  the  fire. 

And  that  it  was  not  our  tendernes,  but  the  very  extremitie 
of  the  cold  itselfe  that  caused  this  sensiblenes  in  us,  may  the 
rather  appeare,  in  that  the  naturall  inhabitants  of  the  place 
(with  whom  we  had  for  a long  season  familiar  intercourse,  as 
is  to  be  related),  who  had  never  beene  acquainted  with  such 
heate,  to  whom  the  countrey,  ayre,  and  climate  was  proper,  and 
in  whom  custome  of  cold  was  as  it  were  a second  nature ; yet 
used  to  come  shivering  to  us  in  their  warme  furres,  crowding 
close  together,  body  to  body,  to  receive  heate  one  of  another, 
and  sheltring  themselves  under  a lee  bancke,  if  it  were  pos- 
sible, and  as  often  as  they  could  labouring  to  shroude  them- 


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DRAKE  IN  CALIFORNIA 


157 


selves  under  our  garments  also  to  keepe  them  warme.  Besides, 
how  unhandsome  and  deformed  appeared  the  face  of  the  earth 
it  selfe  ! shewing  trees  without  leaves,  and  the  ground  without 
greennes  in  those  moneths  of  June  and  July.  The  poore  birds 
and  foules  not  daring  (as  we  had  great  experience  to  observe 
it),  not  daring  so  much  as  once  to  arise  from  their  nests  after 
the  first  egge  layed,  till  it,  with  all  the  rest,  be  hatched  and 
brought  to  some  strength  of  nature,  able  to  helpe  itselfe. 
Onely  this  recompence  hath  nature  affoorded  them,  that  the 
heate  of  their  owne  bodies  being  exceeding  great,  it  perfecteth 
the  creature  with  greater  expedition,  and  in  shorter  time  then 
is  to  be  found  in  many  places. 

As  for  the  causes  of  this  extremity,  they  seeme  not  to  be  so 
deeply  hidden  but  that  they  may,  at  least  in  part,  be  guessed 
at.  The  chiefest  of  wThich  we  conceive  to  be  the  large  spread- 
ing of  the  Asian  and  American  continent,  which  (somewhat 
Northward  of  these  parts),  if  they  be  not  fully  joined,  yet 
seeme  they  to  come  very  neere  one  to  the  other.  From  whose 
high  and  snow-covered  mountaines,  the  North  and  North-west 
winds  (the  constant  visitants  of  those  coasts)  send  abroad  their 
frozen  nimphes,  to  the  infecting  the  whole  aire  with  this  insuf- 
ferable sharpnesse:  not  permitting  the  Sunne,  no,  not  in  the 
pride  of  his  heate,  to  dissolve  that  congealed  matter  and  snow, 
which  they  have  breathed  out  so  nigh  the  Sunne,  and  so  many 
degrees  distant  from  themselves.  And  that  the  North  and 
North-west  winds  are  here  constant  in  June  and  July,  as  the 
North  wind  alone  is  in  August  and  September,  we  not  onely 
found  it  by  our  owne  experience,  but  were  fully  confirmed  in 
the  opinion  thereof,  by  the  continued  observations  of  the  Span- 
iards. Hence  comes  the  generall  squalidnesse  and  barren- 
nesse  of  the  countrie;  hence  comes  it,  that  in  the  middest  of 
their  summer,  the  snow  hardly  departeth  even  from  their  very 
doores,  but  is  never  taken  away  from  their  hils  at  all;  hence 
come  those  thicke  mists  and  most  stinking  fogges,  which  in- 
crease so  much  the  more,  by  how  much  higher  the  pole  is 
raised : wherein  a blind  pilot  is  as  good  as  the  best  director  of 
a course.  For  the  Sunne  striving  to  performe  his  naturall 


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[1679 


office,  in  elevating  the  vapors  out  of  these  inferior  bodies, 
draweth  necessarily  abundance  of  moisture  out  of  the  sea; 
but  the  nipping  cold  (from  the  former  causes)  meeting  and 
opposing  the  sunnes  indevour,  forces  him  to  give  over  his  worke 
imperfect;  and  instead  of  higher  elevation,  to  leave  in  the 
lowest  region,  wandring  upon  the  face  of  the  earth  and  waters 
as  it  were  a second  sea,  through  which  its  owne  beames  cannot 
possibly  pierce,  unlesse  sometimes  when  the  sudden  violence 
of  the  winds  doth  helpe  to  scatter  and  breake  through  it; 
which  thing  happeneth  very  seldome,  and  when  it  happeneth 
is  of  no  continuance.  Some  of  our  mariners  in  this  voyage 
had  formerely  beene  at  Wardhouse,1  in  72  deg.  of  North  lati- 
tude, who  yet  affirmed  that  they  felt  no  such  nipping  cold  there 
in  the  end  of  the  summer,  when  they  departed  thence,  as  they 
did  here  in  those  hottest  moneths  of  June  and  July.2 

And  also  from  these  reasons  we  conjecture,  that  either  there 
is  no  passage  at  all  through  these  Northerne  coasts  (which  is 
most  likely),  or  if  there  be,  that  yet  it  is  unnavigable.  Adde 
hereunto,  that  though  we  searched  the  coast  diligently,  even 
unto  the  48  deg.,  yet  found  we  not  the  land  to  trend  so  much 
as  one  point  in  any  place  towards  the  East,  but  rather  running 
on  continually  North-west,  as  if  it  went  directly  to  meet  with 
Asia ; and  even  in  that  height,  when  we  had  a franke  winde  to 
have  carried  us  through,  had  there  beene  a passage,  yet  we 
had  a smoothe  and  calme  sea,  with  ordinary  flowing  and  re- 
flowing, which  could  not  have  beene  had  there  beene  a frete;3 
of  which  we  rather  infallibly  concluded,  then  conjectured,  that 
there  was  none.  But  to  returne. 

The  next  day,  after  our  comming  to  anchor  in  the  aforesaid 
harbour,  the  people  of  the  countrey  shewed  themselves,  send- 

1 Vardohuus,  in  northern  Norway. 

1 It  was  the  unfavorable  season  for  a visit  to  that  part  of  the  coast.  The 
winters  there  are  warm  and  the  summers  cool.  Great  changes  occur  in  the 
temperature  within  twenty-four  hours,  the  mercury  varying  from  twenty  to 
thirty  degrees.  Especially  are  the  nights  cool.  For  eight  months  in  the 
year  the  wind  pours  in  from  the  sea  toward  noon,  and  increases  in  chilli- 
ness till  late  at  night.  Heavy  fogs  occur  during  June,  July,  and  August. 

3 Strait;  Lat.,  fretum. 


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159 


ing  off  a man  with  great  expedition  to  us  in  a canow.  Who 
being  yet  but  a little  from  the  shoare,  and  a great  way  from 
our  ship,  spake  to  us  continually  as  he  came  rowing  on.  And 
at  last  at  a reasonable  distance  staying  himself e,  he  began 
more  solemnely  a long  and  tedious  oration,  after  his  manner: 
using  in  the  deliverie  thereof  many  gestures  and  signes,  moving 
his  hands,  turning  his  head  and  body  many  wayes ; and  after 
his  oration  ended,  with  great  shew  of  reverence  and  submission 
returned  backe  to  shoare  againe.  He  shortly  came  againe  the 
second  time  in  like  manner,  and  so  the  third  time,  when  he 
brought  with  him  (as  a present  from  the  rest)  a bunch  of 
feathers,  much  like  the  feathers  of  a blacke  crow,  very  neatly 
and  artificially  gathered  upon  a string,  and  drawne  together 
into  a round  bundle;  being  verie  cleane  and  finely  cut,  and 
bearing  in  length  an  equall  proportion  one  with  another;  a 
speciall  cognizance  (as  wee  afterwards  observed)  which  they 
that  guard  their  kings  person  weare  on  their  heads.  With  this 
also  he  brought  a little  basket  made  of  rushes,  and  filled  with 
an  herbe  which  they  called  Tabah.1  Both  which  being  tyed  to 
a short  rodde,  he  cast  into  our  boate.  Our  Generali  intended 
to  have  recompenced  him  immediatly  with  many  good  things 
he  would  have  bestowed  on  him ; but  entring  into  the  boate  to 
deliver  the  same,  he  could  not  be  drawne  to  receive  them  by 
any  meanes,  save  one  hat,  which  being  cast  into  the  water  out 
of  the  ship,  he  tooke  up  (refusing  utterly  to  meddle  with  any 
other  thing,  though  it  were  upon  a board  put  off  unto  him)  and 
so  presently  made  his  returne.  After  which  time  our  boate 
could  row  no  way,  but  wondring  at  us  as  at  gods,  they  would 
follow  the  same  with  admiration. 

The  3 day  following,  viz.,  the  21,  our  ship  having  received 
a leake  at  sea,  was  brought  to  anchor  neerer  the  shoare,  that, 
her  goods  being  landed,  she  might  be  repaired;  but  for  that 
we  were  to  prevent  any  danger  that  might  chance  against  our 

1 Possibly  tobacco.  That  Drake  and  his  men  should  not  have  recognized 
it  as  something  known  to  them  is  not  strange,  as  tobacco  seems  not  to  have 
been  known  in  England  until  introduced  by  Ralph  Lane  and  his  colonists 
on  their  return  from  Roanoke  Island  in  1586. 


160 


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[1679 


safety,  our  Generali  first  of  all  landed  his  men,  with  all  neces- 
sary provision,  to  build  tents  and  make  a fort  for  the  defence 
of  our  selves  and  goods : and  that  wee  might  under  the  shelter 
of  it  with  more  safety  (what  ever  should  befall)  end  our  busi- 
nesse;  which  when  the  people  of  the  countrey  perceived  us 
doing,  as  men  set  on  fire  to  war  in  defence  of  their  countrie, 
in  great  hast  and  companies,  with  such  weapons  as  they  had, 
they  came  downe  unto  us,  and  yet  with  no  hostile  meaning  or 
intent  to  hurt  us:  standing,  when  they  drew  neere,  as  men 
ravished  in  their  mindes,  with  the  sight  of  such  things  as  they 
never  had  seene  or  heard  of  before  that  time:  their  errand 
being  rather  with  submission  and  feare  to  worship  us  as  Gods, 
then  to  have  any  warre  with  us  as  with  mortall  men.  Which 
thing,  as  it  did  partly  shew  itself e at  that  instant,  so  did  it 
more  and  more  manifest  itself  afterwards,  during  the  whole 
time  of  our  abode  amongst  them.  At  this  time,  being  willed 
by  signes  to  lay  from  them  their  bowes  and  arrowes,  they  did  as 
they  were  directed,  and  so  did  all  the  rest,  as  they  came  more 
and  more  by  companies  unto  them,  growing  in  a little  while 
to  a great  number,  both  of  men  and  women. 

To  the  intent,  therefore,  that  this  peace  which  they  them- 
selves so  willingly  sought  might,  without  any  cause  of  the 
breach  thereof  on  our  part  given,  be  continued,  and  that  wee 
might  with  more  safety  and  expedition  end  our  businesses  in 
quiet,  our  Generali,  with  all  his  company,  used  all  meanes  pos- 
sible gently  to  intreate  them,  bestowing  upon  each  of  them 
liberally  good  and  necessary  things  to  cover  their  nakednesse ; 
withall  signifying  unto  them  we  were  no  Gods,  but  men,  and 
had  neede  of  such  things  to  cover  our  owne  shame;  teaching 
them  to  use  them  to  the  same  ends,  for  which  cause  also  wee 
did  eate  and  drinke  in  their  presence,  giving  them  to  under- 
stand that  without  that  wee  could  not  live,  and  therefore  were 
but  men  as  well  as  they. 

Notwithstanding  nothing  could  perswade  them,  nor  remove 
that  opinion  which  they  had  conceived  of  us,  that  wee  should 
be  Gods. 

In  recompence  of  those  things  which  they  had  received  of 


1579] 


DRAKE  IN  CALIFORNIA 


161 


us,  as  shirts,  linnen  cloth,  etc.,  they  bestowed  upon  our  Gen- 
erali, and  diverse  of  our  company,  diverse  things,  as  feathers, 
cawles  of  networke,  the  quivers  of  their  arrowes,  made  of  fawne 
skins,  and  the  very  skins  of  beasts  that  their  women  wore  upon 
their  bodies.  Having  thus  had  their  fill  of  this  times  visiting 
and  beholding  of  us,  they  departed  with  joy  to  their  houses, 
which  houses  are  digged  round  within  the  earth,  and  have 
from  the  uppermost  brimmes  of  the  circle  clefts  of  wood  set  up, 
and  joined  close  together  at  the  top,  like  our  spires  on  the 
steeple  of  a Church;  which  being  covered  with  earth,  suffer 
no  water  to  enter,  and  are  very  warme ; the  doore  in  the  most 
part  of  them  performes  the  office  also  of  a chimney  to  let  out 
the  smoake : its  made  in  bignesse  and  fashion  like  to  an  ordi- 
nary scuttle  in  a ship,  and  standing  slopewise : their  beds  are 
the  hard  ground,  onely  with  rushes  strewed  upon  it,  and  lying 
round  about  the  house,  have  their  fire  in  the  middest,  which  by 
reason  that  the  house  is  but  low  vaulted,  round,  and  close, 
giveth  a marvelous  reflexion  to  their  bodies  to  heate  the  same. 

Their  men  for  the  most  part  goe  naked ; the  women  take  a 
kinde  of  bulrushes,  and  kembing  it  after  the  manner  of  hemp, 
make  themselves  thereof  a loose  garment,  which  being  knitte 
about  their  middles,  hanges  downe  about  their  hippes,  and  so 
affordes  to  them  a covering  of  that  which  nature  teaches  should 
be  hidden;  about  their  shoulders  they  weare  also  the  skin  of 
a deere,  with  the  haire  upon  it.  They  are  very  obedient  to 
their  husbands,  and  exceeding  ready  in  all  services;  yet  of 
themselves  offring  to  do  nothing,  without  the  consents  or  being 
called  of  the  men. 

As  soone  as  they  were  returned  to  their  houses,  they  began 
amongst  themselves  a kind  of  most  lamentable  weeping  and 
crying  out ; which  they  continued  also  a great  while  together, 
in  such  sort  that  in  the  place  where  they  left  us  (being  neere 
about  3 quarters  of  an  English  mile  distant  from  them)  we 
very  plainely,  with  wonder  and  admiration,  did  heare  the  same, 
the  women  especially  extending  their  voices  in  a most  miser- 
able and  dolefull  manner  of  shreeking. 

Notwithstanding  this  humble  manner  of  presenting  them- 

M 


162 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1579 


selves,  and  awfull  demeanour  used  towards  us,  we  thought  it 
no  wisedome  too  farre  to  trust  them  (our  experience  of  former 
Infidels  dealing  with  us  before,  made  us  carefull  to  provide 
against  an  alteration  of  their  affections  or  breach  of  peace  if  it 
should  happen),  and  therefore  with  all  expedition  we  set  up 
our  tents,  and  intrenched  ourselves  with  walls  of  stone;  that 
so  being  fortified  within  ourselves,  we  might  be  able  to  keepe 
off  the  enemie  (if  they  should  so  prove)  from  comming  amongst 
us  without  our  good  wills : this  being  quickly  finished,  we  went 
the  more  cheerefully  and  securely  afterward  about  our  other 
businesse. 

Against  the  end  of  two  daies  (during  which  time  they  had 
not  againe  beene  with  us),  there  was  gathered  together  a great 
assembly  of  men,  women,  and  children  (invited  by  the  report 
of  them  which  first  saw  us,  who,  as  it  seems,  had  in  that  time 
of  purpose  dispersed  themselves  into  the  country,  to  make 
knowne  the  newes),  who  came  now  the  second  time  unto  us, 
bringing  with  them,  as  before  had  beene  done,  feathers  and 
bagges  of  Tobah  for  presents,  or  rather  indeed  for  sacrifices, 
upon  this  perswasion  that  we  were  gods. 

When  they  came  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  at  the  bottom  whereof 
wee  had  built  our  fort,  they  made  a stand;  where  one  (ap- 
pointed as  their  chiefe  speaker)  wearied  both  us  his  hearers, 
and  himselfe  too,  with  a long  and  tedious  oration;  delivered 
with  strange  and  violent  gestures,  his  voice  being  extended  to 
the  uttermost  strength  of  nature,  and  his  wordes  falling  so 
thicke  one  in  the  necke  of  another,  that  he  could  hardly  fetch 
his  breath  againe : as  soone  as  he  had  concluded,  all  the  rest, 
with  a reverend  bowing  of  their  bodies  (in  a dreaming  manner, 
and  long  producing  of  the  same)  cryed  Oh:  thereby  giving 
their  consents  that  all  was  very  true  which  he  had  spoken,  and 
that  they  had  uttered  their  minde  by  his  mouth  unto  us ; which 
done,  the  men  laying  downe  their  bowes  upon  the  hill,  and 
leaving  their  women  and  children  behinde  them,  came  downe 
with  their  presents;  in  such  sort  as  if  they  had  appeared  be- 
fore a God  indeed,  thinking  themselves  happy  that  they  might 
have  accesse  unto  our  Generali,  but  much  more  happy  when 


1579] 


DRAKE  IK  CALIFORNIA 


163 


they  sawe  that  he  would  receive  at  their  hands  those  things 
which  they  so  willingly  had  presented:  and  no  doubt  they 
thought  themselves  neerest  unto  God  when  they  sate  or  stood 
next  to  him.  In  the  meane  time  the  women,  as  if  they  had 
beene  desperate,  used  unnatural  violence  against  themselves, 
crying  and  shrieking  piteously,  tearing  their  flesh  with  their 
nailes  from  their  cheekes  in  a monstrous  manner,  the  blood 
streaming  downe  along  their  brests,  besides  despoiling  the 
upper  parts  of  their  bodies  of  those  single  coverings  they 
formerly  had,  and  holding  their  hands  above  their  heads  that 
they  might  not  rescue  their  brests  from  harme,  they  would  with 
furie  cast  themselves  upon  the  ground,  never  respecting 
whether  it  were  cleane  or  soft,  but  dashed  themselves  in  this 
manner  on  hard  stones,  knobby  hillocks,  stocks  of  wood,  and 
pricking  bushes,  or  whatever  else  lay  in  their  way,  itterating 
the  same  course  againe  and  againe;  yea  women  great  with 
child,  some  nine  or  ten  times  each,  and  others  holding  out  till 
15  or  16  times  (till  their  strengths  failed  them)  exercised  this 
cruelty  against  themselves : a thing  more  grievous  for  us  to  see 
or  suffer,  could  we  have  holpe  it,  then  trouble  to  them  (as  it 
seemed)  to  do  it.  This  bloudie  sacrifice  (against  our  wils) 
beeing  thus  performed,  our  Generali,  with  his  companie,  in  the 
presence  of  those  strangers,  fell  to  prayers;  and  by  signes  in 
lifting  up  our  eyes  and  hands  to  heaven,  signified  unto  them 
that  that  God  whom  we  did  serve,  and  whom  they  ought  to 
worship,  was  above : beseeching  God,  if  it  were  his  good  pleas- 
ure, to  open  by  some  meanes  their  blinded  eyes,  that  they 
might  in  due  time  be  called  to  the  knowledge  of  him,  the  true 
and  everliving  God,  and  of  Jesus  Christ  whom  he  hath  sent, 
the  salvation  of  the  Gentiles.  In  the  time  of  which  prayers, 
singing  of  Psalmes,  and  reading  of  certaine  Chapters  in  the 
Bible,  they  sate  very  attentively : and  observing  the  end  at 
every  pause,  with  one  voice  still  cried,  Oh,  greatly  rejoycing  in 
our  exercises.  Yea  they  tooke  such  pleasure  in  our  singing 
of  Psalmes,  that  whensoever  they  resorted  to  us,  their  first  re- 
quest was  commonly  this,  Gnaah,  by  which  they  intreated  that 
we  would  sing. 


164 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1679 


Our  Generali  having  now  bestowed  upon  them  divers  things, 
at  their  departure  they  restored  them  all  againe,  none  carrying 
with  him  anything  of  whatsoever  hee  had  received,  thinking 
themselves  sufficiently  enriched  and  happie  that  they  had  found 
so  free  accesse  to  see  us. 

Against  the  end  of  three  daies  more  (the  newes  having  the 
while  spread  itselfe  farther,  and  as  it  seemed  a great  way  up 
into  the  countrie),  were  assembled  the  greatest  number  of 
people  which  wee  could  reasonably  imagine  to  dwell  within  any 
convenient  distance  round  about.  Amongst  the  rest  the  king 
himselfe,  a man  of  a goodly  stature  and  comely  personage, 
attended  with  his  guard  of  about  100  tall  and  warlike  men,  this 
day,  viz.,  June  26,  came  downe  to  see  us. 

Before  his  comming,  were  sent  two  embassadors  or  mes- 
sengers to  our  Generali,  to  signifie  that  their  Hioh,  that  is, 
their  king,  was  comming  and  at  hand.  They  in  the  delivery 
of  their  message,  the  one  spake  with  a soft  and  low  voice, 
prompting  his  fellow;  the  other  pronounced  the  same,  word 
by  word,  after  him  with  a voice  more  audible,  continuing  their 
proclamation  (for  such  it  was)  about  halfe  an  houre.  Which 
being  ended,  they  by  signes  made  request  to  our  Generali,  to 
send  something  by  their  hands  to  their  Hioh  or  king,  as  a token 
that  his  comming  might  be  in  peace.  Our  Generali  willingly 
satisfied  their  desire;  and  they,  glad  men,  made  speedy  re- 
turne  to  their  Hioh.  Neither  was  it  long  before  their  king 
(making  as  princely  a shew  as  possibly  he  could)  with  all  his 
traine  came  forward. 

In  their  comming  forwards  they  cryed  continually  after  a 
singing  manner,  with  a lustie  courage.  And  as  they  drew 
neerer  and  neerer  towards  us,  so  did  they  more  and  more 
strive  to  behave  themselves  with  a certaine  comelinesse  and 
gravity  in  all  their  actions. 

In  the  forefront  came  a man  of  a large  body  and  goodly 
aspect,  bearing  the  Septer  or  royall  mace,  made  of  a certaine 
kind  of  blacke  wood,  and  in  length  about  a yard  and  a halfe, 
before  the  king.  Whereupon  hanged  two  crownes,  a bigger 
and  a lesse,  with  three  chaines  of  a marvellous  length,  and 


1579] 


DRAKE  IN  CALIFORNIA 


165 


often  doubled,  besides  a bagge  of  the  herbe  Tabah.  The 
crownes  were  made  of  knitworke,  wrought  upon  most  curiously 
with  feathers  of  divers  colours,  very  artificially  placed,  and  of 
a formall  fashion.  The  chaines  seemed  of  a bony  substance, 
every  linke  or  part  thereof  being  very  little,  thinne,  most  finely 
burnished,  with  a hole  pierced  through  the  middest.  The 
number  of  linkes  going  to  make  one  chaine,  is  in  a manner  in- 
finite ; but  of  such  estimation  it  is  amongst  them,  that  few  be 
the  persons  that  are  admitted  to  weare  the  same;  and  even 
they  to  whom  its  lawfull  to  use  them,  yet  are  stinted  what  num- 
ber they  shall  use,  as  some  ten,  some  twelve,  some  twentie,  and 
as  they  exceed  in  number  of  chaines,  so  thereby  are  they 
knowne  to  be  the  more  honorable  personages. 

Next  unto  him  that  bare  this  Scepter,  was  the  king  himselfe 
with  his  guard  about  him ; his  attire  upon  his  head  was  a cawle 
of  knitworke,  wrought  upon  somewhat  like  the  crownes,  but 
differing  much  both  in  fashion  and  perfectnesse  of  worke ; upon 
his  shoulders  he  had  on  a coate  of  the  skins  of  conies,  reaching 
to  his  wast ; his  guard  also  had  each  coats  of  the  same  shape, 
but  of  other  skins;  some  having  cawles  likewise  stucke  with 
feathers,  or  covered  over  with  a certaine  downe,  which  groweth 
up  in  the  countrey  upon  an  herbe  much  like  our  lectuce,  which 
exceeds  any  other  downe  in  the  world  for  finenesse,  and  beeing 
layed  upon  their  cawles,  by  no  winds  can  be  removed.  Of 
such  estimation  is  this  herbe  amongst  them,  that  the  downe 
thereof  is  not  lawfull  to  be  worne,  but  of  such  persons  as  are 
about  the  king  (to  whom  also  it  is  permitted  to  weare  a plume 
of  feathers  on  their  heads,  in  signe  of  honour),  and  the  seeds 
are  not  used  but  onely  in  sacrifice  to  their  gods.  After  these, 
in  their  order,  did  follow  the  naked  sort  of  common  people, 
whose  haire  being  long,  was  gathered  into  a bunch  behind,  in 
which  stucke  plumes  of  feathers;  but  in  the  forepart  onely 
single  feathers  like  homes,  every  one  pleasing  himselfe  in  his 
owne  device. 

This  one  thing  was  observed  to  bee  generall  amongst  them 
all,  that  every  one  had  his  face  painted,  some  with  white,  some 
blacke,  and  some  with  other  colours,  every  man  also  bringing 


166 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1579 


in  his  hand  one  thing  or  other  for  a gift  or  present.  Their 
traine  or  last  part  of  their  company  consisted  of  women  and 
children,  each  woman  bearing  against  her  breast  a round 
basket  or  two,  having  within  them  divers  things,  as  bagges  of 
Tobclh,  a roote  which  they  call  Petah,  whereof  they  make  a kind 
of  meale,  and  either  bake  it  into  bread,  or  eate  it  rawe ; broyled 
fishes,  like  a pilchard ; the  seede  and  downe  aforenamed,  with 
such  like. 

Their  baskets  were  made  in  fashion  like  a deep  boale,  and 
though  the  matter  were  rushes,  or  such  other  kind  of  stuffe, 
yet  was  it  so  cunningly  handled,  that  the  most  part  of  them 
would  hold  water : about  the  brimmes  they  were  hanged  with 
peeces  of  the  shels  of  pearles,  and  in  some  places  with  two  or 
three  linkes  at  a place,  of  the  chaines  forenamed:  thereby 
signifying  that  they  were  vessels  wholly  dedicated  to  the  onely 
use  of  the  gods  they  worshipped ; and  besides  this,  they  were 
wrought  upon  with  the  matted  downe  of  red  feathers,  distin- 
guished into  divers  workes  and  formes. 

In  the  meane  time,  our  Generali  having  assembled  his  men 
together  (as  forecasting  the  danger  and  worst  that  might  fall 
out)  prepared  himselfe  to  stand  upon  sure  ground,  that  wee 
might  at  all  times  be  ready  in  our  owne  defence,  if  any  thing 
should  chance  otherwise  than  was  looked  for  or  expected. 

Wherefore  every  man  being  in  a warlike  readinesse,  he 
marched  within  his  fenced  place,  making  against  their  approach 
a most  warlike  shew  (as  he  did  also  at  all  other  times  of  their 
resort),  whereby  if  they  had  beene  desperate  enemies,  they 
could  not  have  chosen  but  have  conceived  terrour  and  fear, 
with  discouragement  to  attempt  anything  against  us,  in  be- 
holding of  the  same. 

When  they  were  come  somewhat  neere  unto  us,  trooping  to- 
gether, they  gave  us  a common  or  generall  salutation,  observ- 
ing in  the  meane  time  a generall  silence.  Whereupon,  he  who 
bare  the  Scepter  before  the  king,  being  prompted  by  another 
whom  the  king  assigned  to  that  office,  pronounced  with  an 
audible  and  manly  voice  what  the  other  spake  to  him  in  secret, 
continuing,  whether  it  were  his  oration  or  proclamation,  at  the 


1579] 


DRAKE  IN  CALIFORNIA 


167 


least  halfe  an  houre.  At  the  close  whereof  there  was  a com- 
mon Amen,  in  signe  of  approbation,  given  by  every  person: 
and  the  king  himselfe,  with  the  whole  number  of  men  and 
women  (the  little  children  onely  remaining  behind)  came  fur- 
ther downe  the  hill,  and  as  they  came  set  themselves  againe  in 
their  former  order. 

And  beeing  now  come  to  the  foot  of  the  hill  and  neere  our 
fort,  the  Scepter  bearer,  with  a composed  countenance  and 
stately  carriage  began  a song,  and  answerable  thereunto  ob- 
served a kind  of  measures  in  a dance : whom  the  king  with  his 
guard  and  every  other  sort  of  person  following,  did  in  like 
manner  sing  and  daunce,  saving  onely  the  women,  who  danced 
but  kept  silence.  As  they  danced  they  still  came  on : and  our 
Generali  perceiving  their  plaine  and  simple  meaning,  gave 
order  that  they  might  freely  enter  without  interruption  within 
our  bulwarke.  Where,  after  they  had  entred,  they  yet  con- 
tinued their  song  and  dance  a reasonable  time,  their  women 
also  following  them  with  their  wassaile  boales  in  their  hands, 
their  bodies  bruised,  their  faces  torne,  their  dugges,  breasts, 
and  other  parts  bespotted  with  bloud,  trickling  downe  from  the 
wounds,  which  with  their  nailes  they  had  made  before  their 
comming. 

After  that  they  had  satisfied,  or  rather  tired  themselves  in 
this  manner,  they  made  signes  to  our  Generali  to  have  him  sit 
down ; unto  whom  both  the  king  and  divers  others  made  sev- 
erall  orations,  or  rather,  indeed,  if  wee  had  understood  them, 
supplications,  that  hee  would  take  the  Province  and  kingdome 
into  his  hand,  and  become  their  king  and  patron:  making 
signes  that  they  would  resigne  unto  him  their  right  and  title  in 
the  whole  land,  and  become  his  vassals  in  themselves  and  their 
posterities : which  that  they  might  make  us  indeed  beleeve  that 
it  was  their  true  meaning  and  intent,  the  king  himselfe,  with 
all  the  rest,  with  one  consent  and  with  great  reverence,  joyfully 
singing  a song,  set  the  crowne  upon  his  head,  inriched  his 
necke  with  all  their  chaines,  and  offering  unto  him  many  other 
things,  honoured  him  by  the  name  of  Hyoh.  Adding  there- 
unto (as  it  might  seeme)  a song  and  dance  of  triumph;  be- 


168 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1679 


cause  they  were  not  onely  visited  of  the  gods  (for  so  they  still 
judged  us  to  be),  but  the  great  and  chiefe  God  was  now  be- 
come their  God,  their  king  and  patron,  and  themselves  were 
become  the  onely  happie  and  blessed  people  in  the  world. 

These  things  being  so  freely  offered,  our  Generali  thought 
not  meet  to  reject  or  refuse  the  same,  both  for  that  he  would 
not  give  them  any  cause  of  mistrust  or  disliking  of  him  (that 
being  the  onely  place,  wherein  at  this  present,  we  were  of 
necessitie  inforced  to  seeke  reliefe  of  many  things),  and  chiefely 
for  that  he  knew  not  to  what  good  end  God  had  brought  this 
to  passe,  or  what  honour  and  profit  it  might  bring  to  our  coun- 
trie  in  time  to  come. 

Wherefore,  in  the  name  and  to  the  use  of  her  most  excellent 
majesty,  he  tooke  the  scepter,  crowne,  and  dignity  of  the  sayd 
countrie  into  his  hand ; wishing  nothing  more  than  that  it  had 
layen  so  fitly  for  her  majesty  to  enjoy,  as  it  was  now  her  proper 
owne,  and  that  the  riches  and  treasures  thereof 1 (wherewith  in 
the  upland  countries  it  abounds)  might  with  as  great  conven- 
iency  be  transported,  to  the  enriching  of  her  kingdome  here  at 
home,  as  it  is  in  plenty  to  be  attained  there;  and  especially 
that  so  tractable  and  loving  a people  as  they  shewed  them- 
selves to  be,  might  have  meanes  to  have  manifested  their  most 
willing  obedience  the  more  unto  her,  and  by  her  meanes,  as 
a mother  and  nurse  of  the  Church  of  Christ,  might  by  the 
preaching  of  the  Gospell,  be  brought  to  the  right  knowledge 
and  obedience  of  the  true  and  everliving  God. 

The  ceremonies  of  this  resigning  and  receiving  of  the  king- 
dome  being  thus  performed,  the  common  sort,  both  of  men  and 
women,  leaving  the  king  and  his  guard  about  him,  with  our 
Generali,  dispersed  themselves  among  our  people,  taking  a dili- 
gent view  or  survey  of  every  man ; and  finding  such  as  pleased 
their  fancies  (which  commonly  were  the  youngest  of  us),  they 
presently  enclosing  them  about  offred  their  sacrifices  unto 
them,  crying  out  with  lamentable  shreekes  and  moanes,  weep- 

1 Drake  little  even  dreamed  of  the  treasures  of  gold  and  silver  in  those  up- 
land countries,  as  well  as  in  the  beds  of  the  streams  flowing  from  the  high- 
lands. 


DRAKE  IN  CALIFORNIA 


169 


1579] 

ing  and  scratching  and  tearing  their  very  flesh  off  their  faces 
with  their  nailes;  neither  were  it  the  women  alone  which  did 
this,  but  even  old  men,  roaring  and  crying  out,  were  as  violent 
as  the  women  were. 

We  groaned  in  spirit  to  see  the  power  of  Sathan  so  farre 
prevaile  in  seducing  these  so  harmlesse  soules,  and  laboured 
by  all  meanes,  both  by  shewing  our  great  dislike,  and  when 
that  served  not,  by  violent  withholding  of  their  hands  from 
that  madnesse,  directing  them  (by  our  eyes  and  hands  lift  up 
towards  heaven)  to  the  living  God  whom  they  ought  to  serve ; 
but  so  mad  were  they  upon  their  Idolatry,  that  forcible  with- 
holding them  would  not  prevaile  (for  as  soone  as  they  could 
get  liberty  to  their  hands  againe,  they  would  be  as  violent  as 
they  were  before)  till  such  time,  as  they  whom  they  worshipped 
were  conveyed  from  them  into  the  tents,  whom  yet  as  men  be- 
sides themselves,  they  would  with  fury  and  outrage  seeke  to 
have  againe. 

After  that  time  had  a little  qualified  their  madnes,  they  then 
began  to  shew  and  make  knowne  unto  us  their  griefes  and 
diseases  which  they  carried  about  them ; some  of  them  having 
old  aches,  some  shruncke  sinewes,  some  old  soares  and  can- 
chred  ulcers,  some  wounds  more  lately  received,  and  the  like ; 
in  most  lamentable  manner  craving  helpe  and  cure  thereof 
from  us;  making  signes,  that  if  we  did  but  bio  we  upon  their 
griefes,  or  but  touched  the  diseased  places,  they  would  be 
whole. 

Their  griefes  we  could  not  but  take  pitty  on  them,  and  to 
our  power  desire  to  helpe  them : but  that  (if  it  pleased  God  to 
open  their  eyes)  they  might  understand  we  were  but  men  and 
no  gods,  we  used  ordinary  meanes,  as  lotions,  emplaisters, 
and  unguents,  most  fitly  (as  farre  as  our  skills  could  guesse) 
agreeing  to  the  natures  of  their  griefes,  beseeching  God,  if  it 
made  for  his  glory,  to  give  cure  to  their  diseases  by  these 
meanes.  The  like  we  did  from  time  to  time  as  they  resorted 
to  us. 

Few  were  the  dayes,  wherein  they  were  absent  from  us,  dur- 
ing the  whole  time  of  our  abode  in  that  place ; and  ordinarily 


170 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1679 


every  third  day  they  brought  their  sacrifices,  till  such  time  as 
they  certainely  understood  our  meaning,  that  we  tooke  no 
pleasure,  but  were  displeased  with  them;  whereupon  their 
zeale  abated,  and  their  sacrificing,  for  a season,  to  our  good 
liking  ceased;  notwithstanding  they  continued  still  to  make 
their  resort  unto  us  in  great  abundance,  and  in  such  sort,  that 
they  oft-time  forgate  to  provide  meate  for  their  owne  suste- 
nance; so  that  our  Generali  (of  whom  they  made  account  as 
of  a father)  was  faine  to  performe  the  office  of  a father  to  them, 
relieving  them  with  such  victualls  as  we  had  provided  for  our 
selves,  as  Muscles,  Seales,  and  such  like,  wherein  they  tooke 
exceeding  much  content ; and  seeing  that  their  sacrifices  were 
displeasing  to  us,  yet  (hating  ingratitude)  they  sought  to  rec- 
ompence  us  with  such  things  as  they  had,  which  they  willingly 
inforced  upon  us,  though  it  were  never  so  necessarie  or  need- 
full  for  themselves  to  keepe. 

They  are  a people  of  a tractable,  free,  and  loving  nature, 
without  guile  or  treachery;  their  bowes  and  arrowes  (their 
only  weapons,  and  almost  all  their  wealth)  they  use  very  skill- 
fully, but  yet  not  to  do  any  great  harme  with  them,  being  by 
reason  of  their  weaknesse  more  fit  for  children  then  for  men, 
sending  the  arrowes  neither  farre  off  nor  with  any  great  force : 
and  yet  are  the  men  commonly  so  strong  of  body,  that  that 
which  2 or  3 of  our  men  could  hardly  beare,  one  of  them  would 
take  upon  his  backe,  and  without  grudging  carrie  it  easily 
away,  up  hill  and  downe  hill  an  English  mile  together:  they 
are  also  exceeding  swift  in  running,  and  of  long  continuance, 
the  use  whereof  is  so  familiar  with  them,  that  they  seldome 
goe,  but  for  the  most  part  runne.  One  thing  we  observed  in 
them  with  admiration,  that  if  at  any  time  they  chanced  to  see 
a fish  so  neere  the  shoare  that  they  might  reach  the  place 
without  swimming,  they  would  never,  or  very  seldome,  misse 
to  take  it. 

After  that  our  necessary  businesses  were  well  dispatched, 
our  Generali,  with  his  gentlemen  and  many  of  his  company, 
made  a journy  up  into  the  land,  to  see  the  manner  of  their 
dwelling,  and  to  be  the  better  acquainted  with  the  nature  and 


1579] 


DRAKE  IN  CALIFORNIA 


171 


commodities  of  the  country.  There  houses  were  all  such  as 
we  have  formerly  described,  and  being  many  of  them  in  one 
place,  made  severall  villages  here  and  there.  The  inland  we 
found  to  be  farre  different  from  the  shoare,  a goodly  country, 
and  fruitfull  soyle,  stored  with  many  blessings  fit  for  the  use 
of  man : infinite  was  the  company  of  very  large  and  fat  Deere 
which  there  we  sawe  by  thousands,  as  we  supposed,  in  a heard ; 
besides  a multitude  of  a strange  kinde  of  Conies,  by  farre  ex- 
ceeding them  in  number:  their  heads  and  bodies,  in  which 
they  resemble  other  Conies,  are  but  small ; his  tayle,  like  the 
tayle  of  a Rat,  exceeding  long ; and  his  feet  like  the  pawes  of  a 
Want  or  moale;  under  his  chinne,  on  either  side,  he  hath  a 
bagge,  into  which  he  gathereth  his  meate,  when  he  hath  filled 
his  belly  abroade,  that  he  may  with  it,  either  feed  his  young, 
or  feed  himselfe  when  he  lists  not  to  travaile  from  his  bur- 
rough  ; the  people  eate  their  bodies,  and  make  great  account 
of  their  skinnes,  for  their  kings  holidaies  coate  was  made  of 
them. 

This  country  our  Generali  named  Albion , and  that  for  two 
causes;  the  one  in  respect  of  the  white  bancks  and  cliff es, 
which  lie  toward  the  sea ; the  other,  that  it  might  have  some 
affinity,  even  in  name  also,  with  our  own  country,  which  was 
sometimes  so  called. 

Before  we  went  from  thence,  our  Generali  caused  to  be  set 
up  a monument 1 of  our  being  there,  as  also  of  her  majesties  and 
successors  right  and  title  to  that  kingdome ; namely,  a plate  of 
brasse,  fast  nailed  to  a great  and  firme  poste ; whereon  is  en- 
graven her  graces  name,  and  the  day  and  yeare  of  our  arrivall 
there,  and  of  the  free  giving  up  of  the  province  and  kingdome, 
both  by  the  king  and  people,  into  her  majesties  hands:  to- 
gether with  her  highnesse  picture  and  armes,  in  a piece  of  six- 
pence currant  English  monie,  shewing  itselfe  by  a hole  made 
of  purpose  through  the  plate;  underneath  was  likewise  en- 
graven the  name  of  our  Generali,  etc. 

1 In  giving  a name  to  the  country,  and  in  setting  up  a monument  in 
token  of  discovery,  Drake  laid  the  foundation  of  a claim  to  English  sov- 
ereignty. 


172 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1579 


The  Spaniards  never  had  any  dealing,  or  so  much  as  set  a 
foote  in  this  country,  the  utmost  of  their  discoveries  reaching 
onely  to  many  degrees  Southward  of  this  place. 

And  now,  as  the  time  of  our  departure  was  perceived  by 
them  to  draw  nigh,  so  did  the  sorrowes  and  miseries  of  this 
people  seeme  to  themselves  to  increase  upon  them,  and  the 
more  certaine  they  were  of  our  going  away,  the  more  doubtful 
they  shewed  themselves  what  they  might  doe;  so  that  we 
might  easily  judge  that  that  joy  (being  exceeding  great)  where- 
with they  received  us  at  our  first  arrivall,  was  cleane  drowned 
in  their  excessive  sorrow  for  our  departing.  For  they  did  not 
onely  loose  on  a sudden  all  mirth,  joy,  glad  countenance,  pleas- 
ant speeches,  agility  of  body,  familiar  rejoycing  one  with 
another,  and  all  pleasure  what  ever  flesh  and  blood  might  bee 
delighted  in,  but  with  sighes  and  sorrowings,  with  heavy  hearts 
and  grieved  minds,  they  powred  out  wofull  complaints  and 
moanes,  with  bitter  teares  and  wringing  of  their  hands,  tor- 
menting themselves.  And  as  men  refusing  all  comfort,  they 
onely  accounted  themselves  as  cast-awayes,  and  those  whom 
the  gods  were  about  to  forsake:  so  that  nothing  we  could 
say  or  do,  was  able  to  ease  them  of  their  so  heavy  a bur- 
then, or  to  deliver  them  from  so  desperate  a straite,  as  our 
leaving  of  them  did  seeme  to  them  that  it  would  cast  them 
into. 

Howbeit,  seeing  they  could  not  still  enjoy  our  presence,  they 
(supposing  us  to  be  gods  indeed)  thought  it  their  duties  to  in- 
treate  us  that,  being  absent,  we  would  yet  be  mindfull  of  them, 
and  making  signes  of  their  desires  that  in  time  to  come  wee 
would  see  them  againe,  they  stole  upon  us  a sacrifice,  and  set 
it  on  fire  erre  we  were  aware,  burning  therein  a chaine  and  a 
bunch  of  feathers.  We  laboured  by  all  meanes  possible  to 
withhold  or  withdraw  them,  but  could  not  prevaile,  till  at  last 
we  fell  to  prayers  and  singing  of  Psalmes,  whereby  they  were 
allured  immediatly  to  forget  their  folly,  and  leave  their  sacrifice 
unconsumed,  suffering  the  fire  to  go  out ; and  imitating  us  in 
all  our  actions,  they  fell  a lifting  of  their  eyes  and  hands  to 
heaven,  as  they  saw  us  do. 


1579] 


DRAKE  IN  CALIFORNIA 


173 


The  23  of  July  they  tooke  a sorrowfull  farewell  of  us,  but 
being  loath  to  leave  us,  they  presently  ranne  to  the  top  of  the 
hils  to  keepe  us  in  their  sight  as  long  as  they  could,  making 
fires  before  and  behind,  and  on  each  side  of  them,  burning 
therein  (as  is  to  be  supposed)  sacrifices  at  our  departure. 


A REPORT  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR 
HUMFREY  GILBERT,  KNIGHT,  1583, 
BY  MASTER  EDWARD  HAIES 


INTRODUCTION 


Humphrey  Gilbert,  a son  of  Sir  Otho  Gilbert,  and  a half- 
brother  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  studied  at  Eton  and  Oxford,  and 
in  his  youth  was  a servitor  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  whose  favor 
he  won,  and  retained  throughout  his  career.  Entering  the 
military  service  at  an  early  age,  he  served  as  a captain  in  Ire- 
land under  Sir  Henry  Sidney  in  1566,  and  in  1569  he  was  made 
governor  of  Munster.  For  his  services  in  Ireland  he  was 
knighted  in  1570.  In  1571  he  entered  Parliament,  and  in  the 
following  year  he  was  in  the  Netherlands  fighting  against 
Spain.  For  a long  time  he  had  been  interested  in  western  dis- 
covery. As  early  as  1566  he  petitioned  Queen  Elizabeth  for 
permission  to  seek  a northwest  passage  to  the  Indies,  and  wrote 
a tract,  A Discourse  of  Discovery  for  a new  Passage  to  Cataia, 
which  was  published  ten  years  afterward.  From  time  to  time 
he  appealed  to  the  queen  for  service  in  exploration,  and  on 
June  11,  1578,  she  responded  by  bestowing  upon  him  a royal 
patent  which  gave  him  authority  to  discover  and  possess  lands 
in  America,  with  the  proviso,  however,  that  there  should  be 
no  robbery  “by  sea  or  by  land.”  Preparation  for  an  expe- 
dition, in  which  Ralegh  was  associated  with  him,  was  at  once 
made.  With  a fleet  of  seven  ships,  Gilbert  left  England  in 
November;  but  he  soon  met  with  disaster,  and  returned, 
Ralegh’s  vessel  being  the  last  to  reach  England. 

Gilbert’s  ardor  for  discovery,  however,  was  not  lessened  by 
ill  success.  He  at  once  began  to  make  preparations  for  an- 
other voyage,  and  on  June  11,  1583,  with  only  one  year  re- 
maining before  his  patent  would  expire,  he  left  England  with 
five  vessels  and  two  hundred  and  sixty  men.  The  expedition 

177 


N 


178 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


proved  a failure,  and  Gilbert,  on  the  return  voyage,  perished 
in  the  foundering  of  his  vessel  in  a storm.  This  was  another 
sad  blow  to  a great  undertaking.  Gilbert  has  the  honor, 
however,  of  having  been  the  first  leader  of  an  English  expedi- 
tion “that  caried  people  to  erect  an  habitation  and  govern- 
ment in  these  Northerly  countreys  of  America.”  The  writer 
of  the  story  of  the  expedition,  Mr.  Edward  Hayes,  was  the 
author  of  A Treatise  . . . conteining  important  inducements 
for  the  planting  of  these  parts  and  finding  a passage  that  way 
to  the  South  sea  and  China,  which  was  annexed  to  the  second 
edition  of  Brereton’s  Briefe  and  true  Relation,  published  in 
1602.  Hayes’s  narrative  has  been  reprinted  in  the  Prince 
Society’s  volume  entitled  Sir  Humphrey  Gylherte.  The  vol- 
ume also  contains  a memoir  of  Gilbert  by  Rev.  Carlos  Slafter. 

H.  S.  B. 


VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMFREY  GILBERT 
KNIGHT,  1583 

A report  of  the  voyage  and  successe  thereof,  attempted  in  the 
yeere  of  our  Lord  1583  by  sir  Humfrey  Gilbert  knight, 
with  other  gentlemen  assisting  him  in  that  action,  in- 
tended to  discover  and  to  plant  Christian  inhabitants  in 
place  convenient,  upon  those  large  and  ample  countreys 
extended  Northward  from  the  cape  of  Florida,  lying  under 
very  temperate  Climes,  esteemed  fertile  and  rich  in 
Minerals,  yet  not  in  the  actuall  possession  of  any  Chris- 
tian prince,  written  by  M.  Edward  Haies  gentleman,  and 
principall  actour  in  the  same  voyage,  who  alone  con- 
tinued unto  the  end,  and  by  Gods  speciall  assistance  re- 
turned home  with  his  retinue  safe  and  entire. 

Many  voyages  have  bene  pretended,  yet  hitherto  never  any 
thorowly  accomplished  by  our  nation  of  exact  discovery  into  the 
bowels  of  those  maine,  ample  and  vast  countreys,  extended 
infinitely  into  the  North  from  30  degrees,  or  rather  from  25 
degrees  of  Septentrionall  latitude,  neither  hath  a right  way  bene 
taken  of  planting  a Christian  habitation  and  regiment  upon  the 
same,  as  well  may  appeare  both  by  the  little  we  yet  do  actually 
possesse  therein,  and  by  our  ignorance  of  the  riches  and  secrets 
within  those  lands,  which  unto  this  day  we  know  chiefly  by  the 
travell  and  report  of  other  nations,  and  most  of  the  French,  who 
albeit  they  can  not  challenge  such  right  and  interest  unto  the 
sayd  countreys  as  we,  neither  these  many  yeeres  have  had  op- 
portunity nor  meanes  so  great  to  discover  and  to  plant  (being 
vexed  with  the  calamnities  of  intestine  warres)  as  we  have  had 
by  the  inestimable  benefit  of  our  long  and  happy  peace : yet 
have  they  both  waies  performed  more,  and  had  long  since  at- 
tained a sure  possession  and  setled  government  of  many 

179 


180 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1583 


provinces  in  those  Northerly  parts  of  America,  if  their  many 
attempts  into  those  forren  and  remote  lands  had  not  bene 
impeached  by  their  garboils  at  home. 

The  first  discovery  of  these  coasts  (never  heard  of  before) 
was  well  begun  by  John  Cabot  the  father,  and  Sebastian  his 
sonne,  an  Englishman  borne,  who  were  the  first  finders  out 
of  all  that  great  tract  of  land  stretching  from  the  cape  of 
Florida  unto  those  Islands  which  we  now  call  the  Newfound- 
land : all  which  they  brought  and  annexed  unto  the  crowne  of 
England.1  Since  when,  if  with  like  diligence  the  search  of  in- 
land countreys  had  bene  followed,  as  the  discovery  upon  the 
coast,  and  out-parts  therof  was  performed  by  those  two  men : 
no  doubt  her  Majesties  territories  and  revenue  had  bene  mightily 
inlarged  and  advanced  by  this  day.  And  which  is  more: 
the  seed  of  Christian  religion  had  bene  sowed  amongst  those 
pagans,  which  by  this  time  might  have  brought  foorth  a most 
plentifull  harvest  and  copious  congregation  of  Christians;  which 
must  be  the  chief e intent  of  such  as  shall  make  any  attempt 
that  way : or  els  whatsoever  is  builded  upon  other  foundation 
shall  never  obtaine  happy  successe  nor  continuance. 

And  although  we  can  not  precisely  judge  (which  onely 
belongeth  to  God)  what  have  bene  the  humours  of  men  stirred 
up  to  great  attempts  of  discovering  and  planting  in  those 
remote  countreys,  yet  the  events  do  shew  that  either  Gods 
cause  hath  not  bene  chiefly  preferred  by  them,  or  els  God  hath 
not  permitted  so  abundant  grace  as  the  light  of  his  word  and 


1 It  is  thought  that  John  Cabot,  in  the  interest  of  Bristol  merchants, 
may  have  been  engaged  in  voyages  to  the  American  coast  as  early  as  1491. 
In  1495  he  presented  a petition  to  Henry  VII.,  requesting  permission  for 
himself  and  his  three  sons  to  discover  and  possess  new  lands  in  the  New 
World.  The  patent  was  granted  on  March  5,  1496,  and  on  May  2,  1497, 
Cabot,  accompanied  by  his  son  Sebastian,  sailed  from  Bristol.  In  this 
voyage,  Cabot  discovered  land  on  the  coast  of  Labrador,  and  after  some 
exploration  of  the  coast  he  returned  to  England  with  the  news  of  his  dis- 
covery. Sebastian  Cabot  accompanied  his  father  to  the  American  coast 
in  the  voyage  of  1498.  After  a period  of  service  under  the  English  crown 
he  entered  the  service  of  Spain.  Subsequent  to  the  death  of  Henry  VIII. 
(January  25,  1547),  he  returned  to  England,  where  he  remained  until  his 
death. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  181 


knowledge  of  him  to  be  yet  revealed  unto  those  infidels  before 
the  appointed  tune. 

But  most  assuredly,  the  only  cause  of  religion  hitherto  hath 
kept  backe,  and  will  also  bring  forward  at  the  time  assigned  by 
God,  an  effectuall  and  compleat  discovery  and  possession  by 
Christians  both  of  those  ample  countreys  and  the  riches  within 
them  hitherto  concealed : whereof  notwithstanding  God  in  his 
wisdome  hath  permitted  to  be  revealed  from  time  to  time  a 
certaine  obscure  and  misty  knowledge,  by  little  and  little  to 
allure  the  mindes  of  men  that  way  (which  els  will  be  dull  enough 
in  the  zeale  of  his  cause)  and  thereby  to  prepare  us  unto  a readi- 
nesse  for  the  execution  of  his  will  against  the  due  time  ordeined, 
of  calling  those  pagans  unto  Christianity. 

In  the  meane  while,  it  behooveth  every  man  of  great  calling, 
in  whom  is  any  instinct  of  inclination  unto  this  attempt,  to 
examine  his  owne  motions : which  if  the  same  proceed  of  am- 
bition or  avarice,  he  may  assure  himselfe  it  commeth  not  of 
God,  and  therefore  can  not  have  confidence  of  Gods  protection 
and  assistance  against  the  violence  (els  irresistable)  both  of  sea, 
and  infinite  perils  upon  the  land ; whom  God  yet  may  use  an 
instrument  to  further  his  cause  and  glory  some  way,  but  not 
to  build  upon  so  bad  a foundation. 

Otherwise,  if  his  motives  be  derived  from  a vertuous  and 
heroycall  minde,  preferring  chiefly  the  honour  of  God,  com- 
passion of  poore  infidels  captived  by  the  devill,  tyrannizing  in 
most  woonderfull  and  dreadfull  maner  over  their  bodies  and 
soules ; advancement  of  his  honest  and  well  disposed  countrey- 
men,  willing  to  accompany  him  in  such  honourable  actions: 
reliefe  of  sundry  people  within  this  realme  distressed : all  these 
be  honourable  purposes,  imitating  the  nature  of  the  munificent 
God,  wherwith  he  is  well  pleased,  who  will  assist  such  an  actour 
beyond  expectation  of  man.  And  the  same,  who  feeleth  this 
inclination  in  himselfe,  by  all  likelihood  may  hope,  or  rather 
confidently  repose  in  the  preordinance  of  God,  that  in  this 
last  age  of  the  world  (or  likely  never)  the  time  is  compleat  of 
receiving  also  these  Gentiles  into  his  mercy,  and  that  God  will 
raise  him  an  instrument  to  effect  the  same:  it  seeming  prob- 


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[1683 


able  by  event  of  precedent  attempts  made  by  the  Spanyards 
and  French  sundry  times,  that  the  countreys  lying  North  of 
Florida,  God  hath  reserved  the  same  to  be  reduced  unto  Chris- 
tian civility  by  the  English  nation.  For  not  long  after  that 
Christopher  Columbus  had  discovered  the  Islands  and  continent 
of  the  West  Indies  for  Spaine,  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  made 
discovery  also  of  the  rest  from  Florida  Northwards1  to  the 
behoofe  of  England. 

And  whensoever  afterwards  the  Spanyards  (very  prosperous 
in  all  their  Southerne  discoveries)  did  attempt  any  thing  into 
Florida  and  those  regions  inclining  towards  the  North  they 
proved  most  unhappy,  and  were  at  length  discouraged  utterly 
by  the  hard  and  lamentable  successe  of  many  both  religious 
and  valiant  in  armes,  endevouring  to  bring  those  Northerly 
regions  also  under  the  Spanish  jurisdiction ; as  if  God  had  pre- 
scribed limits  unto  the  Spanish  nation  which  they  might  not 
exceed ; as  by  their  owne  gests  recorded  may  be  aptly  gathered. 

The  French,  as  they  can  pretend  lesse  title  unto  these 
Northerne  parts  then  the  Spanyard,  by  how  much  the  Span- 
yard  made  the  first  discovery  of  the  same  continent  so  far 
Northward  as  unto  Florida,  and  the  French  did  but  review 
that  before  discovered  by  the  English  nation,  usurping  upon 
our  right,  and  imposing  names  upon  countreys,  rivers,  bayes, 
capes,  or  head  lands,  as  if  they  had  bene  the  first  finders  of  those 
coasts : which  injury  we  offered  not  unto  the  Spanyards,  but 
left  off  to  discover  when  we  approached  the  Spanish  limits: 
even  so  God  hath  not  hitherto  permitted  them  to  establish  a 
possession  permanent  upon  anothers  right,  notwithstanding 
their  manifolde  attempts,  in  which  the  issue  hath  bene  no  lesse 
tragicall  then  that  of  the  Spanyards,  as  by  their  owne  reports 
is  extant. 

Then  seeing  the  English  nation  onely  hath  right  unto  these 
countreys  of  America  from  the  cape  of  Florida  Northward  by 

1 The  extent  of  the  discoveries  of  the  Cabots  is  a matter  of  controversy. 
John  Cabot  certainly  did  not  reach  the  coast  of  the  United  States.  Sebas- 
tian Cabot  proceeded  south  as  far  as  the  latitude  of  the  Strait  of  Gibraltar, 
according  to  a statement  made  by  him  to  Peter  Martyr  — that  is,  as  far  as 
Cape  Hatter  as. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  183 


the  privilege  of  first  discovery,  unto  which  Cabot  was  authorised 
by  regall  authority,  and  set  forth  by  the  expense  of  our  late 
famous  king  Henry  the  seventh:  which  right  also  seemeth 
strongly  defended  on  our  behalfe  by  the  powerfull  hand  of 
ahuighty  God,  withstanding  the  enterprises  of  other  nations: 
it  may  greatly  incourage  us  upon  so  just  ground,  as  is  our 
right,  and  upon  so  sacred  an  intent,  as  to  plant  religion  (our 
right  and  intent  being  meet  foundations  for  the  same)  to 
prosecute  effectually  the  full  possession  of  those  so  ample 
and  pleasant  countreys  apperteining  unto  the  crowne  of  Eng- 
land : the  same  (as  is  to  be  conjectured  by  infallible  arguments 
of  the  worlds  end  approching)  being  now  arrived  unto  the 
time  by  God  prescribed  of  their  vocation,  if  ever  their  calling 
unto  the  knowledge  of  God  may  be  expected.  Which  also  is 
very  probable  by  the  revolution  and  course  of  Gods  word  and 
religion,  which  from  the  beginning  hath  moved  from  the  East, 
towards,  and  at  last  unto  the  West,  where  it  is  like  to  end, 
unlesse  the  same  begin  againe  where  it  did  in  the  East,  which 
were  to  expect  a like  world  againe.  But  we  are  assured  of  the 
contrary  by  the  prophesie  of  Christ,  whereby  we  gather,  that 
after  his  word  preached  thorowout  the  world  shalbe  the  end. 
And  as  the  Gospel  when  it  descended  Westward  began  in  the 
South,  and  afterward  spread  into  the  North  of  Europe : even 
so,  as  the  same  hath  begunne  in  the  South  countreys  of 
America,  no  lesse  hope  may  be  gathered  that  it  will  also  spread 
into  the  North. 

These  considerations  may  helpe  to  suppresse  all  dreads  rising 
of  hard  events  in  attempts  made  this  way  by  other  nations,  as 
also  of  the  heavy  successe  and  issue  in  the  late  enterprise  made 
by  a worthy  gentleman  our  countryman  sir  Humfrey  Gilbert 
knight,  who  was  the  first  of  our  nation  that  caried  people  to 
erect  an  habitation  and  govermnent  in  those  Northerly  coun- 
treys of  America.  About  which,  albeit  he  had  consumed 
much  substance,  and  lost  his  life  at  last,  his  people  also  perish- 
ing for  the  most  part : yet  the  mystery  thereof  we  must  leave 
unto  God,  and  judge  charitably  both  of  the  cause  (which  was 
just  in  all  pretence)  and  of  the  person,  who  was  very  zealous 


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[1683 


in  prosecuting  the  same,  deserving  honourable  remembrance 
for  his  good  minde,  and  expense  of  life  in  so  vertuous  an  enter- 
prise. Whereby  neverthelesse,  least  any  man  should  be  dis- 
mayd  by  example  of  other  folks  calamity,  and  misdeeme  that 
God  doth  resist  all  attempts  intended  that  way:  I thought 
good,  so  farre  as  my  selfe  was  an  eye  witnesse,  to  deliver  the 
circumstance  and  maner  of  our  proceedings  in  that  action : in 
which  the  gentleman  was  so  incumbred  with  wants,  and  woorse 
matched  with  many  ill  disposed  people,  that  his  rare  judgement 
and  regiment  premeditated  for  those  affaires,  was  subjected  to 
tolerate  abuses,  and  in  sundry  extremities  to  holde  on  a course, 
more  to  upholde  credite,  then  likely  in  his  owne  conceit  happily 
to  succeed. 

The  issue  of  such  actions,  being  alwayes  miserable,  not 
guided  by  God,  who  abhorreth  confusion  and  disorder,  hath 
left  this  for  admonition  (being  the  first  attempt  by  our  nation 
to  plant)  unto  such  as  shall  take  the  same  cause  in  hand  here- 
after not  to  be  discouraged  from  it:  but  to  make  men  well 
advised  how  they  handle  his  so  high  and  excellent  matters, 
as  the  cariage  of  his  word  into  those  very  mighty  and  vast 
countreys.  An  action  doubtlesse  not  to  be  intermedled  with 
base  purposes ; as  many  have  made  the  same  but  a colour  to 
shadow  actions  otherwise  scarse  justifiable : which  doth  excite 
Gods  heavy  judgements  in  the  end,  to  the  terrifying  of  weake 
mindes  from  the  cause,  without  pondering  his  just  proceedings: 
and  doth  also  incense  forren  princes  against  our  attempts  how 
just  soever,  who  can  not  but  deeme  the  sequele  very  dangerous 
unto  their  state  (if  in  those  parts  we  should  grow  to  strength) 
seeing  the  very  beginnings  are  entred  with  spoile. 

And  with  this  admonition  denounced  upon  zeale  towards 
Gods  cause,  also  towards  those  in  whom  appeareth  disposition 
honourable  unto  this  action  of  planting  Christian  people  and 
religion  in  those  remote  and  barbarous  nations  of  America 
(unto  whom  I wish  all  happinesse)  I will  now  proceed  to  make 
relation  briefly,  yet  particularly,  of  our  voyage  undertaken 
with  sir  Humfrey  Gilbert,  begun,  continued,  and  ended  ad- 
versly. 


1683]  THE  VOYAGE  OE  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  185 


When  first  sir  Humfrey  Gilbert  undertooke  the  Westerne 
discovery  of  America,  and  had  procured  from  her  Majesty  a 
very  large  commission  to  inhabit  and  possesse  at  his  choice 
all  remote  and  heathen  lands  not  in  the  actuall  possession  of  any 
Christian  prince,  the  same  commission  exemplified  with  many 
privileges,  such  as  in  his  discretion  he  might  demand,  very 
many  gentlemen  of  good  estimation  drew  unto  him,  to  associate 
him  in  so  commendable  an  enterprise,  so  that  the  preparation 
was  expected  to  grow  unto  a puissant  fleet,  able  to  encounter 
a kings  power  by  sea : neverthelesse,  amongst  a multitude  of 
voluntary  men,  their  dispositions  were  divers,  which  bred  a 
jarre,  and  made  a division  in  the  end,  to  the  confusion  of  that 
attempt  even  before  the  same  was  begun.  And  when  the  ship- 
ping was  in  a maner  prepared,  and  men  ready  upon  the  coast 
to  go  aboord:  at  that  time  some  brake  consort,  and  followed 
courses  degenerating  from  the  voyage  before  pretended : 
Others  failed  of  their  promises  contracted,  and  the  greater 
number  were  dispersed,  leaving  the  Generali 1 with  few  of  his 
assured  friends,  with  whom  he  adventured  to  sea:  where 
having  tasted  of  no  lesse  misfortune,  he  was  shortly  driven  to 
retire  home  with  the  losse  of  a tall  ship,  and  (more  to  his  griefe) 
of  a valiant  gentleman  Miles  Morgan.2 

Having  buried  onely  in  a preparation  a great  masse  of  sub- 
stance, wherby  his  estate  was  impaired,  his  minde  yet  not 
dismaid  he  continued  his  former  designment  and  purpose  to 
revive  this  enterprise,  good  occasion  serving.  Upon  which 
determination  standing  long,  without  meanes  to  satisfy  his 
desire;  at  last  he  granted  certaine  assignments  out  of  his 
commission  to  sundry  persons  of  meane  ability,  desiring  the 
privilege  of  his  grant,  to  plant  and  fortifie  in  the  North  parts 
of  America  about  the  river  of  Canada,3  to  whom  if  God  gave 
good  successe  in  the  North  parts  (where  then  no  matter  of 
moment  was  expected)  the  same  (he  thought)  would  greatly 


1 At  that  time  the  designation  of  the  head  of  an  expedition. 

2 The  reference  is  to  Gilbert’s  first  voyage  in  1578.  Queen  Elizabeth’s 

patent  of  that  year  to  Gilbert  is  printed  in  Hakluyt,  edition  of  1903,  VIII. 
17-23.  3 The  St.  Lawrence. 


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[1583 


advance  the  hope  of  the  South,  and  be  a furtherance  unto  his 
determination  that  way.  And  the  worst  that  might  happen 
in  that  course  might  be  excused  without  prejudice  unto  him 
by  the  former  supposition,  that  those  North  regions  were  of 
no  regard:  but  chiefly  a possession  taken  in  any  parcell  of 
those  heathen  countreys,  by  vertue  of  his  grant,  did  invest 
him  of  territories  extending  every  way  two  hundred  leagues: 
which  induced  sir  Humfry  Gilbert  to  make  those  assignments, 
desiring  greatly  their  expedition,  because  his  commission  did 
expire  after  six  yeres,  if  in  that  space  he  had  not  gotten  actuall 
possession. 

Time  went  away  without  any  thing  done  by  his  assignes: 
insomuch  that  at  last  he  must  resolve  himselfe  to  take  a voyage 
in  person,  for  more  assurance  to  keepe  his  patent  in  force, 
which  then  almost  was  expired,  or  within  two  yeres. 

In  furtherance  of  his  determination,  amongst  others,  sir 
George  Peckam  1 knight  shewed  himselfe  very  zealous  to  the 
action,  greatly  aiding  him  both  by  his  advice  and  in  the  charge. 
Other  gentlemen  to  their  ability  joyned  unto  him,  resolving  to 
adventure  their  substance  and  lives  in  the  same  cause.  Who 
beginning  their  preparation  from  that  time,  both  of  shipping, 
munition,  victual,  men,  and  things  requisit,  some  of  them  con- 
tinued the  charge  two  yeres  compleat  without  intermission. 
Such  were  the  difficulties  and  crosse  accidents  opposing  these 
proceedings,  which  tooke  not  end  in  lesse  then  two  yeres: 
many  of  which  circumstances  I will  omit. 

The  last  place  of  our  assembly,  before  we  left  the  coast  of 
England,  was  in  Causet 2 bay  neere  unto  Plimmouth : then  re- 
solved to  put  unto  the  sea  with  shipping  and  provision,  such 
as  we  had,  before  our  store  yet  remaining,  but  chiefly  the  time 
and  season  of  the  yeere,  were  too  farre  spent.  Neverthelesse  it 
seemed  first  very  doubtfull  by  what  way  to  shape  our  course, 
and  to  begin  our  intended  discovery,  either  from  the  South 
Northward,  or  from  the  North  Southward. 

1 Author  of  True  Report  of  the  Late  Discoveries,  etc.,  published  in  1583. 
He  was  Gilbert’s  “chiefe  adventurer  and  furtherer.”  See  Hakluyt,  Hak- 
luyt Society  edition,  IX.  88.  2 Causand. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OE  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  187 


The  first,  that  is,  beginning  South,  without  all  controversie 
was  the  hkeliest,  wherein  we  were  assured  to  have  commodity 
of  the  current,  which  from  the  cape  of  Florida  setteth  North- 
ward, and  would  have  furthered  greatly  our  navigation,  dis- 
covering from  the  foresayd  cape  along  towards  cape  Briton, 
and  all  those  lands  lying  to  the  North. 

Also  the  yere  being  farre  spent,  and  arrived  to  the  moneth  of 
June,  we  were  not  to  spend  time  in  Northerly  courses,  where 
we  should  be  surprised  with  timely  Winter,  but  to  covet  the 
South,  which  we  had  space  enough  then  to  have  attained: 
and  there  might  with  lesse  detriment  have  wintred  that  season, 
being  more  milde  and  short  in  the  South  then  in  the  North 
where  winter  is  both  long  and  rigorous. 

These  and  other  like  reasons  alleged  in  favour  of  the  South- 
erne  course  first  to  be  taken,  to  the  contrary  was  inferred: 
that  forasmuch  as  both  our  victuals,  and  many  other  needfull 
provisions  were  diminished  and  left  insufficient  for  so  long  a 
voyage,  and  for  the  wintering  of  so  many  men,  we  ought  to 
shape  a course  most  likely  to  minister  supply;  and  that  was 
to  take  the  Newfoundland  in  our  way,  which  was  but  seven 
hundred  leagues  from  our  English  coast.  Where  being  usually 
at  that  time  of  the  yere,  and  untill  the  fine  1 of  August,  a multi- 
tude of  ships  repairing  thither  for  fish,2  we  should  be  relieved 
abundantly  with  many  necessaries,  which  after  the  fishing 
ended,  they  might  well  spare,  and  freely  impart  unto,  us. 

Not  staying  long  upon  that  Newland  coast,  we  might  pro- 
ceed Southward,  and  follow  still  the  Sunne,  untill  we  arrived 
at  places  more  temperate  to  our  content. 

By  which  reasons  we  were  the  rather  induced  to  follow  this 
Northerly  course,  obeying  unto  necessity,  which  must  be  sup- 
plied. Otherwise,  we  doubted  that  sudden  approch  of  Win- 
ter, bringing  with  it  continuall  fogge,  and  thicke  mists,  tempest 
and  rage  of  weather ; also  contrariety  of  currents  descending 

1 End. 

2 European  fishing  vessels  were  on  the  American  coast  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Newfoundland  at  an  early  period.  Their  number  rapidly  increased 
in  the  sixteenth  century 


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[1583 


from  the  cape  of  Florida  unto  cape  Briton  and  cape  Rase, 
would  fall  out  to  be  great  and  irresistable  impediments  unto 
our  further  proceeding  for  that  yeere,  and  compell  us  to  Win- 
ter in  those  North  and  colde  regions. 

Wherefore  suppressing  all  objections  to  the  contrary,  we 
resolved  to  begin  our  course  Northward,  and  to  follow  directly 
as  we  might,  the  trade  way  unto  Newfoundland:  from  whence 
after  our  refreshing  and  reparation  of  wants,  we  intended  with- 
out delay  (by  Gods  permission)  to  proceed  into  the  South,  not 
omitting  any  river  or  bay  which  in  all  that  large  tract  of  land 
appeared  to  our  view  worthy  of  search.  Immediatly  we 
agreed  upon  the  maner  of  our  course  and  orders  to  be  observed 
in  our  voyage ; which  were  delivered  in  writing  unto  the  cap- 
taines  and  masters  of  every  ship  a copy  in  maner  following. 

Every  shippe  had  delivered  two  bullets  or  scrowles,  the  one 
sealed  up  in  waxe,  the  other  left  open:  in  both  which  were 
included  severall  watch-words.  That  open,  serving  upon  our 
owne  coast  or  the  coast  of  Ireland : the  other  sealed  was  prom- 
ised on  all  hands  not  to  be  broken  up  untill  we  should  be 
cleere  of  the  Irish  coast;  which  from  thencefoorth  did  serve 
untill  we  arrived  and  met  altogether  in  such  harbors  of  the 
Newfoundland  as  were  agreed  for  our  Rendez  vouz.  The 
sayd  watch- words  being  requisite  to  know  our  consorts  whenso- 
ever by  night,  either  by  fortune  of  weather,  our  fleet  dispersed 
should  come  together  againe:  or  one  should  hale  another; 
or  if  by  ill  watch  and  steerage  one  ship  should  chance  to  fall 
aboord  of  another  in  the  darke. 

The  reason  of  the  bullet  sealed  was  to  keepe  secret  that 
watch-word  while  we  were  upon  our  owne  coast,  lest  any  of 
the  company  stealing  from  the  fleet  might  bewray  the  same: 
which  knowen  to  an  enemy,  he  might  boord  us  by  night  with- 
out mistrust,  having  our  owne  watch-word. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  189 


Orders  agreed  upon  by  the  Captaines  and  Masters  to  be  ob- 
served by  the  fleet  of  Sir  Humfrey  Gilbert. 

First  the  Admirall  to  cary  his  flag  by  day,  and  his  light  by 
night. 

2 Item,  if  the  Admirall  shall  shorten  his  saile  by  night,  then 
to  shew  two  lights  untill  he  be  answered  againe  by  every  ship 
shewing  one  light  for  a short  time. 

3 Item,  if  the  Admirall  after  his  shortening  of  saile,  as 
aforesayd,  shall  make  more  saile  againe : then  he  to  shew  three 
lights  one  above  another. 

4 Item,  if  the  Admirall  shall  happen  to  hull  in  the  night, 
then  to  make  a wavering  light  over  his  other  light,  wavering 
the  light  upon  a pole. 

5 Item,  if  the  fleet  should  happen  to  be  scattered  by 
weather,  or  other  mishap,  then  so  soone  as  one  shall  descry 
another  to  hoise  both  toppe  sailes  twise,  if  the  weather  will 
serve,  and  to  strike  them  twise  againe ; but  if  the  weather  serve 
not,  then  to  hoise  the  maine  top  saile  twise,  and  forthwith  to 
strike  it  twise  againe. 

6 Item,  if  it  shall  happen  a great  fogge  to  fall,  then  pres- 
ently every  shippe  to  beare  up  with  the  admirall,  if  there  be 
winde : but  if  it  be  a calme,  then  every  ship  to  hull,  and  so  to  lie 
at  hull  till  it  be  cleere.  And  if  the  fogge  do  continue  long,  then 
the  Admirall  to  shoot  off  two  pieces  every  evening,  and  every 
ship  to  answere  it  with  one  shot:  and  every  man  bearing  to 
the  ship,  that  is  to  leeward  so  neere  as  he  may. 

7 Item,  every  master  to  give  charge  unto  the  watch  to 
looke  out  well,  for  laying  aboord  one  of  another  in  the  night, 
and  in  fogges. 

8 Item,  every  evening  every  ship  to  haile  the  admirall, 
and  so  to  fall  asterne  him,  sailing  thorow  the  Ocean : and  being 
on  the  coast,  every  ship  to  haile  him  both  morning  and  evening. 

9 Item,  if  any  ship  be  in  danger  any  way,  by  leake  or  other- 
wise, then  she  to  shoot  off  a piece,  and  presently  to  hang  out 
one  light,  whereupon  every  man  to  beare  towards  her,  answer- 


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[1583 


ing  her  with  one  light  for  a short  time,  and  so  to  put  it  out 
againe;  thereby  to  give  knowledge  that  they  have  seene  her 
token. 

10  Item,  whensoever  the  Admirall  shall  hang  out  her  ensigne 
in  the  maine  shrowds,  then  every  man  to  come  aboord  her, 
as  a token  of  counsell. 

11  Item,  if  there  happen  any  storme  or  contrary  winde  to 
the  fleet  after  the  discovery,  whereby  they  are  separated: 
then  every  ship  to  repaire  unto  their  last  good  port,  there  to 
meete  againe. 


Our  course  agreed  upon. 

The  course  first  to  be  taken  for  the  discovery  is  to  beare 
directly  to  Cape  Rase,  the  most  Southerly  cape  of  Newfound 
land ; and  there  to  harbour  ourselves  either  in  Rogneux  1 or 
Fermous,2  being  the  first  places  appointed  for  our  Rendez 
vous,  and  the  next  harbours  unto  the  Northward  of  cape  Rase : 
and  therefore  every  ship  separated  from  the  fleete  to  repaire 
to  that  place  so  fast  as  God  shall  permit,  whether  you  shall 
fall  to  the  Southward  or  to  the  Northward  of  it,  and  there  to 
stay  for  the  meeting  of  the  whole  fleet  the  space  of  ten  dayes : 
and  when  you  shall  depart,  to  leave  marks. 


A direction  of  our  course  unto  the  Newfound  land. 

Beginning  our  course  from  Silley,3  the  neerest  is  by  West- 
southwest  (if  the  winde  serve)  untill  such  time  as  we  have 
brought  our  selves  in  the  latitude  of  43  or  44  degrees,  because 
the  Ocean  is  subject  much  to  Southerly  windes in  June  and  July. 
Then  to  take  traverse  from  45  to  47  degrees  of  latitude,  if  we 
be  inforced  by  contrary  windes : and  not  to  go  to  the  North- 
ward of  the  height  of  47  degrees  of  Septentrionall  latitude  by 
no  meanes;  if  God  shall  not  inforce  the  contrary;  but  to  do 

1 Renewse.  2 Fermeuse. 

3 The  Scilly  Islands,  at  the  entrance  of  the  English  Channel. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  191 


your  indevour  to  keepe  in  the  height  of  46  degrees,  so  nere  as 
you  can  possibly,  because  cape  Rase  lieth  about  that  height. 


Notes. 

If  by  contrary  windes  we  be  driven  backe  upon  the  coast  of 
England,  then  to  repaire  unto  Silley  for  a place  of  our  assembly 
or  meeting. 

If  we  be  driven  backe  by  contrary  winds  that  we  can  not 
passe  the  coast  of  Ireland,  then  the  place  of  our  assembly  to  be 
at  Beare  haven  or  Baltimore  haven.1 

If  we  shall  not  happen  to  meete  at  cape  Rase,  then  the  place 
of  Rendez  vous  to  be  at  cape  Briton,  or  the  neerest  harbour 
unto  the  Westward  of  cape  Briton. 

If  by  meanes  of  other  shipping  we  may  not  safely  stay  there, 
then  to  rest  at  the  very  next  safe  port  to  the  Westward;  every 
ship  leaving  their  marks  behinde  them  for  the  more  certainty  of 
the  after  commers  to  know  where  to  fincle  them. 

The  marks  that  every  man  ought  to  leave  in  such  a case, 
were  of  the  Generals  private  device  written  by  himselfe,  sealed 
also  in  close  waxe,  and  delivered  unto  every  shippe  one  scroule, 
which  was  not  to  be  opened  untill  occasion  required,  whereby 
every  man  was  certified  what  to  leave  for  instruction  of  after 
commers : that  every  of  us  comming  into  any  harbour  or  river 
might  know  who  had  bene  there,  or  whether  any  were  still 
there  up  higher  into  the  river,  or  departed,  and  which  way. 

Orders  thus  determined,  and  promises  mutually  given  to  be 
observed,  every  man  withdrew  himselfe  unto  his  charge,  the 
ankers  being  already  weyed,  and  our  shippes  under  saile, 
having  a soft  gale  of  winde,  we  began  our  voyage  upon  Tuesday 
the  eleventh  day  of  June,  in  the  yere  of  our  Lord  1583,  having 
in  our  fleet  (at  our  departure  from  Causet  bay)  these  shippes, 
whose  names  and  burthens,  with  the  names  of  the  captaines 
and  masters  of  them,  I have  also  inserted,  as  folio weth : 

1 Southern  extremity  of  Ireland. 


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[1683 


1 The  Delight  alias  The  George,  of  burthen  120  tunnes,  was 
Admirall : in  which  went  the  Generali,  and  William  Winter  1 
captaine  in  her  and  part  owner,  and  Richard  Clearke  2 master. 

2 The  Barke  Raleigh  set  forth  by  M.  Walter  Raleigh,  of  the 
burthen  of  200  tunnes,  was  then  Vice-admirall : in  which  went 
M.  Butler  captaine,  and  Robert  Davis  of  Bristoll  master. 

3 The  Golden  hinde,  of  burthen  40  tunnes,  was  then  Reare- 
admirall : in  which  went  Edward  Hayes  3 captaine  and  owner, 
and  William  Cox  4 of  Limehouse  master. 

4 The  Swallow,  of  burthen  40  tunnes : in  her  was  captaine 
Maurice  Browne.5 

5 The  Squirrill,  of  burthen  10  tunnes:  in  which  went 
captaine  William  Andrewes,6  and  one  Cade  master. 

We  were  in  number  in  all  about  260  men : among  whom  we 
had  of  every  faculty  good  choice,  as  Shipwrights,  Masons, 
Carpenters,  Smithes,  and  such  like,  requisite  to  such  an  action : 
also  Minerall  men  and  Refiners.  Besides,  for  solace  of  our 
people,  and  allurement  of  the  Savages,  we  were  provided  of 
Musike  in  good  variety : not  omitting  the  least  toyes,  as  Morris 
dancers,  Hobby  horses,  and  Maylike  conceits  to  delight  the 
Savage  people,  whom  we  intended  to  winne  by  all  faire 
meanes  possible.  And  to  that  end  we  were  indifferently  fur- 
nished of  all  petty  haberdasherie  wares  to  barter  with  those 
people. 

In  this  maner  we  set  forward,  departing  (as  hath  bene  said) 
out  of  Causon  bay  the  eleventh  day  of  June  being  Tuesday,  the 
weather  and  winde  faire  and  good  all  day,  but  a great  storme 
of  thunder  and  winde  fell  the  same  night. 

Thursday  following,  when  we  hailed  one  another  in  the 

1 Winter  returned  to  England,  and  Browne,  captain  of  the  Swallow,  was 
made  captain  of  the  Delight. 

2 Author  of  The  Voyage  for  the  discovery  of  Norembega,  1583.  He  be- 
longed in  Weymouth.  His  own  account  of  the  loss  of  the  Delight  and  his 
controversy  with  Gilbert  is  in  Hakluyt,  VIII.  85-88. 

3 Author  of  this  narrative  of  the  voyage. 

4 Hayes,  the  author  of  the  “ report,”  elsewhere  designates  William  Cox 
and  John  Paul,  his  mate,  as  “ expert  men.” 

6 Drowned  when  the  Delight  was  wrecked  at  Cape  Breton,  August  29. 

8 Andrewes  returned  to  England  from  Newfoundland. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  193 

evening  (according  to  the  order  before  specified)  they  signified 
unto  us  out  of  the  Vizadmirall,  that  both  the  Captaine,  and 
very  many  of  the  men  were  fallen  sicke,  And  about  midnight 
the  Vizeadmirall  forsooke  us,  notwithstanding  we  had  the 
winde  East,  faire  and  good.  But  it  was  after  credibly  reported, 
that  they  were  infected  with  a contagious  sicknesse,  and  ar- 
rived greatly  distressed  at  Plimmoth:  the  reason  I could 
never  understand.  Sure  I am,  no  cost  was  spared  by  their 
owner  Master  Raleigh  in  setting  them  forth:  Therefore  I 
leave  it  unto  God. 

By  this  time  we  were  in  48  degrees  of  latitude,  not  a little 
grieved  with  the  losse  of  the  most  puissant  ship  in  our  fleete : 
after  whose  departure,  the  Golden  Hind  succeeded  in  the 
place  of  Vizadmirall,  and  remooved  her  flagge  from  the 
mizon  unto  the  foretop. 

From  Saturday  the  15  of  June  untill  the  28,  which  was  upon 
a Friday,  we  never  had  faire  day  without  fogge  or  raine,  and 
windes  bad,  much  to  the  West  northwest,  whereby  we  were 
driven  Southward  unto  41  degrees  scarse. 

About  this  time  of  the  yere  the  winds  are  commonly  West 
towards  the  Newfound  land,  keeping  ordinarily  within  two 
points  of  West  to  the  South  or  to  the  North,  whereby  the 
course  thither  falleth  out  to  be  long  and  tedious  after  June, 
which  in  March,  Apriell  and  May,  hath  bene  performed  out  of 
England  in  22  dayes  and  lesse.  We  had  winde  alwayes  so 
scant  from  West  northwest,  and  from  West  southwest  againe, 
that  our  traverse  was  great,  running  South  unto  41  degrees 
almost,  and  afterward  North  into  51  degrees. 

Also  we  were  incombred  with  much  fogge  and  mists  in 
maner  palpable,  in  which  we  could  not  keepe  so  well  together, 
but  were  dissevered,  losing  the  company  of  the  Swallow  and 
the  Squirrill  upon  the  20  day  of  July,  whom  we  met  againe 
at  severall  places  upon  the  Newfound  land  coast  the  third  of 
August,  as  shalbe  declared  in  place  convenient. 

Saturday  the  27  of  July,  we  might  descry  not  farre  from  us, 
as  it  were  mountaines  of  yce  driven  upon  the  sea,  being  then 
in  50  degrees,  which  were  caried  Southward  to  the  weather  of 


194 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1583 


us:  whereby  may  be  conjectured  that  some  current  doth  set 
that  way  from  the  North. 

Before  we  come  to  Newfound  land  about  50  leagues  on  this 
side,  we  passe  the  banke,1  which  are  high  grounds  rising 
within  the  sea  and  under  water,  yet  deepe  enough  and  without 
danger,  being  commonly  not  lesse  then  25  and  30  fadome  water 
upon  them:  the  same  (as  it  were  some  vaine  of  mountaines 
within  the  sea)  doe  runne  along,  and  from  the  Newfound  land, 
beginning  Northward  about  52  or  53  degrees  of  latitude,  and 
do  extend  into  the  South  infinitly.  The  bredth  of  this  banke 
is  somewhere  more,  and  somewhere  lesse:  but  we  found  the 
same  about  10  leagues  over,  having  sounded  both  on  this 
side  thereof,  and  the  other  toward  Newfound  land,  but  found 
no  ground  with  almost  200  fadome  of  line,  both  before  and 
after  we  had  passed  the  banke.  The  Portugals,  and  French 
chiefly,  have  a notable  trade  of  fishing  upon  this  banke,  where 
are  sometimes  an  hundred  or  more  sailes  of  ships:  who  com- 
monly beginne  the  fishing  in  Apriell,  and  have  ended  by  July. 
That  fish  is  large,  alwayes  wet,  having  no  land  neere  to  drie, 
and  is  called  Corre  fish. 

During  the  time  of  fishing,  a man  shall  know  without  sound- 
ing when  he  is  upon  the  banke,  by  the  incredible  multitude  of 
sea  foule  hovering  over  the  same,  to  prey  upon  the  offalles 
and  garbish  of  fish  throwen  out  by  fishermen,  and  floting  upon 
the  sea. 

Upon  Tuesday  the  11  of  June,  we  forsooke  the  coast  of 
England.  So  againe  Tuesday  the  30  of  July  (seven  weekes 
after)  we  got  sight  of  land,  being  immediatly  embayed  in 
the  Grand  bay,  or  some  other  great  bay : the  certainty  whereof 
we  could  not  judge,  so  great  hase  and  fogge  did  hang  upon  the 
coast,  as  neither  we  might  discerne  the  land  well,  nor  take  the 
sunnes  height.  But  by  our  best  computation  we  were  then  in 
the  51  degrees  of  latitude. 

Forsaking  this  bay  and  uncomfortable  coast  (nothing  ap- 
pearing unto  us  but  hideous  rockes  and  mountaines,  bare  of 

1 The  only  shallow  part  of  the  Atlantic.  The  bottom  is  rocky,  and  is 
generally  reached  at  from  twenty-five  to  ninety-five  fathoms. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  195 


trees,  and  voide  of  any  greene  herbe)  we  followed  the  coast  to 
the  South,  with  weather  faire  and  cleare. 

We  had  sight  of  an  Hand  named  Penguin,1  of  a foule  there 
breeding  in  abundance,  almost  incredible,  which  cannot  flie, 
their  wings  not  able  to  carry  their  body,  being  very  large  (not 
much  lesse  then  a goose)  and  exceeding  fat : which  the  French 
men  use  to  take  without  difficulty  upon  that  Hand,  and  to  barrell 
them  up  with  salt.  But  for  lingering  of  time  we  had  made  us 
there  the  like  provision. 

Trending  this  coast,  we  came  to  the  Hand  called  Baccalaos,2 
being  not  past  two  leagues  from  the  maine : to  the  South  thereof 
lieth  Cape  S.  Francis,3  5.  leagues  distant  from  Baccalaos, 
between  which  goeth  in  a great  bay,  by  the  vulgar  sort  called 
the  bay  of  Conception.  Here  we  met  with  the  Swallow  againe, 
whom  we  had  lost  in  the  fogge,  and  all  her  men  altered  into 
other  apparell : wherof  it  seemed  their  store  was  so  amended, 
that  for  joy  and  congratulation  of  our  meeting,  they  spared 
not  to  cast  up  into  the  aire  and  overboord,  their  caps  and  hats 
in  good  plenty.  The  Captaine  albeit  himselfe  was  very  honest 
and  religious,  yet  was  he  not  appointed  of  men  to  his  humor 
and  desert : who  for  the  most  part  were  such  as  had  bene  by 
us  surprised  upon  the  narrow  seas  of  England,  being  pirats 
and  had  taken  at  that  instant  certaine  Frenchmen  laden,  one 
barke  with  wines,  and  another  with  salt.  Both  which  we  res- 
cued, and  tooke  the  man  of  warre  with  all  her  men,  which  was 
the  same  ship  now  called  the  Swallow,  following  still  their  kind 
so  oft,  as  (being  separated  from  the  Generali)  they  found  op- 
portunity to  robbe  and  spoile.  And  because  Gods  justice  did 
follow  the  same  company,  even  to  destruction,  and  to  the 
overthrow  also  of  the  Captaine  (though  not  consenting  to  their 
misdemeanor)  I will  not  conceale  any  thing  that  maketh  to 
the  manifestation  and  approbation  of  his  judgements,  for 
examples  of  others,  perswaded  that  God  more  sharpely  tooke 

1 On  the  eastern  coast  of  Newfoundland.  The  island  is  mentioned  in 
Hore’s  narrative,  p.  107,  above. 

2 The  ancient  Basque  name  for  codfish,  attesting  the  early  presence  of 

Basque  fishermen  on  the  Newfoundland  coast.  The  island  is  now  known  as 
Baccalieu  Island.  3 At  the  southern  entrance  of  Conception  Bay. 


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[1583 


revenge  upon  them,  and  hath  tolerated  longer  as  great  out- 
rage in  others : by  how  much  these  went  under  protection  of 
his  cause  and  religion,  which  was  then  pretended. 

Therefore  upon  further  enquiry  it  was  knowen,  how  this 
company  met  with  a barke  returning  home  after  the  fishing 
with  his  fraight : and  because  the  men  in  the  Swallow  were  very 
neere  scanted  of  victuall,  and  chiefly  of  apparell,  doubtful 
withall  where  or  when  to  find  and  meete  with  their  Admiral, 
they  besought  the  captaine  they  might  go  aboord  this  New- 
lander,  only  to  borrow  what  might  be  spared, the  rather  because 
the  same  was  bound  homeward.  Leave  given,  not  without 
charge  to  deale  favorably,  they  came  aboord  the  fisherman, 
whom  they  rifled  of  tackle,  sailes,  cables,  victuals,  and  the  men 
of  their  apparell : not  sparing  by  torture  (winding  cords  about 
their  heads)  to  draw  out  else  what  they  thought  good.  This 
done  with  expedition  (like  men  skilfull  in  such  mischiefe) 
as  they  tooke  their  cocke  boate  to  go  aboord  their  own  ship,  it 
was  overwhelmed  in  the  sea,  and  certaine  of  these  men  were 
drowned:  the  rest  were  preserved  even  by  those  silly  soules 
whom  they  had  before  spoyled,  who  saved  and  delivered  them 
aboord  the  Swallow.  What  became  afterward  of  the  poore 
Newlander,  perhaps  destitute  of  sayles  and  furniture  sufficient 
to  carry  them  home  (whither  they  had  not  lesse  to  runne  then 
700  leagues)  God  alone  knoweth,  who  tooke  vengeance  not 
long  after  of  the  rest  that  escaped  at  this  instant : to  reveale 
the  fact,  and  justifie  to  the  world  Gods  judgements  inflicted 
upon  them,  as  shalbe  declared  in  place  convenient. 

Thus  after  we  had  met  with  the  Swallow,  we  held  on  our 
course  Southward,  untill  we  came  against  the  harbor  called 
S.  John,  about  5 leagues  from  the  former  Cape  of  S.  Francis: 
where  before  the  entrance  into  the  harbor,  we  found  also  the 
Frigate  or  Squirrill  lying  at  anker.  Whom  the  English  mar- 
chants  (that  were  and  alwaies  be  Admirals 1 by  turnes  inter- 
changeably over  the  fleetes  of  fishermen  within  the  same 

1 The  marginal  note  in  Hakluyt  is  as  follows,  “ English  ships  are  the 
strongest  and  Admirals  of  other  fleetes  fishing  upon  the  South  parts  of  New- 
found land.” 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  197 

harbor)  would  not  permit  to  enter  into  the  harbor.  Glad  of 
so  happy  meeting  both  of  the  Swallow  and  Frigate  in  one  day 
(being  Saturday  the  3.  of  August)  we  made  readie  our  fights, 
and  prepared  to  enter  the  harbor,  any  resistance  to  the  con- 
trarie  notwithstanding,  there  being  within  of  all  nations,  to 
the  number  of  36  sailes.  But  first  the  Generali  dispatched  a 
boat  to  give  them  knowledge  of  his  comming  for  no  ill  intent, 
having  Commission  from  her  Majestie  for  his  voiage  he  had  in 
hand.  And  immediatly  we  followed  with  a slacke  gale,  and  in 
the  very  entrance  (which  is  but  narrow,  not  above  2 buts 
length)  the  Admirall  fell  upon  a rocke  on  the  larboord  side  by 
great  oversight,  in  that  the  weather  was  faire,  the  rocke  much 
above  water  fast  by  the  shore,  wrhere  neither  went  any  sea  gate. 
But  we  found  such  readinesse  in  the  English  Marchants  to 
helpe  us  in  that  danger,  that  -without  delay  there  were  brought 
a number  of  boats,  which  towed  off  the  ship,  and  cleared  her 
of  danger. 

Having  taken  place  convenient  in  the  road,  we  let  fall 
ankers,  the  Captaines  and  Masters  repairing  aboord  our  Ad- 
mirall : whither  also  came  immediatly  the  Masters  and  owners 
of  the  fishing  fleete  of  Englishmen,  to  understand  the  Generals 
intent  and  cause  of  our  arrivall  there.  They  were  all  satisfied 
when  the  General  had  shewed  his  commission,  and  purpose  to 
take  possession  of  those  lands  to  the  behalfe  of  the  crowne  of 
England,  and  the  advancement  of  Christian  religion  in  those 
Paganish  regions,  requiring  but  their  lawfull  ayde  for  repayring 
of  his  fleete,  and  supply  of  some  necessaries,  so  farre  as  might 
conveniently  be  afforded  him,  both  out  of  that  and  other  har- 
bors adjoyning.  In  lieu  whereof,  he  made  offer  to  gratifie 
them,  with  any  favour  and  priviledge,  which  upon  their 
better  advise  they  should  demand,  the  like  being  not  to 
be  obteyned  hereafter  for  greater  price.  So  craving  expedi- 
tion of  his  demand,  minding  to  proceede  further  South 
without  long  detention  in  those  partes,  he  dismissed  them, 
after  promise  given  of  their  best  indevour  to  satisfie  speedily 
his  so  reasonable  request.  The  marchants  with  their 
Masters  departed,  they  caused  forthwith  to  be  discharged 


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all  the  great  Ordinance  of  their  fleete  in  token  of  our 
welcome. 

It  was  further  determined  that  every  ship  of  our  fleete 
should  deliver  unto  the  marchants  and  Masters  of  that  harbour 
a note  of  all  their  wants : which  done,  the  ships  aswell  English 
as  strangers,  were  taxed  at  an  easie  rate  to  make  supply.  And 
besides,  Commissioners  were  appointed,  part  of  our  owne 
companie  and  part  of  theirs,  to  go  into  other  harbours  adjoyn- 
ing  (for  our  English  marchants  command  all  there)  to  leavie 
our  provision : whereunto  the  Portugals  (above  other  nations) 
did  most  willingly  and  liberally  contribute.  Insomuch  as  we 
were  presented  (above  our  allowance)  with  wines,  marmalads, 
most  fine  ruske  or  bisket,  sweet  oyles  and  sundry  delicacies. 
Also  we  wanted  not  of  fresh  salmons,  trouts,  lobsters  and  other 
fresh  fish  brought  daily  unto  us.  Moreover  as  the  maner  is  in 
their  fishing,  every  weeke  to  choose  their  Admirall  a new,  or 
rather  they  succeede  in  orderly  course,  and  have  weekely 
their  Admirals  feast  solemnized : even  so  the  General,  Captaines 
and  masters  of  our  fleete  were  continually  invited  and  feasted. 
To  grow  short,  in  our  abundance  at  home,  the  intertainment 
had  bene  delightfull,  but  after  our  wants  and  tedious  passage 
through  the  Ocean,  it  seemed  more  acceptable  and  of  greater 
contentation,  by  how  much  the  same  was  unexpected  in  that 
desolate  corner  of  the  world : where  at  other  times  of  the  yeare, 
wilde  beasts  and  birds  have  only  the  fruition  of  all  those  coun- 
tries, which  now  seemed  a place  very  populous  and  much 
frequented. 

The  next  morning  being  Sunday  and  the  4 of  August,  the 
Generali  and  his  company  were  brought  on  land  by  English 
marchants,  who  shewed  unto  us  their  accustomed  walks  unto  a 
place  they  call  the  Garden.  But  nothing  appeared  more  then 
Nature  it  selfe  without  art : who  confusedly  hath  brought  foorth 
roses  abundantly,  wilde,  but  odoriferous,  and  to  sense  very 
comfortable.  Also  the  like  plentie  of  raspis  berries,  which  doe 
grow  in  every  place. 

Munday  following,  the  Generali  had  his  tent  set  up,  who 
being  accompanied  with  his  own  followers,  summoned  the 


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marchants  and  masters,  both  English  and  strangers  to  be  pres- 
ent at  his  taking  possession  of  those  Countries.  Before  whom 
openly  was  read  and  interpreted  unto  the  strangers  his  Com- 
mission: by  vertue  whereof  he  tooke  possession  in  the  same 
harbour  of  S.  John,  and  200  leagues  every  way,  invested  the 
Queenes  Majestie  with  the  title  and  dignitie  thereof,  had  de- 
livered unto  him  (after  the  custome  of  England)  a rod  and  a 
turffe  of  the  same  soile,  entring  possession  also  for  him,  his 
heires  and  assignes  for  ever : And  signified  unto  al  men,  that 
from  that  time  forward,  they  should  take  the  same  land  as  a 
territorie  appertaining  to  the  Queene  of  England,  and  himselfe 
authorised  under  her  Majestie  to  possesse  and  enjoy  it,  And 
to  ordaine  lawes  for  the  governement  thereof,  agreeable  (so 
neere  as  conveniently  might  be)  unto  the  lawes  of  England: 
under  which  all  people  coming  thither  hereafter,  either  to  in- 
habite,  or  by  way  of  traffique,  should  be  subjected  and  governed. 
And  especially  at  the  same  time  for  a beginning,  he  proposed 
and  delivered  three  lawes  to  be  in  force  immediatly.  That 
is  to  say:  the  first  for  Religion,  which  in  publique  exercise 
should  be  according  to  the  Church  of  England.  The  2.  for 
maintenance  of  her  Majesties  right  and  possession  of  those 
territories,  against  which  if  any  thing  were  attempted  preju- 
diciall  the  partie  or  parties  offending  should  be  adjudged  and 
executed  as  in  case  of  high  treason,  according  to  the  lawes  of 
England.  The  3.  if  any  person  should  utter  words  sounding 
to  the  dishonour  of  her  Majestie,  he  should  loose  his  eares, 
and  have  his  ship  and  goods  confiscate. 

These  contents  published,  obedience  was  promised  by 
generall  voyce  and  consent  of  the  multitude  aswell  of  English- 
men as  strangers,  praying  for  continuance  of  this  possession 
and  governement  begun.  After  this,  the  assembly  was  dis- 
missed. And  afterward  were  erected  not  farre  from  that  place 
the  Armes  of  England  ingraven  in  lead,  and  infixed  upon  a 
pillar  of  wood.  Yet  further  and  actually  to  establish  this  pos- 
session taken  in  the  right  of  her  Majestie,  and  to  the  behoof e 
of  Sir  Humfrey  Gilbert  knight,  his  heires  and  assignes  for  ever : 
the  Generali  granted  in  fee  farrne  divers  parcels  of  land  lying 


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by  the  water  side,  both  in  this  harbor  of  S.  John,  and  elsewhere, 
which  was  to  the  owners  a great  commoditie,  being  thereby 
assured  (by  their  proper  inheritance)  of  grounds  convenient 
to  dresse  and  to  drie  their  fish,  whereof  many  times  before  they 
did  faile,  being  prevented  by  them  that  came  first  into  the 
harbor.  For  which  grounds  they  did  covenant  to  pay  a 
certaine  rent  and  service  unto  sir  Humfrey  Gilbert,  his  heires 
or  assignes  for  ever,  and  yeerely  to  maintaine  possession  of  the 
same,  by  themselves  or  their  assignes. 

Now  remained  only  to  take  in  provision  granted,  according 
as  every  shippe  was  taxed,  which  did  fish  upon  the  coast  ad- 
joyning.  In  the  meane  while,  the  Generali  appointed  men  unto 
their  charge:  some  to  repaire  and  trim  the  ships,  others  to 
attend  in  gathering  togither  our  supply  and  provisions : others 
to  search  the  commodities  and  singularities  of  the  countrey, 
to  be  found  by  sea  or  land,  and  to  make  relation  unto  the 
Generali  what  eyther  themselves  could  knowe  by  their  owne 
travaile  and  experience,  or  by  good  intelligence  of  English 
men  or  strangers,  who  had  longest  frequented  the  same  coast. 
Also  some  observed  the  elevation  of  the  pole,  and  drewe  plats  of 
the  countrey  exactly  graded.  And  by  that  I could  gather  by 
each  mans  severall  relation,  I have  drawen  a briefe  description 
of  the  Newfoundland,  with  the  commodities  by  sea  or  lande 
alreadie  made,  and  such  also  as  are  in  possibilitie  and  great 
likelihood  to  be  made:  Neverthelesse  the  Cardes  and  plats 
that  were  drawing,  with  the  due  gradation  of  the  harbors, 
bayes,  and  capes,  did  perish  with  the  Admirall:  wherefore 
in  the  description  following,  I must  omit  the  particulars  of 
such  things. 

A briefe  relation  of  the  New  found  lande,  and  the  commodities 

thereof. 

That  which  we  doe  call  the  Newfound  land,  and  the  French- 
men Bacalaos,  is  an  Hand,  or  rather  (after  the  opinion  of  some) 
it  consisteth  of  sundry  Hands  and  broken  lands,  situate  in  the 
North  regions  of  America,  upon  the  gulfe  and  entrance  of  the 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  201 


great  river  called  S.  Laurence  in  Canada.  Into  the  which, 
navigation  may  be  made  both  on  the  South  and  North  side  of 
this  Hand.  The  land  lyeth  South  and  North,  containing  in 
length  betweene  three  and  400  miles,  accounting  from  cape 
Race  (which  is  46  degrees  25  minuts)  unto  the  Grand  bay  in 
52  degrees  of  Septentrionall  latitude.  The  Hand  round  about 
hath  very  many  goodly  bayes  and  harbors,  safe  roads  for  ships, 
the  like  not  to  be  found  in  any  part  of  the  knowen  world. 

The  common  opinion  that  is  had  of  intemperature  and  ex- 
treme cold  that  should  be  in  this  countrey,  as  of  some  part  it 
may  be  verified,  namely  the  North,  where  I grant  it  is  more 
colde  then  in  countries  of  Europe,  which  are  under  the  same 
elevation : even  so  it  cannot  stand  with  reason  and  nature  of 
the  clime,  that  the  South  parts  should  be  so  intemperate  as  the 
brute  1 hath  gone.  For  as  the  same  doe  lie  under  the  climats 
of  Briton,  Anjou,  Poictou  in  France,  betweene  46  and  49 
degrees,  so  can  they  not  so  much  differ  from  the  temperature 
of  those  countries : unlesse  upon  the  outcoast  lying  open  unto 
the  Ocean  and  sharpe  windes,  it  must  in  deede  be  subject  to 
more  colde,  then  further  within  the  land,  where  the  mountaines 
are  interposed,  as  walles  and  bulwarkes,  to  defend  and  to  resist 
the  asperitie  and  rigor  of  the  sea  and  weather.  Some  hold  opin- 
ion, that  the  Newfound  land  might  be  the  more  subject  to  cold, 
by  how  much  it  lyeth  high  and  neere  unto  the  middle  region. 
I grant  that  not  in  Newfound  land  alone,  but  in  Germany 
Italy  and  Afrike,  even  under  the  Equinoctiall  line,  the  moun- 
taines are  extreme  cold,  and  seeldome  uncovered  of  snow,  in 
their  culme  and  highest  tops,  which  commeth  to  passe  by  the 
same  reason  that  they  are  extended  towards  the  middle  region : 
yet  in  the  countries  lying  beneth  them,  it  is  found  quite  con- 
trary. Even  so  all  hils  having  their  discents,  the  valleis  also 
and  low  grounds  must  be  likewise  hot  or  temperate,  as  the  clime 
doeth  give  in  Newfound  land : though  I am  of  opinion  that  the 
Sunnes  reflection  is  much  cooled,  and  cannot  be  so  forcible 
in  the  Newfound  land,  nor  generally  throughout  America,  as 


1 Bruit,  rumor. 


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in  Europe  or  Afrike : by  how  much  the  Sunne  in  his  diurnall 
course  from  East  to  West  passeth  over  (for  the  most  part) 
dry  land  and  sandy  countries,  before  he  arriveth  at  the  West  of 
Europe  or  Afrike,  whereby  his  motion  increaseth  heate,  with 
little  or  no  qualification  by  moyst  vapours.  Where,  on  the 
contrarie  he  passeth  from  Europe  and  Afrike  unto  America 
over  the  Ocean,  from  whence  it  draweth  and  carieth  with  him 
abundance  of  moyst  vapours,  which  doe  qualifie  and  infeeble 
greatly  the  Sunnes  reverberation  upon  this  countrey  chiefly 
of  Newfound  land,  being  so  much  to  the  Northward.  Never- 
thelesse  (as  I sayd  before)  the  cold  cannot  be  so  intolerable 
under  the  latitude  of  46  47  and  48  (especiall  within  land)  that 
it  should  be  unhabitable,  as  some  do  suppose,  seeing  also  there 
are  very  many  people  more  to  the  North  by  a great  deale. 
And  in  these  South  parts  there  be  certaine  beastes,  Ounces  or 
Leopards,  and  birdes  in  like  maner  which  in  the  Sommer  we 
have  seene,  not  heard  of  in  countries  of  extreme  and  vehement 
coldnesse.  Besides,  as  in  the  monethes  of  June,  July,  August 
and  September,  the  heate  is  somewhat  more  then  in  England 
at  those  seasons:  so  men  remaining  upon  the  South  parts 
neere  unto  Cape  Race,  untill  after  Hollandtide,1  have  not  found 
the  cold  so  extreme,  nor  much  differing  from  the  temperature 
of  England.  Those  which  have  arrived  there  after  November 
and  December,  have  found  the  snow  exceeding  deepe,  whereat 
no  marvaile,  considering  the  ground  upon  the  coast,  is  rough 
and  uneven,  and  the  snow  is  driven  into  the  places  most  de- 
clyning  as  the  like  is  to  be  seene  with  us.  The  like  depth  of 
snow  happily  shall  not  be  found  within  land  upon  the  plainer 
countries,  which  also  are  defended  by  the  mountaines,  break- 
ing off  the  violence  of  winds  and  weather.  But  admitting 
extraordinary  cold  in  those  South  parts,  above  that  with  us 
here : it  can  not  be  as  great  as  in  Swedland,  much  lesse  in  Mos- 
covia  or  Russia:  yet  are  the  same  countries  very  populous, 
and  the  rigor  and  cold  is  dispensed  with  by  the  commoditie 
of  Stoves,  warme  clothing,  meats  and  drinkes : all  which  neede 


1 All  Hallow  tide,  i.e.,  the  period  about  All  Saints’  Day,  November  1. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  203 

not  to  be  wanting  in  the  Newfound  land,  if  we  had  intent 
there  to  inhabite. 

In  the  South  parts  we  found  no  inhabitants,  which  by  all 
likelihood  have  abandoned  those  coastes,  the  same  being  so 
much  frequented  by  Christians : But  in  the  North  are  savages 
altogether  harmlesse.  Touching  the  commodities  of  this 
countrie,  serving  either  for  sustentation  of  inhabitants,  or  for 
maintenance  of  traffique,  there  are  and  may  be  made  divers: 
so  that  it  seemeth  Nature  hath  recompenced  that  only  defect 
and  incommoditie  of  some  sharpe  cold,  by  many  benefits: 
viz.  With  incredible  quantitie,  and  no  lesse  varietie  of  kindes 
of  fish  in  the  sea  and  fresh  waters,  as  Trouts,  Salmons,  and 
other  fish  to  us  unknowen:  Also  Cod,  which  alone  draweth 
many  nations  thither,  and  is  become  the  most  famous  fishing 
of  the  world.  Abundance  of  Whales,  for  which  also  is  a very 
great  trade  in  the  bayes  of  Placentia  and  the  Grand  bay, 
where  is  made  Traine  oiles  of  the  Whale : 1 Herring  the  largest 
that  have  bene  heard  of,  and  exceeding  the  Malstrond 2 
herring  of  Norway:  but  hitherto  was  never  benefit  taken  of 
the  herring  fishing.  There  are  sundry  other  fish  very  delicate, 
namely  the  Bonito,  Lobsters,  Turbut,  with  others  infinite  not 
sought  after : Oysters  having  pearle  but  not  orient  in  colour : 
I tooke  it  by  reason  they  were  not  gathered  in  season. 

Concerning  the  inland  commodities,  aswel  to  be  drawen 
from  this  land,  as  from  the  exceeding  large  countries  adjoyning : 
there  is  nothing  which  our  East  and  Northerly  countries  of 
Europe  doe  yeelde,  but  the  like  also  may  be  made  in  them  as 
plentifully  by  time  and  industrie : Namely  rosen,  pitch,  tarre, 
sopeashes,  dealboord,  mastes  for  ships,  hides,  furres,  flaxe, 
hempe,  corne,  cordage,  linnen-cloth,  mettals  and  many  more. 
All  which  the  countries  will  aford,  and  the  soyle  is  apt  to 
yeelde. 

The  trees  for  the  most  in  those  South  parts  are  Firretrees, 
Pine  and  Cypresse,  all  yeelcling  Gumme  and  Turpentine. 

Cherrie  trees  bearing  fruit  no  bigger  than  a small  pease. 


1 Made  from  the  blubber  or  fat  of  whales  by  boiling.  2 Maelstrom. 


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Also  peare  trees  but  fruitlesse.  Other  trees  of  some  sorts  to  us 
unknowen. 

The  soyle  along  the  coast  is  not  deepe  of  earth,  bringing 
forth  abundantly  peason  small,  yet  good  feeding  for  cattel. 
Roses  passing  sweet,  like  unto  our  muske  roses  in  forme, 
raspases,  a berry  which  we  call  Hurts,  good  and  holesome  to 
eat.  The  grasse  and  herbe  doth  fat  sheepe  in  very  short  space, 
proved  by  English  marchants  which  have  caried  sheepe  thither 
for  fresh  victuall  and  had  them  raised  exceeding  fat  in  lesse 
then  three  weekes.  Peason  which  our  countreymen  have  sowen 
in  the  time  of  May,  have  come  up  faire,  and  bene  gathered  in 
the  beginning  of  August,  of  which  our  Generali  had  a present 
acceptable  for  the  rarenesse,  being  the  first  fruits  comming 
up  by  art  and  industrie  in  that  desolate  and  dishabited 
land. 

Lakes  or  pooles  of  fresh  water,  both  on  the  tops  of  moun- 
taines  and  in  the  vallies.  In  which  are  said  to  be  muskles  not 
unlike  to  have  pearle,  which  I had  put  in  triall,  if  by  mischance 
falling  unto  me,  I had  not  bene  letted  from  that  and  other  good 
experiments  I was  minded  to  make. 

Foule  both  of  water  and  land  in  great  plentie  and  diver- 
sity. All  kind  of  greene  foule : Others  as  bigge  as  Bustards, 
yet  not  the  same.  A great  white  foule  called  by  some  a 
Gaunt. 

Upon  the  land  divers  sorts  of  haukes,  as  Faulcons,  and 
others  by  report : Partridges  most  plentifull  larger  than  ours, 
gray  and  white  of  colour,  and  rough  footed  like  doves,  which 
our  men  after  one  flight  did  kill  with  cudgels,  they  were  so 
fat  and  unable  to  flie.  Birds  some  like  blackbirds,  linnets, 
canary  birds,  and  other  very  small.  Beasts  of  sundry  kindes, 
red  deare,  buffles  or  a beast,  as  it  seemeth  by  the  tract  and 
foote  very  large  in  maner  of  an  oxe.  Beares,  ounces  or  leop- 
ards, some  greater  and  some  lesser,  wolves,  foxes,  which  to 
the  Northward  a little  further  are  black,  whose  furre  is  es- 
teemed in  some  Countries  of  Europe  very  rich.  Otters,  bevers, 
and  marternes : And  in  the  opinion  of  most  men  that  saw  it, 
the  Generali  had  brought  unto  him  a Sable  alive,  which  he 


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sent  unto  his  brother  sir  John  Gilbert  knight 1 of  Devonshire : 
but  it  was  never  delivered,  as  after  I understood.  We  could 
not  observe  the  hundreth  part  of  creatures  in  those  unhabited 
lands:  but  these  mentioned  may  induce  us  to  glorifie  the 
magnificent  God,  who  hath  superabundantly  replenished  the 
earth  with  creatures  serving  for  the  use  of  man,  though  man 
hath  not  used  a fift  part  of  the  same,  which  the  more  doth  ag- 
gravate the  fault  and  foolish  slouth  in  many  of  our  nation, 
chusing  rather  to  live  indirectly,  and  very  miserably  to  live 
and  die  within  this  realme  pestered  with  inhabitants,  then  to 
adventure  as  becommeth  men,  to  obtaine  an  habitation  in 
those  remote  lands,  in  which  Nature  very  prodigally  doth 
minister  unto  mens  endevours,  and  for  art  to  worke  upon. 

For  besides  these  alreadie  recounted  and  infinite  moe,  the 
mountaines  generally  make  shew  of  minerall  substance : Iron 
very  common,  lead,  and  somewhere  copper.  I will  not  averre 
of  richer  mettals : albeit  by  the  circumstances  following,  more 
then  hope  may  be  conceived  thereof. 

For  amongst  other  charges  given  to  inquire  out  the  singu- 
larities of  this  countrey,  the  Generali  was  most  curious  in 
the  search  of  mettals,  commanding  the  minerall  man  and 
refiner,  especially  to  be  diligent.  The  same  was  a Saxon 
borne,  honest  and  religious,  named  Daniel.2  Who  after  search 
brought  at  first  some  sort  of  Ore,  seeming  rather  to  be  yron 
then  other  mettal.  The  next  time  he  found  Ore,  which  with 
no  small  shew  of  contentment  he  delivered  unto  the  General, 
using  protestation,  that  if  silver  were  the  thing  which  might 
satisfie  the  Generali  and  his  followers,  there  it  was,  advising 
him  to  seeke  no  further:  the  perill  whereof  he  undertooke 
upon  his  fife  (as  deare  unto  him  as  the  Crowne  of  England 
unto  her  Majestie,  that  I may  use  his  owne  words)  if  it  fell 
not  out  accordingly. 

My  selfe  at  this  instant  liker  to  die  then  to  live,  by  a mis- 
chance, could  not  follow  this  confident  opinion  of  our  refiner 
to  my  owne  satisfaction : but  afterward  demanding  our  Generals 

1 Eldest  son  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  the  elder. 

2 Of  Buda.  He  was  drowned  in  the  loss  of  the  Delight,  August  29. 


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opinion  therein,  and  to  have  some  part  of  the  Ore,  he  replied : 
Content  your  selfe,  I have  seene  ynough,  and  were  it  but  to 
satisfie  my  private  humor,  I would  proceede  no  further.  The 
promise  unto  my  friends,  and  necessitie  to  bring  also  the  South 
countries  within  compasse  of  my  Patent  neere  expired,  as  we 
have  alreadie  done  these  North  parts,  do  only  perswade  me 
further.  And  touching  the  Ore,  I have  sent  it  aboord,  whereof 
I would  have  no  speech  to  be  made  so  long  as  we  remaine  within 
harbor:  here  being  both  Portugals,  Biscains,  and  Frenchmen 
not  farre  off,  from  whom  must  be  kept  any  bruit  or  muttering 
of  such  matter.  When  we  are  at  sea  proofe  shalbe  made: 
if  it  be  to  our  desire,  we  may  returne  the  sooner  hither  againe. 
Whose  answere  I judged  reasonable,  and  contenting  me  well: 
wherewith  I will  conclude  this  narration  and  description  of 
the  Newfound  land,  and  proceede  to  the  rest  of  our  voyage, 
which  ended  tragically. 

While  the  better  sort  of  us  were  seriously  occupied  in  re- 
pairing our  wants,  and  contriving  of  matters  for  the  commoditie 
of  our  voyage:  others  of  another  sort  and  disposition  were 
plotting  of  mischiefe.  Some  casting  to  steale  away  our  ship- 
ping by  night,  watching  oportunitie  by  the  Generals  and 
Captaines  lying  on  the  shore:  whose  conspiracies  discovered, 
they  were  prevented.  Others  drew  together  in  company, 
and  caried  away  out  of  the  harbors  adjoyning,  a ship  laden 
with  fish,  setting  the  poore  men  on  shore.  A great  many 
more  of  our  people  stole  into  the  woods  to  hide  themselves, 
attending  time  and  meanes  to  returne  home  by  such  shipping 
as  daily  departed  from  the  coast.  Some  were  sicke  of  fluxes, 
and  many  dead:  and  in  brief e,  by  one  meanes  or  other  our 
company  was  diminished,  and  many  by  the  Generali  licensed 
to  returne  home.  Insomuch  as  after  we  had  reviewed  our 
people,  resolved  to  see  an  end  of  our  voyage,  we  grewe  scant 
of  men  to  furnish  all  our  shipping:  it  seemed  good  therefore 
unto  the  Generali  to  leave  the  Swallowe  with  such  provision 
as  might  be  spared  for  transporting  home  the  sicke 
people. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIE  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  207 


The  Captaine  of  the  Delight  or  Admirall  returned  into 
England,  in  whose  stead  was  appointed  Captaine  Maurice 
Browne,  before  Captaine  of  the  Swallow:  wrho  also  brought 
with  him  into  the  Delight  all  his  men  of  the  Swallow,  which 
before  have  bene  noted  of  outrage  perpetrated  and  committed 
upon  fishermen  there  met  at  sea. 

The  Generali  made  choise  to  goe  in  his  frigate  the  Squirrell 
(whereof  the  Captaine  also  was  amongst  them  that  returned 
into  England)  the  same  Frigate  being  most  convenient  to  dis- 
cover upon  the  coast,  and  to  search  into  every  harbor  or  creeke, 
which  a great  ship  could  not  doe.  Therefore  the  Frigate  was 
prepared  with  her  nettings  and  fights,  and  overcharged  with 
bases  and  such  small  Ordinance,  more  to  give  a shew,  then  with 
judgement  to  foresee  unto  the  safetie  of  her  and  the  men, 
which  afterward  was  an  occasion  also  of  their  overthrow. 

Now  having  made  readie  our  shipping,  that  is  to  say, 
the  Delight,  the  golden  Hinde,  and  the  Squirrell,  and  put 
aboord  our  provision,  which  was  wines,  bread  or  ruske, 
fish  wette  and  drie,  sweete  oiies : besides  many  other,  as  mar- 
malades, figs,  lymmons  barrelled,  and  such  like : Also  we  had 
other  necessary  provisions  for  trimming  our  ships,  nets  and 
fines  to  fish  withall,  boates  or  pinnesses  fit  for  discovery.  In 
briefe,  we  were  supplied  of  our  wants  commodiously,  as  if  we 
had  bene  in  a Countrey  or  some  Citie  populous  and  plentifull 
of  all  things. 

We  departed  from  this  harbor  of  S.  Johns  upon  Tuesday 
the  twentieth  of  August,  which  we  found  by  exact  observa- 
tion to  be  in  47  degrees  40  minutes.  And  the  next  day  by 
night  we  were  at  Cape  Race,  25  leagues  from  the  same  har- 
borough. 

This  Cape  lyeth  South  Southwest  from  S.  Johns : it  is  a low 
land,  being  off  from  the  Cape  about  halfe  a league : within  the 
sea  riseth  up  a rocke  against  the  point  of  the  Cape,  which 
thereby  is  easily  knowen.  It  is  in  latitude  46  degrees  25 
minutes. 

Under  this  cape  we  were  becalmed  a small  time,  during 
which  we  layd  out  hookes  and  fines  to  take  Codde,  and  drew  in 


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lesse  then  two  houres,  fish  so  large  and  in  such  abundance, 
that  many  dayes  after  we  fed  upon  no  other  provision. 

From  hence  we  shaped  our  course  unto  the  Island  of  Sab- 
Ion,1  if  conveniently  it  would  so  fall  out,  also  directly  to  Cape 
Briton. 

Sablon  liethto  the  sea- ward  of  Cape  Briton  about  25  leagues, 
whither  we  were  determined  to  goe  upon  intelligence  we  had  of 
a Portugal,  (during  our  abode  in  S.  Johns)  who  was  himselfe 
present,  when  the  Portugals  (above  thirty  yeeres  past)  did 
put  into  the  same  Island  both  Neat  and  Swine  to  breede, 
which  were  since  exceedingly  multiplied.  This  seemed  unto 
us  very  happy  tidings,  to  have  in  an  Island  lying  so  neere  unto 
the  maine,  which  we  intended  to  plant  upon,  such  store  of 
cattell,  whereby  we  might  at  all  times  conveniently  be  re- 
lieved of  victuall,  and  served  of  store  for  breed. 

In  this  course  we  trended  along  the  coast,  which  from 
Cape  Race  stretched  into  the  Northwest,  making  a bay  which 
some  called  Trepassa.  Then  it  goeth  out  againe  toward  the 
West,  and  maketh  a point,  which  with  Cape  Race  lieth  in 
maner  East  and  West.  But  this  point  inclineth  to  the  North: 
to  the  West  of  which  goeth  in  the  bay  of  Placentia.  We  sent 
men  on  land  to  take  view  of  the  soyle  along  this  coast,  whereof 
they  made  good  report,  and  some  of  them  had  wil  to  be  planted 
there.  They  saw  Pease  growing  in  great  abundance  every 
where. 

The  distance  betweene  Cape  Race  and  Cape  Briton  is  87 
leagues.  In  which  Navigation  we  spent  8 dayes,  having  many 
times  the  wind  indifferent  good;  yet  could  we  never  attaine 
sight  of  any  land  all  that  time,  seeing  we  were  hindred  by  the 
current.  At  last  we  fell  into  such  flats  and  dangers,  that  hardly 
any  of  us  escaped:  where  neverthelesse  we  lost  our  Admiral 
with  al  the  men  and  provision,  not  knowing  certainly  the  place. 
Yet  for  inducing  men  of  skill  to  make  conjecture,  by  our 
course  and  way  we  held  from  Cape  Race  thither  (that  thereby 
the  flats  and  dangers  may  be  inserted  in  sea  Cards,  for  warning 


Sable  Island. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  209 


to  others  that  may  follow  the  same  course  hereafter)  I have 
set  downe  the  best  reckonings  that  were  kept  by  expert  men, 
William  Cox  Master  of  the  Hind,  and  John  Paul  his  mate, 
both  of  Limehouse. 


Reckonings  kept  in  our  course  from  Cape  Race  towards  Cape 
Briton,  and  the  Island  of  Sablon,  to  the  time  and 
place  where  we  lost  our  Admirall. 


August  22. 


August  29. 


West, 

West  and  by  South, 

Westnorthwest, 

Westnorthwest, 

Southsouthwest, 

Southwest, 

Southsouthwest, 

Westnorthwest, 


14  leagues. 

25 

25 

9 
10 
12 

10 

12.  Here  we  lost  our 
Admiral. 


Summe  of  these  leagues,  117. 


The  reckoning  of  John  Paul  Masters  mate  from  Cape  Race. 


August  22. 

West, 

14  leagues. 

23. 

Northwest  and  by  West, 

9 

24. 

Southwest  and  by  South, 

5 

25. 

West  and  by  South, 

40 

26. 

West  and  by  North, 

7 

27.' 

Southwest, 

3 

28. 

Southwest, 

9 

Southwest, 

7 

Westsouthwest, 

7 

29. 

Northwest  and  by  West, 

20.  Here  we 

Admirall. 

Summe  of  all  these  leagues,  121. 

Our  course  we  held  in  clearing  us  of  these  flats  was  East- 
southeast,  and  Southeast,  and  South  14  leagues  with  a mar- 
veilous  scant  winde. 


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[1583 


The  maner  how  our  Admirall  was  lost. 

Upon  Tewsday  the  27  of  August,  toward  the  evening,  our 
Generali  caused  them  in  his  frigat  to  sound,  who  found  white 
sande  at  35  fadome,  being  then  in  latitude  about  44  degrees. 

Wednesday  toward  night  the  wind  came  South,  and  wee 
bare  with  the  land  all  that  night,  Westnorthwest,  contrary  to 
the  mind  of  master  Cox:  neverthelesse  wee  followed  the  Ad- 
mirall deprived  of  power  to  prevent  a mischiefe,  which  by 
no  contradiction  could  be  brought  to  hold  other  course,  al- 
leaging  they  could  not  make  the  ship  to  worke  better,  nor  to 
lie  otherwaies. 

The  evening  was  faire  and  pleasant,  yet  not  without  token 
of  storme  to  ensue,  and  most  part  of  this  Wednesday  night, 
like  the  Swanne  that  singeth  before  her  death,  they  in  the 
Admiral,  or  Delight,  continued  in  sounding  of  Trumpets,  with 
Drummes,  and  Fifes:  also  winding  the  Cornets,  Haught- 
boyes:  and  in  the  end  of  their  jolitie,  left  with  the  battell  and 
ringing  of  doleful  knels. 

Towards  the  evening  also  we  caught  in  the  Golden  Hinde  a 
very  mighty  Porpose,  with  a harping  yron,  having  first  striken 
divers  of  them,  and  brought  away  part  of  their  flesh,  sticking 
upon  the  yron,  but  could  recover  onely  that  one.  These  also 
passing  through  the  Ocean,  in  heardes,  did  portend  storme.  I 
omit  to  recite  frivolous  reportes  by  them  in  the  Frigat,  of 
strange  voyces,  the  same  night,  which  scarred  some  from  the 
helme. 

Thursday  the  29  of  August,  the  wind  rose,  and  blew  ve- 
hemently at  South  and  by  East,  bringing  withal  raine,  and 
thicke  mist,  so  that  we  could  not  see  a cable  length  before  us. 
And  betimes  in  the  morning  we  were  altogether  runne  and  folded 
in  amongst  flats  and  sands,  amongst  which  we  found  shoale 
and  deepe  in  every  three  or  foure  shippes  length,  after  wee 
began  to  sound:  but  first  we  were  upon  them  unawares, 
untill  master  Cox  looking  out,  discerned  (in  his  judgement) 
white  cliffes,  crying  (land)  withall,  though  we  could  not  after- 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  211 


ward  descrie  any  land,  it  being  very  likely  the  breaking  of  the 
sea  white,  which  seemed  to  be  white  cliffes,  through  the  haze 
and  thicke  weather. 

Immediatly  tokens  were  given  unto  the  Delight,  to  cast 
about  to  seawTard,  which,  being  the  greater  ship,  and  of  burden 
120  tunnes,  was  yet  formost  upon  the  breach,  keeping  so  ill 
watch,  that  they  knew  not  the  danger  before  they  felt  the  same, 
too  late  to  recover  it : for  presently  the  Admirall  strooke  a 
ground,  and  had  soone  after  her  sterne  and  hinder  partes 
beaten  in  pieces : 1 whereupon  the  rest  (that  is  to  say,  the 
Frigat  in  which  was  the  Generali  and  the  Golden  Hinde)  cast 
about  Eastsoutheast,  bearing  to  the  South,  even  for  our  lives 
into  the  windes  eye,  because  that  way  caried  us  to  the  seaward. 
Making  out  from  this  danger,  wee  sounded  one  while  seven 
fadome,  then  five  fadome,  then  foure  fadome  and  lesse,  againe 
deeper,  immediatly  foure  fadome,  then  but  three  fadome, 
the  sea  going  mightily  and  high.  At  last  we  recovered  (God 
be  thanked)  in  some  despaire,  to  sea  roome  enough. 

In  this  distresse,  wee  had  vigilant  eye  unto  the  Admirall, 
whom  wee  sawe  cast  away,  without  power  to  give  the  men 
succour,  neither  could  we  espie  any  of  the  men  that  leaped 
overboord  to  save  themselves,  either  in  the  same  Pinnesse  or 
Cocke,  or  upon  rafters,  and  such  like  meanes,  presenting  them- 
selves to  men  in  those  extremities:  for  we  desired  to  save 
the  men  by  every  possible  meanes.  But  all  in  vaine,  sith  God 
had  determined  their  ruine : yet  all  that  day,  and  part  of  the 
next,  we  beat  up  and  downe  as  neere  unto  the  wracke  as  was 
possible  for  us,  looking  out,  if  by  good  hap  we  might  espie  any 
of  them. 

This  was  a heavy  and  grievous  event,  to  lose  at  one  blow  our 
chiefe  shippe  fraighted  with  great  provision,  gathered  together 
with  much  travell,  care,  long  time,  and  difficultie.  But  more 
was  the  losse  of  our  men,  which  perished  to  the  number  al- 
most of  a hundreth  soules.  Amongst  whom  was  drowned  a 
learned  man,  an  Hungarian,  borne  in  the  citie  of  Buda,  called 

1 The  scene  of  the  wreck  is  best  located  on  some  point  of  the  southeasterly 
part  of  the  island  of  Cape  Breton. 


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[1683 


hereof  Budseus/  who  of  pietie  and  zeale  to  good  attempts, 
adventured  in  this  action,  minding  to  record  in  the  Latine 
tongue,  the  gests  and  things  worthy  of  remembrance,  happen- 
ing in  this  discoverie,  to  the  honour  of  our  nation,  the  same 
being  adorned  with  the  eloquent  stile  of  this  Orator,  and  rare 
Poet  of  our  time. 

Here  also  perished  our  Saxon  Refiner  and  discoverer  of 
inestimable  riches,  as  it  was  left  amongst  some  of  us  in  un- 
doubted hope. 

No  lesse  heavy  was  the  losse  of  the  Captaine  Maurice 
Browne,  a vertuous,  honest,  and  discreete  Gentleman,  over- 
seene  onely  in  liberty  given  late  before  to  men,  that  ought  to 
have  bene  restrained,  who  shewed  himselfe  a man  resolved,  and 
never  unprepared  for  death,  as  by  his  last  act  of  this  tragedie 
appeared,  by  report  of  them  that  escaped  this  wracke  miracu- 
lously, as  shall  bee  hereafter  declared.  For  when  all  hope  was 
past  of  recovering  the  ship,  and  that  men  began  to  give  over, 
and  to  save  themselves,  the  Captaine  was  advised  before  to 
shift  also  for  his  life,  by  the  Pinnesse  at  the  sterne  of  the  ship : 
but  refusing  that  counsell,  he  would  not  give  example  with  the 
first  to  leave  the  shippe,  but  used  all  meanes  to  exhort  his 
people  not  to  despaire,  nor  so  to  leave  off  their  labour,  choosing 
rather  to  die,  then  to  incurre  infamie,  by  forsaking  his  charge, 
which  then  might  be  thought  to  have  perished  through  his 
default,  shewing  an  ill  president  unto  his  men,  by  leaving  the 
ship  first  himselfe.  With  this  mind  hee  mounted  upon  the 
highest  decke,  where  hee  attended  imminent  death,  and  un- 
avoidable ; how  long,  I leave  it  to  God,  who  withdraweth  not 
his  comfort  from  his  servants  at  such  times. 

In  the  meane  season,  certaine,  to  the  number  of  fourteene 
persons,  leaped  into  a small  Pinnesse  (the  bignes  of  a Thames 
barge,  which  was  made  in  the  New  found  land)  cut  off  the  rope 

1 Stephen  Parmenius,  a learned  Hungarian.  He  was  a room-mate  of 
Hakluyt  while  at  Oxford.  Hakluyt  prints,  on  the  pages  preceding  Hayes’s 
narrative,  a Latin  poem  written  by  Parmenius  in  honor  of  the  expedition, 
and,  on  the  pages  succeeding  it,  a letter  addressed  by  him  to  Hakluyt  in 
Latin  with  an  English  translation.  Hakluyt  Society  edition,  VIII.  23-33, 
77-84. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR,  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  213 


wherewith  it  was  towed,  and  committed  themselves  to  Gods 
mercy,  amiddest  the  storme,  and  rage  of  sea  and  windes, 
destitute  of  foode,  not  so  much  as  a droppe  of  fresh  water. 
The  boate  seeming  overcharged  in  foule  weather  with  com- 
pany, Edward  Headly  a valiant  souldier,  and  well  reputed 
of  his  companie,  preferring  the  greater  to  the  lesser,  thought 
better  that  some  of  them  perished  then  all,  made  this  motion 
to  cast  lots,  and  them  to  bee  throwen  overboord  upon  whom 
the  lots  fell,  thereby  to  lighten  the  boate,  which  otherwayes 
seemed  impossible  to  live,  offred  himselfe  with  the  first, 
content  to  take  his  adventure  gladly:  which  neverthelesse 
Richard  Clarke,  that  was  Master  of  the  Admirall,  and  one  of 
this  number,  refused,  advising  to  abide  Gods  pleasure,  who  was 
able  to  save  all,  as  well  as  a few. 

The  boate  was  caried  before  the  wind,  continuing  sixe  dayes 
and  nights  in  the  Ocean,  and  arrived  at  last  with  the  men 
(alive,  but  weake)  upon  the  New  found  land,  saving  that  the 
foresayd  Headly,  (who  had  bene  late  sicke)  and  another  called 
of  us  Brasile,  of  his  travell  into  those  Countreys,  died  by  the 
way,  famished,  and  lesse  able  to  holde  out,  then  those  of  better 
health.  For  such  was  these  poore  mens  extremitie,  in  cold 
and  wet,  to  have  no  better  sustenance  then  their  own  urine, 
for  sixe  dayes  together. 

Thus  whom  God  delivered  from  drowning,  hee  appointed  to 
bee  famished,  who  doth  give  limits  to  mans  times,  and  ordaineth 
the  manner  and  circumstance  of  dying : whom  againe  he  will 
preserve,  neither  Sea  nor  famine  can  confound.  For  those 
that  arrived  upon  the  Newe  found  land,  were  brought  into 
France  by  certaine  French  men,  then  being  upon  that  coast. 

After  this  heavie  chance,  wee  continued  in  beating  the  sea 
up  and  downe,  expecting  when  the  weather  would  cleere  up, 
that  we  might  yet  beare  in  with  the  land,  which  we  judged 
not  farre  off,  either  the  continent  or  some  Island.  For  we 
many  times,  and  in  sundry  places  found  ground  at  50,  45,  40 
fadomes,  and  lesse.  The  ground  comming  upon  our  lead, 
being  sometimes  oazie  sand,  and  otherwhile  a broad  shell, 
with  a little  sand  about  it. 


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Our  people  lost  courage  dayly  after  this  ill  successe,  the 
weather  continuing  thicke  and  blustering,  with  increase  of 
cold,  Winter  drawing  on,  which  tooke  from  them  all  hope  of 
amendment,  setling  an  assurance  of  worse  weather  to  growe 
upon  us  every  day.  The  Leeside  of  us  lay  full  of  flats  and 
dangers  inevitable,  if  the  wind  blew  hard  at  South.  Some 
againe  doubted  we  were  ingulphed  in  the  Bay  of  S.  Laurence, 
the  coast  full  of  dangers,  and  unto  us  unknowen.  But  above 
all,  provision  waxed  scant,  and  hope  of  supply  was  gone,  with 
losse  of  our  Admirall. 

Those  in  the  Frigat  were  already  pinched  with  spare  al- 
lowance, and  want  of  clothes  chiefly:  Whereupon  they  be- 
sought the  Generali  to  returne  for  England,  before  they  all 
perished.  And  to  them  of  the  Golden  Hinde,  they  made  signes 
of  their  distresse,  pointing  to  their  mouthes,  and  to  their 
clothes  thinne  and  ragged:  then  immediately  they  also  of 
the  Golden  Hinde,  grew  to  be  of  the  same  opinion  and  desire 
to  returne  home. 

The  former  reasons  having  also  moved  the  Generali  to  have 
compassion  of  his  poore  men,  in  whom  he  saw  no  want  of  good 
will,  but  of  meanes  fit  to  performe  the  action  they  came  for, 
resolved  upon  retire:  and  calling  the  Captaine  and  Master  of 
the  Hinde,  he  yeelded  them  many  reasons,  inforcing  this  un- 
expected returne,  withall  protesting  himselfe  greatly  satisfied 
with  that  hee  had  seene,  and  knew  already. 

Reiterating  these  words,  Be  content,  we  have  seene  enough, 
and  take  no  care  of  expence  past : I will  set  you  foorth  royally 
the  next  Spring,  if  God  send  us  safe  home.  Therefore  I pray 
you  let  us  no  longer  strive  here,  where  we  fight  against  the 
elements. 

Omitting  circumstance,  how  unwillingly  the  Captaine  and 
Master  of  the  Hinde  condescended  to  this  motion,  his  owne 
company  can  testifie : yet  comforted  with  the  Generals  promises 
of  a speedie  returne  at  Spring,  and  induced  by  other  apparant 
reasons,  proving  an  impossibility,  to  accomplish  the  action  at 
that  time,  it  was  concluded  on  all  hands  to  retire. 

So  upon  Saturday  in  the  afternoone  the  31  of  August,  we 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  215 


changed  our  course,  and  returned  backe  for  England,  at  which 
very  instant,  even  in  winding  about,  there  passed  along  be- 
tweene  us  and  towards  the  land  which  we  now  forsooke  a 
very  lion  to  our  seeming,  in  shape,  hair  and  colour,  not  swim- 
ming after  the  maner  of  a beast  by  mooving  of  his  feete,  but 
rather  sliding  upon  the  water  with  his  whole  body  (excepting 
the  legs)  in  sight,  neither  yet  diving  under,  and  againe  rising 
above  the  water,  as  the  maner  is,  of  Whales,  Dolphins,  Tunise, 
Porposes,  and  all  other  fish : but  confidently  shewing  himselfe 
above  water  without  hiding : Notwithstanding,  we  presented 
our  selves  in  open  view  and  gesture  to  amase  him,  as  all 
creatures  will  be  commonly  at  a sudden  gaze  and  sight  of  men. 
Thus  he  passed  along  turning  his  head  to  and  fro,  yawning 
and  gaping  wide,  with  ougly  demonstration  of  long  teeth,  and 
glaring  eies,  and  to  bidde  us  a farewell  (comming  right  against 
the  Hinde)  he  sent  forth  a horrible  voyce,  roaring  or  bellowing 
as  doeth  a lion,  winch  spectacle  wee  all  beheld  so  farre  as  we 
were  able  to  discerne  the  same,  as  men  prone  to  wonder  at 
every  strange  thing,  as  this  doubtlesse  was,  to  see  a lion  in  the 
Ocean  sea,  or  fish  in  shape  of  a lion.  What  opinion  others 
had  thereof,  and  chiefly  the  Generali  himselfe,  I forbeare  to 
deliver:  But  he  tooke  it  for  Bonum  Omen,  rejoycing  that  he 
was  to  warre  against  such  an  enemie,  if  it  were  the  devill. 

The  wind  was  large  for  England  at  our  returne,  but  very 
high,  and  the  sea  rough,  insomuch  as  the  Frigat  wherein  the 
Generali  went  was  almost  swalowecl  up. 

Munday  in  the  afternoone  we  passed  in  the  sight  of  Cape 
Race,  having  made  as  much  way  in  little  more  then  two  dayes 
and  nights  backe  againe,  as  before  wee  had  done  in  eight  dayes 
from  Cape  Race,  unto  the  place  where  our  ship  perished.  Which 
hindrance  thitherward,  and  speed  back  againe,  is  to  be  imputed 
unto  the  swift  current,  as  well  as  to  the  winds,  which  we  had 
more  large  in  our  returne. 

This  munday  the  Generali  came  aboord  the  Hind  to  have 
the  Surgeon  of  the  Hind  to  dresse  his  foote,  which  he  hurt  by 
treading  upon  a naile : At  what  time  we  comforted  ech  other 
with  hope  of  hard  successe  to  be  all  past,  and  of  the  good  to 


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come.  So  agreeing  to  cary  out  lights  alwayes  by  night,  that 
we  might  keepe  together,  he  departed  into  his  Frigat,  being  by 
no  meanes  to  be  intreated  to  tarie  in  the  Hind,  which  had 
bene  more  for  his  security.  Immediatly  after  followed  a 
sharpe  storme,  which  we  overpassed  for  that  time.  Praysed 
be  God. 

The  weather  faire,  the  Generali  came  aboord  the  Hind 
againe,  to  make  merrie  together  with  the  Captaine,  Master 
and  company,  which  was  the  last  meeting,  and  continued 
there  from  morning  untill  night.  During  which  time  there 
passed  sundry  discourses,  touching  affaires  past,  and  to  come, 
lamenting  greatly  the  losse  of  his  great  ship,  more  of  the  men, 
but  most  of  all  of  his  bookes  and  notes,  and  what  els  I know 
not,  for  which  hee  was  out  of  measure  grieved,  the  same 
doubtles  being  some  matter  of  more  importance  then  his  bookes, 
which  I could  not  draw  from  him:  yet  by  circumstance  I 
gathered,  the  same  to  be  the  Ore1  which  Daniel  the  Saxon  had 
brought  unto  him  in  the  New  found  land.  Whatsoever  it  was, 
the  remembrance  touched  him  so  deepe,  as  not  able  to  containe 
hitnselfe,  he  beat  his  boy  in  great  rage,  even  at  the  same  time, 
so  long  after  the  miscarying  of  the  great  ship,  because  upon 
a faire  day,  when  wee  were  becalmed  upon  the  coast  of  the 
New  found  land,  neere  unto  Cape  Race,  he  sent  his  boy  aboord 
the  Admirall,  to  fetch  certaine  things:  amongst  which,  this 
being  chiefe,  was  yet  forgotten  and  left  behind.  After  which 
time  he  could  never  conveniently  send  againe  aboord  the  great 
ship,  much  lesse  hee  doubted  her  mine  so  neere  at  hand. 

Herein  my  opinion  was  better  confirmed  diversly,  and  by 
sundry  conjectures,  which  maketh  me  have  the  greater  hope  of 
this  rich  Mine.  For  where  as  the  Generali  had  never  before 
good  conceit  of  these  North  parts  of  the  world : now  his  mind 
was  wholly  fixed  upon  the  New  found  land.  And  as  before  he 
refused  not  to  grant  assignements  liberally  to  them  that  re- 
quired the  same  into  these  North  parts,  now  he  became  con- 
trarily  affected,  refusing  to  make  any  so  large  grants,  especially 

1 Gilbert  was  in  such  a state  of  mind  as  Frobisher  was  when  he  loaded 
his  vessel  with  worthless,  shining  dirt. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  217 


of  S.  Johns,  which  certaine  English  merchants  made  suite  for, 
offering  to  imploy  their  money  and  travell  upon  the  same : yet 
neither  by  their  owne  suite,  nor  of  others  of  his  owne  company, 
whom  he  seemed  willing  to  pleasure,  it  could  be  obtained. 

Also  laying  downe  his  determination  in  the  Spring  follow- 
ing, for  disposing  of  his  voyage  then  to  be  reattempted:  he 
assigned  the  Captaine  and  Master  of  the  Golden  Hind,  unto  the 
South  discovery,  and  reserved  unto  himselfe  the  North,  affirm- 
ing that  this  voyage  had  wonne  his  heart  from  the  South, 
and  that  he  was  now  become  a Northerne  man  altogether. 

Last,  being  demanded  what  means  he  had  at  his  arrivall  in 
England,  to  compasse  the  charges  of  so  great  preparation  as  he 
intended  to  make  the  next  Spring:  having  determined  upon 
two  fleetes,  one  for  the  South,  another  for  the  North : Leave 
that  to  mee  (hee  replied)  I will  aske  a pennie  of  no  man.  I 
will  bring  good  tidings  unto  her  Majesty,  who  wil  be  so  gracious, 
to  lend  me  10000  pounds,  willing  us  therefore  to  be  of  good 
cheere:  for  he  did  thanke  God  (he  sayd)  with  al  his  heart, 
for  that  he  had  seene,  the  same  being  enough  for  us  all,  and 
that  we  needed  not  to  seeke  any  further.  And  these  last 
words  he  would  often  repeate,  with  demonstration  of  great 
fervencie  of  mind,  being  himselfe  very  confident,  and  setled 
in  beliefe  of  inestimable  good  by  this  voyage : which  the  greater 
number  of  his  followers  nevertheles  mistrusted  altogether,  not 
being  made  partakers  of  those  secrets,  which  the  Generali 
kept  unto  himselfe.  Yet  all  of  them  that  are  living,  may  be 
witnesses  of  his  words  and  protestations,  which  sparingly  I 
have  delivered. 

Leaving  the  issue  of  this  good  hope  unto  God,  who  knoweth 
the  trueth  only,  and  can  at  his  good  pleasure  bring  the  same  to 
light : I will  hasten  to  the  end  of  this  tragedie,  which  must  be 
knit  up  in  the  person  of  our  Generali.  And  as  it  was  Gods 
ordinance  upon  him,  even  so  the  vehement  perswasion  and 
intreatie  of  his  friends  could  nothing  availe,  to  divert  him 
from  a wilfull  resolution  of  going  through  in  his  Frigat,  which 
was  overcharged  upon  their  deckes,  with  fights,  nettings,  and 
small  artillerie,  too  cumbersome  for  so  small  a boate,  that  was 


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to  passe  through  the  Ocean  sea  at  that  season  of  the  yere, 
when  by  course  we  might  expect  much  storme  of  foule  weather, 
whereof  indeed  we  had  enough. 

But  when  he  was  intreated  by  the  Captaine,  Master,  and 
other  his  well  willers  of  the  Hinde,  not  to  venture  in  the  Frigat, 
this  was  his  answere:  I will  not  forsake  my  little  company 
going  homeward,  with  whom  I have  passed  so  many  stormes 
and  perils.  And  in  very  trueth,  hee  was  urged  to  be  so  over 
hard,  by  hard  reports  given  of  him,  that  he  was  afraid  of  the 
sea,  albeit  this  was  rather  rashnes,  then  advised  resolution,  to 
preferre  the  wind  of  a vaine  report  to  the  weight  of  his  owne 
life. 

Seeing  he  would  not  bend  to  reason,  he  had  provision  out  of 
the  Hinde,  such  as  was  wanting  aboord  his  Frigat.  And  so  we 
committed  him  to  Gods  protection,  and  set  him  aboord  his 
Pinnesse,  we  being  more  then  300  leagues  onward  of  our  way 
home. 

By  that  time  we  had  brought  the  Islands  of  Azores  South 
of  us,  yet  wee  then  keeping  much  to  the  North,  untill  we  had 
got  into  the  height  and  elevation  of  England : we  met  with  very 
foule  weather,  and  terrible  seas,  breaking  short  and  high 
Pyramid  wise.  The  reason  whereof  seemed  to  proceede  either 
of  hilly  grounds  high  and  low  within  the  sea,  (as  we  see  hilles 
and  dales  upon  the  land)  upon  which  the  seas  doe  mount  and 
fall : or  else  the  cause  proceedeth  of  diversitie  of  winds,  shift- 
ing often  in  sundry  points:  al  which  having  power  to  move 
the  great  Ocean,  which  againe  is  not  presently  setled,  so  many 
seas  do  encounter  together,  as  there  had  bene  diversitie  of 
windes.  Howsoever  it  commeth  to  passe,  men  which  all  their 
life  time  had  occupied  the  Sea,  never  saw  more  outragious  Seas. 
We  had  also  upon  our  maine  yard,  an  apparition  of  a little  fire 
by  night,  which  seamen  doe  call  Castor  and  Pollux.  But  we 
had  onely  one,  which  they  take  an  evill  signe  of  more  tempest : 
the  same  is  usuall  in  stormes. 

Munday  the  ninth  of  September,  in  the  afternoone,  the 
Frigat  was  neere  cast  away,  oppressed  by  waves,  yet  at  that 
time  recovered : and  giving  foorth  signes  of  joy,  the  Generali 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  219 

sitting  abaft  with  a booke  in  his  hand,  cried  out  unto  us  in  the 
Hind  (so  oft  as  we  did  approch  within  hearing)  We  are  as 
neere  to  heaven  by  sea  as  by  land.  Reiterating  the  same 
speech,  well  beseeming  a souldier,  resolute  in  Jesus  Christ,  as 
I can  testifie  he  was. 

The  same  Monday  night,  about  twelve  of  the  clocke,  or  not 
long  after,  the  Frigat  being  ahead  of  us  in  the  Golden  Hinde, 
suddenly  her  lights  were  out,  whereof  as  it  were  in  a moment, 
we  lost  the  sight,  and  withall  our  watch  cryed,  the  Generali 
was  cast  away,  which  was  too  true.  For  in  that  moment, 
the  Frigat  was  devoured  and  swallowed  up  of  the  Sea.  Yet 
still  we  looked  out  all  that  night,  and  ever  after,  untill  wee 
arrived  upon  the  coast  of  England:  Omitting  no  small  saile 
at  sea,  unto  which  we  gave  not  the  tokens  betweene  us,  agreed 
upon,  to  have  perfect  knowledge  of  each  other,  if  we  should  at 
any  time  be  separated. 

In  great  torment  of  weather,  and  perill  of  drowning,  it 
pleased  God  to  send  safe  home  the  Golden  Hinde,  which  ar- 
rived in  Falmouth,  the  22  day  of  September,  being  Sonday, 
not  without  as  great  danger  escaped  in  a flaw,  comming  from 
the  Southeast,  with  such  thicke  mist,  that  we  could  not  dis- 
cerne  land,  to  put  in  right  with  the  Haven. 

From  Falmouth  we  went  to  Dartmouth,  and  lay  there  at 
anker  before  the  Range,  while  the  captaine  went  aland,  to 
enquire  if  there  had  bene  any  newes  of  the  Frigat,  which  say  ling 
well,  might  happily  have  bene  there  before  us.  Also  to  certifie 
Sir  John  Gilbert,  brother  unto  the  Generali  of  our  hard  suc- 
cesse,  whom  the  Captaine  desired  (while  his  men  were  yet 
aboordhim,  and  were  witnesses  of  all  occurrents  in  that  voyage,) 
It  might  please  him  to  take  the  examination  of  every  person 
particularly,  in  discharge  of  his  and  their  faithfull  endevour. 
Sir  John  Gilbert  refused  so  to  doe,  holding  himselfe  satisfied 
with  report  made  by  the  Captaine:  and  not  altogether  dis- 
pairing  of  his  brothers  safetie,  offered  friendship  and  curtesie 
to  the  Captaine  and  his  company,  requiring  to  have  his  Barke 
brought  into  the  harbour:  in  furtherance  whereof,  a boate 
was  sent  to  helpe  to  tow  her  in. 


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[1583 


Neverthelesse,  when  the  Captaine  returned  aboord  his  ship, 
he  found  his  men  bent  to  depart,  every  man  to  his  home : and 
then  the  winde  serving  to  proceede  higher  upon  the  coast : they 
demanded  monie  to  carie  them  home,  some  to  London,  others 
to  Harwich,  and  elsewhere,  (if  the  barke  should  be  caried  into 
Dartmouth,  and  they  discharged,  so  farre  from  home)  or  else 
to  take  benefite  of  the  wind,  then  serving  to  draw  neerer  home, 
which  should  be  a lesse  charge  unto  the  Captaine,  and  great 
ease  unto  the  men,  having  els  farre  to  goe. 

Reason  accompanied  with  necessitieperswaded  the  Captaine, 
who  sent  his  lawfull  excuse  and  cause  of  his  sudden  departure 
unto  Sir  John  Gilbert,  by  the  boate  of  Dartmouth,1  and  from 
thence  the  Golden  Hind  departed,  and  tooke  harbour  at 
Waimouth.  A1  the  men  tired  with  the  tediousnes  of  so  un- 
profitable a voyage  to  their  seeming : in  which  their  long  ex- 
pence of  time,  much  toyle  and  labour,  hard  diet  and  continuall 
hazard  of  life  was  unrecompensed:  their  Captaine  neverthe- 
lesse by  his  great  charges,  impaired  greatly  thereby,  yet  com- 
forted in  the  goodnes  of  God,  and  his  undoubted  providence 
following  him  in  all  that  voyage,  as  it  doth  alwaies  those  at 
other  times,  whosoever  have  confidence  in  him  alone.  Yet 
have  we  more  neere  feeling  and  perseverance  of  his  powerfull 
hand  and  protection,  when  God  doth  bring  us  together  with 
others  into  one  same  peril,  in  which  he  leaveth  them,  and  de- 
livereth  us,  making  us  thereby  the  beholders,  but  not  par- 
takers of  their  mine. 

Even  so,  amongst  very  many  difficulties,  discontentments, 
mutinies,  conspiracies,  sicknesses,  mortalitie,  spoylings,  and 
wracks  by  sea,  which  were  afflictions,  more  then  in  so  small  a 
Fleete,  or  so  short  a time  may  be  supposed,  albeit  true  in  every 
particularitie,  as  partly  by  the  former  relation  may  be  collected, 
and  some  I suppressed  with  silence  for  their  sakes  living,  it 
pleased  God  to  support  this  company,  (of  which  onely  one  man 
died  of  a maladie  inveterate,  and  long  infested) : the  rest  kept 

'This  port  and  “Waimouth”  below  are  seaports  on  the  southern  coast 
of  England,  Dartmouth  being  on  the  Devon  coast  and  Weymouth  on  that 
of  Dorset. 


1583]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT  221 


together  in  reasonable  contentment  and  concord,  beginning, 
continuing,  and  ending  the  voyage,  which  none  els  did  accom- 
plish either  not  pleased  with  the  action,  or  impatient  of  wants, 
or  prevented  by  death. 

Thus  have  I delivered  the  contents  of  the  enterprise  and  last 
action  of  sir  Humfrey  Gilbert  knight,  faithfully,  for  so  much  as  I 
thought  meete  to  be  published : wherein  may  alwaies  appeare, 
(though  he  be  extinguished)  some  sparkes  of  his  vertues,  he 
remaining  firme  and  resolute  in  a purpose  by  all  pretence  honest 
and  godly,  as  was  this,  to  discover,  possesse,  and  to  reduce  unto 
the  service  of  God,  and  Christian  pietie,  those  remote  and 
heathen  Countreys  of  America,  not  actually  possessed  by 
Christians,  and  most  rightly  appertaining  unto  the  Crowne  of 
England : unto  the  which,  as  his  zeale  deserveth  high  commen- 
dation : even  so,  he  may  justly  be  taxed  of  temeritie  and  pre- 
sumption (rather)  in  two  respects. 

First,  when  yet  there  was  onely  probabilitie,  not  a certaine 
and  determinate  place  of  habitation  selected,  neither  any 
demonstration  of  commoditie  there  in  esse,  to  induce  his  fol- 
lowers: nevertheles,  he  both  was  too  prodigall  of  his  owne 
patrimony,  and  too  careles  of  other  mens  expences,  to  imploy 
both  his  and  their  substance  upon  a ground  imagined  good. 
The  which  falling,  very  like  his  associates  were  promised,  and 
made  it  their  best  reckoning  to  bee  salved  some  other  way, 
which  pleased  not  God  to  prosper  in  his  first  and  great  prep- 
aration. 

Secondly,  when  by  his  former  preparation  he  was  enfeebled 
of  abilitie  and  credit,  to  performe  his  designements,  as  it  were 
impatient  to  abide  in  expectation  better  opportunitie  and 
meanes,  which  God  might  raise,  he  thrust  himselfe  againe  into 
the  action,  for  which  he  was  not  fit,  presuming  the  cause  pre- 
tended on  Gods  behalfe,  would  carie  him  to  the  desired  ende. 
Into  which,  having  thus  made  reentrie,  he  could  not  yeeld 
againe  to  withdraw  though  hee  sawe  no  encouragement  to 
proceed,  lest  his  credite,  foyled  in  his  first  attempt,  in  a second 
should  utterly  be  disgraced.  Betweene  extremities,  hee  made 
a right  adventure,  putting  all  to  God  and  good  fortune,  and 


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which  was  worst,  refused  not  to  entertaine  every  person  and 
meanes  whatsoever,  to  furnish  out  this  expedition,  the  successe 
whereof  hath  bene  declared. 

But  such  is  the  infinite  bountie  of  God,  who  from  every 
evill  deriveth  good.  For  besides  that  fruite  may  growe  in 
time  of  our  travelling  into  those  Northwest  lands,  the  crosses, 
turmoiles,  and  afflictions,  both  in  the  preparation  and  execu- 
tion of  this  voyage,  did  correct  the  intemperate  humors,  which 
before  we  noted  to  bee  in  this  Gentleman,  and  made  unsavorie, 
and  lesse  delightful  his  other  manifold  vertues. 

Then  as  he  was  refined,  and  made  neerer  drawing  unto  the 
image  of  God : so  it  pleased  the  divine  will  to  resume  him  unto 
himselfe,  whither  both  his,  and  every  other  high  and  noble 
minde,  have  alwayes  aspired. 


THE  FIRST  VOYAGE  MADE  TO  THE  COASTS 
OF  AMERICA,  1584,  BY  CAPTAIN  ARTHUR 
BARLOWE 


INTRODUCTION 


Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  a native  of  Devon,  studied  at  Oxford, 
but  soon  left  the  university  to  serve  with  the  Huguenots  in 
France,  and  later  against  Spain  in  the  Low  Countries.  He 
was  in  command  of  the  Falcon  when,  in  1578,  his  half-brother, 
Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  sailed  from  England  for  the  American 
coast  on  a voyage  of  discovery.  Disaster  befell  the  expedi- 
tion, and  Gilbert  was  compelled  to  return  without  achieving 
his  aim.  Ralegh,  however,  who  remained  at  sea,  went  in 
search  of  Spanish  treasure-ships,  and  had  a severe  fight  off 
the  Cape  Verde  Islands.  After  his  return,  Ralegh  assisted  in 
putting  down  an  insurrection  in  Ireland.  He  next  furnished 
a vessel  for  Gilbert’s  ill-fated  expedition  of  1583.  The  disaster 
attending  that  expedition  did  not  in  the  least  lessen  his  ardor 
in  western  exploration  and  colonization.  On  March  25,  1584, 
he  obtained  a patent  by  which  he  was  empowered  to  “dis- 
cover, search,  finde  out  and  view  such  remote,  heathen  and 
barbarous  lands,  countreis,  and  territories,  not  actually  pos- 
sessed of  any  Christian  prince,  nor  inhabited  by  Christian 
people,”  the  colonists  “to  have  all  the  priviledge  of  Denizens, 
and  persons  native  of  England  ...  in  such  like  ample  maner 
and  forme,  as  if  they  were  borne  and  personally  resident  within 
our  said  Realme  of  England,  any  law,  custome,  or  usage  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding.”  The  text  of  this  charter  is  given 
in  Hakluyt,  edition  of  1903,  VIII.  288-296,  in  Poore’s  Char- 
ters and  Constitutions,  and  elsewhere. 

Two  vessels  were  at  once  fitted  out  for  preliminary  explora- 
tion; and  the  following  narrative,  written  by  Captain  Arthur 
Barlowe,  master  of  one  of  the  vessels,  has  come  down  to  us  in 
a report  addressed  to  Sir  Walter  Ralegh.  When  this  expedi- 
tion was  in  progress,  Hakluyt  was  writing  his  “particular  dis- 
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course  concerning  the  great  necessitie  and  manifolde  comody- 
ties  that  are  like  to  growe  to  this  Realme  of  Englande  by  the 
Westerne  discoveries  lately  attempted.”  In  the  title  of  the 
“discourse,”  Hakluyt  tells  us  it  was  written  at  the  request  of 
Sir  Walter  Ralegh.  Several  manuscript  copies  of  this  “dis- 
course” were  made  by  Hakluyt,  but  it  was  not  printed  until 
1877,  when  a manuscript  copy,  found  in  England  by  the  late 
Dr.  Leonard  Woods,  was  published  by  the  Maine  Historical 
Society  as  the  second  volume  of  its  Documentary  Series,  edited 
by  the  late  Charles  Deane,  LL.D.  It  has  also  a place  in 
Goldsmid’s  Hakluyt,  II.  169-358. 


H.  S.  B. 


CAPTAIN  ARTHUR  BARLOWE’S  NARRA- 
TIVE OF  THE  FIRST  VOYAGE  TO  THE 
COASTS  OF  AMERICA 

The  first  voyage  made  to  the  coasts  of  America,  with  two  harks, 
wherein  were  Captaines  M.  Philip  Amadas,  and  M. 
Arthur  Barlowe,  who  discovered  part  of  the  Countrey  now 
called  Virginia  Anno  1584.  Written  by  one  of  the  said 
Captaines,  and  sent  to  sir  Walter  Ralegh  knight,  at  whose 
charge  and  direction,  the  said  voyage  was  set  forth. 

The  27  day  of  Aprill,  in  the  yeere  of  our  redemption  1584, 
we  departed  the  West  of  England,  with  two  barkes  well  fur- 
nished with  men  and  victuals,  having  received  our  last  and 
perfect  directions  by  your  letters,  confirming  the  former  in- 
structions, and  commandements  delivered  by  your  selfe  at  our 
leaving  the  river  of  Thames.  And  I thinke  it  a matter  both 
unnecessary,  for  the  manifest  discoverie  of  the  Countrey,  as 
also  for  tediousnesse  sake,  to  remember  unto  you  the  diurnall 
of  our  course,  sayling  thither  and  returning : onely  I have  pre- 
sumed to  present  unto  you  this  briefe  discourse,  by  which  you 
may  judge  how  profitable  this  land  is  likely  to  succeede,  as 
well  to  your  selfe,  (by  whose  direction  and  charge,  and  by  whose 
servantes  this  our  discoverie  hath  beene  performed)  as  also  to  her 
Highnesse,  and  the  Common  wealth,  in  which  we  hope  your 
wisedome  wilbe  satisfied,  considering  that  as  much  by  us  hath 
bene  brought  to  light,  as  by  those  smal  meanes,  and  number  of 
men  we  had,  could  any  way  have  bene  expected,  or  hoped  for. 

The  tenth  of  May  we  arrived  at  the  Canaries,  and  the  tenth 
of  June  in  this  present  yeere,  we  were  fallen  with  the  Islands 
of  the  West  Indies,  keeping  a more  Southeasterly  course  then 
was  needefull,  because  wee  doubted  that  the  current  of  the 
Bay  of  Mexico,  disbogging  betweene  the  Cape  of  Florida  and 
Havana,  had  bene  of  greater  force  then  afterwardes  we  found 
it  to  bee.  At  which  Islands  we  found  the  ayre  very  unwhol- 

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[1584 


some,  and  our  men  grew  for  the  most  part  ill  disposed:  so 
that  having  refreshed  our  selves  with  sweet  water,  and  fresh 
victuall,  we  departed  the  twelfth  day  of  our  arrivall  there. 
These  Islands,  with  the  rest  adjoyning,  are  so  well  knowen  to 
your  selfe,  and  to  many  others,  as  I will  not  trouble  you  with 
the  remembrance  of  them. 

The  second  of  July,  we  found  shole  water,  wher  we  smelt  so 
sweet,  and  so  strong  a smel,  as  if  we  had  bene  in  the  midst  of 
some  delicate  garden  abounding  with  all  kinde  of  odoriferous 
flowers,  by  which  we  were  assured,  that  the  land  could  not  be 
farre  distant : and  keeping  good  watch,  and  bearing  but  slacke 
saile,  the  fourth  of  the  same  moneth  we  arrived  upon  the 
coast,  which  we  supposed  to  be  a continent  and  firme  lande, 
and  we  sayled  along  the  same  a hundred  and  twentie  English 
miles  before  we  could  finde  any  entrance,  or  river  issuing  into 
the  Sea.  The  first 1 that  appeared  unto  us,  we  entred,  though 
not  without  some  difficultie,  and  cast  anker  about  three  har- 
quebuz-shot  within  the  havens  mouth,  on  the  left  hand  of  the 
same:  and  after  thankes  given  to  God  for  our  safe  arrivall 
thither,  we  manned  our  boats,  and  went  to  view  the  land  next 
adjoyning,  and  to  take  possession  of  the  same,  in  the  right  of 
the  Queenes  most  excellent  Majestie,  as  rightfull  Queene,  and 
Princesse  of  the  same,  and  after  delivered  the  same  over  to 
your  use,  according  to  her  Majesties  grant,  and  letters  patents, 
under  her  Highnesse  great  seale.2  Which  being  performed,  ac- 
cording to  the  ceremonies  used  in  such  enterprises,  we  viewed 
the  land  about  us,  being,  whereas  we  first  landed,  very  sandie 
and  low  towards  the  waters  side,  but  so  full  of  grapes,  as  the 
very  beating  and  surge  of  the  sea  overflowed  them,  of  which 
we  found  such  plentie,  as  well  there  as  in  all  places  else,  both 
on  the  sand  and  on  the  greene  soile  on  the  hils,  as  in  the  plaines, 
as  well  on  every  little  shrubbe,  as  also  climing  towardes  the 


1 Identification  of  the  inlet  is  difficult  or  impossible.  The  inlets  which 
break  the  long  sandy  barrier  of  North  Carolina  are  far  from  occupying  the 
same  places  as  those  of  three  hundred  years  ago. 

5 In  the  margin  against  this  passage  Hakluyt  gives  the  date  “ July  13, 
possession  taken.” 


1684]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  AMADAS  AND  BARLOWE  229 


tops  of  high  Cedars,  that  I thinke  in  all  the  world  the  like 
abundance  is  not  to  be  found : and  my  selfe  having  seene  those 
parts  of  Europe  that  most  abound,  find  such  difference  as  were 
incredible  to  be  written. 

We  passed  from  the  Sea  side  towardes  the  toppes  of  those 
hilles  next  adjoyning,  being  but  of  meane  higth,  and  from 
thence  wee  behelde  the  Sea  on  both  sides  to  the  North,  and 
to  the  South,  finding  no  ende  any  of  both  wayes.  This  lande 
lay  stretching  it  selfe  to  the  West,  which  after  wee  found  to 
bee  but  an  Island  of  twentie  miles  long,  and  not  above  sixe 
miles  broade.1  Under  the  banke  or  hill  whereon  we  stoode, 
we  behelde  the  vallyes  replenished  with  goodly  Cedar  trees, 
and  having  discharged  our  harquebuz-shot,  such  a flocke  of 
Cranes  (the  most  part  white)  arose  under  us,  with  such  a cry 
redoubled  by  many  ecchoes,  as  if  an  armie  of  men  had  showted 
all  together. 

This  Island  had  many  goodly  woodes  full  of  Deere,  Conies, 
Hares,  and  Fowle,  even  in  the  middest  of  Summer  in  incredible 
abundance.  The  woodes  are  not  such  as  you  finde  in  Bo- 
hemia, Moscovia,  or  Hercynia,  barren  and  fruitles,  but  the 
highest  and  reddest  Cedars  of  the  world,  farre  bettering  the 
Ceders  of  the  AQores,  of  the  Indies,  or  Lybanus,  Pynes,  Cypres, 
Sassaphras,  the  Lentisk,  or  the  tree  that  beareth  the  Masticke, 
the  tree  that  beareth  the  rine  of  blacke  Sinamon,  of  which 
Master  Winter  2 brought  from  the  streights  of  Magellan,  and 
many  other  of  excellent  smell  and  qualitie.  We  remained  by 
the  side  of  this  Island  two  whole  dayes  before  we  saw  any 
people  of  the  Countrey:  the  third  day  we  espied  one  small 
boate  rowing  towardes  us  having  in  it  three  persons : this  boat 
came  to  the  Island  side,  foure  harquebuz-shot  from  our  shippes, 
and  there  two  of  the  people  remaining,  the  third  came  along 

1 In  the  margin  of  the  Relation  are  the  words,  “The  Isle  of  Wokokon.” 
This  was  one  of  the  more  southerly  of  the  islands  enclosing  Pamlico  Sound, 
as  appears  from  the  two  contemporary  charts  made  by  John  White,  our 
best  authorities  on  the  cartography  of  the  Ralegh  voyages.  Of  these  two 
charts,  one  is  reproduced  in  the  present  volume;  both,  in  the  Hakluyt 
Society’s  Hakluyt,  VIII.  320,  400. 

2 John  Winter,  who  was  with  Drake  in  his  voyage  round  the  world. 


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[1684 


the  shoreside  towards  us,  and  wee  being  then  all  within  boord, 
he  walked  up  and  downe  upon  the  point  of  the  land  next  unto 
us:  then  the  Master  and  the  Pilot  of  the  Admirall,  Simon 
Ferdinando,1  and  the  Captaine  Philip  Amadas,2  my  selfe,  and 
others  rowed  to  the  land,  whose  comming  this  fellow  attended, 
never  making  any  shewe  of  feare  or  doubt.  And  after  he  had 
spoken  of  many  things  not  understood  by  us,  we  brought  him 
with  his  owne  good  liking,  aboord  the  ships,  and  gave  him  a 
shirt,  a hat  and  some  other  things,  and  made  him  taste  of  our 
wine,  and  our  meat,  which  he  liked  very  wel : and  after  having 
viewed  both  barks,  he  departed,  and  went  to  his  owne  boat 
againe,  which  hee  had  left  in  a little  Cove  or  Creeke  adjoyning : 
assoone  as  hee  was  two  bow  shoot  into  the  water,  he  fell  to 
fishing,  and  in  lesse  then  halfe  an  houre,  he  had  laden  his  boate 
as  deepe,  as  it  could  swimme,  with  which  hee  came  againe  to 
the  point  of  the  lande,  and  there  he  divided  his  fish  into  two 
parts,  pointing  one  part  to  the  ship,  and  the  other  to  the 
pinnesse ; which,  after  he  had  (as  much  as  he  might)  requited 
the  former  benefites  received,  departed  out  of  our  sight. 

The  next  day  there  came  unto  us  divers  boates,  and  in  one 
of  them  the  Kings  brother,  accompanied  with  fortie  or  fiftie 
men,  very  handsome  and  goodly  people,  and  in  their  behaviour 
as  mannerly  and  civill  as  any  of  Europe.  His  name  was  Gran- 
ganimeo,3  and  the  king  is  called  Wingina,  the  countrey  Win- 
gandacoa4  and  now  by  her  Majestie  Virginia.5  The  maner  of 

1 In  1587  he  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  three  ships  sent  out  by  Sir 
Walter  Ralegh  to  take  the  Roanoke  colonists  to  Chesapeake  Bay.  A Span- 
iard by  birth,  he  proved  faithless,  and  the  colony  was  left  on  Roanoke  Island. 
Various  hindrances  prevented  the  sending  of  relief  to  the  colonists,  who  later 
mingled  with  the  natives,  and  finally  were  massacred  at  the  instigation  of 
Powhatan.  See  the  ensuing  narratives. 

2 This  statement  discloses  the  fact  that  that  “one  of  the  said  captaines” 
who  wrote  the  narrative  was  Arthur  Barlowe. 

3 He  remained  faithful  to  the  English,  and  died  shortly  after  the  arrival 
of  the  colony  brought  over  by  Sir  Richard  Grenville  in  1585. 

4 Not  understanding  the  language  of  the  natives,  Barlowe  and  his  com- 
panions could  hardly  be  expected  to  escape  blunders  in  their  interpretation 
of  what  was  said  to  them  by  the  Indians.  Wingandacoa  signifies,  “You  wear 
fine  clothes,”  a polite  remark,  which  could  hardly  be  applied  to  the  country. 

6 When  Elizabeth,  in  commemoration  of  her  maiden  life,  designated  the 


1584]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  AMADAS  AND  BARLOWE  231 

his  comming  was  in  this  sort : hee  left  his  boates  altogether 
as  the  first  man  did  a little  from  the  shippes  by  the  shore, 
and  came  along  to  the  place  over  against  the  ships,  followed 
with  fortie  men.  When  he  came  to  the  place  his  servants 
spread  a long  matte  upon  the  ground,  on  which  he  sate 
downe,  and  at  the  other  ende  of  the  matte  foure  others  of 
his  companie  did  the  like,  the  rest  of  his  men  stood  round 
about  him,  somewhat  a farre  off : when  we  came  to  the  shore 
to  him  with  our  weapons,  hee  never  mooved  from  his  place, 
nor  any  of  the  other  foure,  nor  never  mistrusted  any  harme 
to  be  offred  from  us,  but  sitting  still  he  beckoned  us  to 
come  and  sit  by  him,  which  we  performed:  and  being  set 
hee  made  all  signes  of  joy  and  welcome,  striking  on  his  head 
and  his  breast,  and  afterwardes  on  ours,  to  shew  wee  were  all 
one,  smiling  and  making  shewe  the  best  he  could  of  all  love, 
and  familiaritie.  After  hee  had  made  a long  speech  unto 
us,  wee  presented  him  with  divers  things,  which  hee  re- 
ceived very  joyfully,  and  thankefully.  None  of  the  com- 
panie durst  speake  one  worde  all  the  time:  only  the  foure 
which  were  at  the  other  ende,  spake  one  in  the  others  eare 
very  softly. 

The  King  is  greatly  obeyed,  and  his  brothers  and  children 
reverenced:  the  King  himselfe  in  person  was  at  our  being 
there,  sore  wounded  in  a fight  which  hee  had  with  the  King 
of  the  next  countrey,  called  Wingina,  and  was  shot  in  two 
places  through  the  body,  and  once  cleane  through  the  thigh, 
but  yet  he  recovered : by  reason  whereof  and  for  that  hee  lay 
at  the  chief e towne  of  the  co untrey,  being  sixe  dayes  journey 
off,  we  saw  him  not  at  all. 

After  we  had  presented  this  his  brother  with  such  things  as 
we  thought  he  liked,  wee  likewise  gave  somewhat  to  the  other 
that  satte  with  him  on  the  matte : but  presently  he  arose  and 
tooke  all  from  them  and  put  it  into  his  owne  basket,  making 
signes  and  tokens,  that  all  things  ought  to  bee  delivered  unto 

newly  discovered  land  Virginia,  she  conferred  upon  Ralegh  the  honor  of 
knighthood.  On  his  new  seal  he  placed  the  legend,  “ Propria  insignia  Walteri 
Ralegh,  militis,  Domini  et  Gubernatoris  Virginiae.” 


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him,  and  the  rest  were  but  his  servants,  and  followers.  A day 
or  two  after  this,  we  fell  to  trading  with  them,  exchanging 
some  things  that  we  had,  for  Chamoys,  Buffe,  and  Deere 
skinnes : when  we  shewed  him  all  our  packet  of  merchandize, 
of  all  things  that  he  sawe,  a bright  tinne  dish  most  pleased  him, 
which  hee  presently  tooke  up  and  clapt  it  before  his  breast,  and 
after  made  a hole  in  the  brimme  thereof  and  hung  it  about  his 
necke,  making  signes  that  it  would  defende  him  against  his 
enemies  arrowes:  for  those  people  maintaine  a deadly  and 
terrible  warre,  with  the  people  and  King  adjoyning.  We  ex- 
changed our  tinne  dish  for  twentie  skinnes,  woorth  twentie 
Crownes,  or  twentie  Nobles : and  a copper  kettle  for  fiftie  skins 
woorth  fiftie  Crownes.  They  offered  us  good  exchange  for  our 
hatchets,  and  axes,  and  for  knives  and  would  have  given  any 
thing  for  swordes : but  wee  would  not  depart  with  any.  After 
two  or  three  dayes  the  Kings  brother  came  aboord  the  shippes, 
and  dranke  wine,  and  eat  of  our  meat  and  of  our  bread,  and 
liked  exceedingly  thereof : and  after  a fewe  days  overpassed, 
he  brought  his  wife  with  him  to  the  ships,  his  daughter  and 
two  or  three  children:  his  wife  was  very  well  favoured,  of 
meane  stature,  and  very  bashfull:  shee  had  on  her  backe  a 
long  cloake  of  leather,  with  the  furre  side  next  to  her  body, 
and  before  her  a piece  of  the  same:  about  her  forehead  shee 
had  a bande  of  white  Corall,  and  so  had  her  husband  many 
times : in  her  eares  shee  had  bracelets  of  pearles  hanging  downe 
to  her  middle,  (whereof  wee  delivered  your  worship  a little 
bracelet)  and  those  were  of  the  bignes  of  good  pease.  The  rest 
of  her  women  of  the  better  sort  had  pendants  of  copper  hang- 
ing in  either  eare,  and  some  of  the  children  of  the  kings  brother 
and  other  noble  men,  have  five  or  sixe  in  either  eare : he  him- 
selfe  had  upon  his  head  a broad  plate  of  golde,  or  copper,  for 
being  unpolished  we  knew  not  what  mettall  it  should  be, 
neither  would  he  by  any  meanes  suffer  us  to  take  it  off  his 
head,  but  feeling  it,  it  would  bow  very  easily.  His  apparell 
was  as  his  wives,  onely  the  women  weare  their  haire  long  on 
both  sides,  and  the  men  but  on  one.  They  are  of  colour 
yellowish,  and  their  hair  black  for  the  most  part,  and  yet  we 


1584]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  AMADAS  AND  BAELOWE  233 


saw  children  that  had  very  fine  aburne  and  chestnut  coloured 
haire.1 

After  that  these  women  had  bene  there,  there  came  downe 
from  all  parts  great  store  of  people,  bringing  with  them  leather, 
corail,  divers  kindes  of  dies,  very  excellent,  and  exchanged  with 
us : but  when  Granganimeo  the  kings  brother  was  present,  none 
durst  trade  but  himselfe:  except  such  as  weare  red  pieces  of 
copper  on  their  heads  like  himselfe : for  that  is  the  difference 
betweene  the  noble  men,  and  the  governours  of  countreys,  and 
the  meaner  sort.  And  we  both  noted  there,  and  you  have 
understood  since  by  these  men,  which  we  brought  home,  that 
no  people  in  the  worlde  cary  more  respect  to  their  King, 
Nobilitie,  and  Governours,  then  these  doe.  The  Kings  brothers 
wife,  when  she  came  to  us  (as  she  did  many  times)  was  followed 
with  forty  or  fifty  women  alwayes:  and  when  she  came  into 
the  shippe,  she  left  them  all  on  land,  saving  her  two  daughters, 
her  nurse  and  one  or  two  more.  The  Kings  brother  alwayes 
kept  this  order,  as  many  boates  as  he  would  come  withall  to 
the  shippes,  so  many  fires  would  hee  make  on  the  shore  a farre 
off,  to  the  end  we  might  understand  with  what  strength  and 
company  he  appro  ched.  Their  boates  are  made  of  one  tree, 
either  of  Pine  or  of  Pitch  trees : a wood  not  commenly  knowen 
to  our  people,  nor  found  growing  in  England.  They  have  no 
edge-tooles  to  make  them  withall;  if  they  have  any  they  are 
very  fewe,  and  those  it  seemes  they  had  twentie  yeres  since, 
which,  as  those  two  men  declared,  was  out  of  a wracke  which 
happened  upon  their  coast  of  some  Christian  ship,  being  beaten 
that  way  by  some  storme  and  outragious  weather,  whereof 
none  of  the  people  were  saved,  but  only  the  ship,  or  some  part 
of  her  being  cast  upon  the  sand,  out  of  whose  sides  they  drew 

1 Hon.  William  Wirt  Henry  (Winsor’s  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America,  III.  110)  says:  “The  phenomenon  of  auburn  and  chestnut-colored 
hair  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact,  related  by  the  natives,  that  some  years 
before  a ship,  manned  by  whites,  had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast ; and  that 
some  of  the  people  had  been  saved,  and  had  lived  with  them  for  several  weeks 
before  leaving  in  their  boats,  in  which,  however,  they  were  lost.  It  was  the 
descendants  of  these  men,  doubtless,  who  were  found  by  the  English  having 
hair  unlike  the  other  Indians.” 


234 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1684 


the  nayles  and  the  spikes,  and  with  those  they  made  their  best 
instruments.  The  manner  of  making  their  boates  is  thus: 
they  burne  downe  some  great  tree,  or  take  such  as  are  winde 
fallen,  and  putting  gumme  and  rosen  upon  one  side  thereof, 
they  set  fire  into  it,  and  when  it  hath  burnt  it  hollow,  they  cut 
out  the  coale  with  their  shels,  and  ever  where  they  would 
burne  it  deeper  or  wider  they  lay  on  gummes,  which  burne 
away  the  timber,  and  by  this  rneanes  they  fashion  very  fine 
boates,  and  such  as  will  transport  twentie  men.  Their  oares 
are  like  scoopes,  and  many  times  they  set  with  long  poles,  as 
the  depth  serveth. 

The  Kings  brother  had  great  liking  of  our  armour,  a sword, 
and  divers  other  things  which  we  had:  and  offered  to  lay  a 
great  box  of  pearl  in  gage  for  them : but  we  refused  it  for  this 
time,  because  we  would  not  make  themknowe,  that  we  esteemed 
thereof,  untill  we  had  understoode  in  what  places  of  the  coun- 
trey the  pearle  grew : which  now  your  Worshippe  doeth  very 
well  understand. 

He  was  very  just  of  his  promise:  for  many  times  we 
delivered  him  merchandize  upon  his  word,  but  ever  he  came 
within  the  day  and  performed  his  promise.  He  sent  us  every 
day  a brase  or  two  of  fat  Bucks,  Conies,  Hares,  Fish  the  best 
of  the  world.  He  sent  us  divers  kindes  of  fruites,  Melons, 
Walnuts,  Cucumbers,  Gourdes,  Pease,  and  divers  rootes,  and 
fruites  very  excellent  good,  and  of  their  Countrey  corne,  which 
is  very  white,  faire  and  well  tasted,  and  groweth  three  times  in 
five  moneths:  in  May  they  sow,  in  July  they  reape,  in  June 
they  sow,  in  August  they  reape:  in  July  they  sow,  in  Sep- 
tember they  reape : onely  they  cast  the  corne  into  the  ground, 
breaking  a little  of  the  soft  turfe  with  a wodden  mattock,  or 
pickeaxe:  our  selves  prooved  the  soile,  and  put  some  of  our 
Pease  in  the  ground,  and  in  tenne  dayes  they  were  of  fourteene 
ynches  high : they  have  also  Beanes  very  faire  of  divers  colours 
and  wonderful!  plentie : some  growing  naturally,  and  some  in 
their  gardens,  and  so  have  they  wheat  and  oates. 

The  soile  is  the  most  plentifull,  sweete,  fruitfull  and  whol- 
some  of  all  the  worlde : there  were  above  fourteene  severall 


1584]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  AMADAS  AND  BARLOWE  235 


sweete  smelling  timber  trees,  and  the  most  part  of  their  under- 
woods are  Bayes  and  such  like : they  have  those  Okes  that  we 
have,  but  farre  greater  and  better.  After  they  had  bene  divers 
times  aboord  our  shippes,  my  selfe,  with  seven  more  went 
twentie  mile  into  the  River,  that  runneth  towarde  the  Citie 
of  Skicoak,1  which  River  they  call  Occam:2  and  the  evening 
following,  wee  came  to  an  Island  which  they  call  Raonoak,3 
distant  from  the  harbour  by  which  we  entered,  seven  leagues : 
and  at  the  north  end  thereof  was  a village  of  nine  houses,  built 
of  Cedar,  and  fortified  round  about  with  sharpe  trees,  to  keepe 
out  their  enemies,  and  the  entrance  into  it  made  like  a turne 
pike  very  artificially;  when  wee  came  towardes  it,  standing 
neere  unto  the  waters  side,  the  wife  of  Granganimeo  the  kings 
brother  came  running  out  to  meete  us  very  cheerefully  and 
friendly,  her  husband  was  not  then  in  the  village:  some  of 
her  people  shee  commanded  to  drawe  our  boate  on  shore  for 
the  beating  of  the  billoe : others  she  appointed  to  cary  us  on 
their  backes  to  the  dry  ground,  and  others  to  bring  our  oares 
into  the  house  for  feare  of  stealing.  When  we  were  come  into 
the  utter  roome,  having  five  roomes  in  her  house,  she  caused 
us  to  sit  downe  by  a great  fire,  and  after  tooke  off  our  clothes 
and  washed  them,  and  dryed  them  againe:  some  of  the 
women  plucked  off  our  stockings  and  washed  them,  some 
washed  our  feete  in  warrne  water,  and  shee  her  selfe  tooke 
great  paines  to  see  all  thinges  ordered  in  the  best  maner 
shee  could,  making  great  haste  to  dress  some  meate  for  us 
to  eate. 

After  we  had  thus  dryed  ourselves,  she  brought  us  into  the 
inner  roome,  where  shee  set  on  the  boord  standing  along  the 
house,  some  wheate  like  furmentie,  sodden  Venison,  and  roasted, 
fish  sodden,  boyled  and  roasted,  Melons  rawe,  and  sodden, 

1 Shown  on  White’s  charts  as  about  where  Portsmouth,  Virginia,  now  is. 

2 Probably  the  north  part  of  Pamlico  Sound,  plus  Currituck  Sound. 

3 A corruption,  it  may  be,  of  the  Indian  name  Ohanoak.  The  margin 
has  “ Roanoak,”  which  is  on  subsequent  pages  the  prevailing  spelling. 
Roanoke  Island,  and  the  remains  of  English  colonization  there,  are  de- 
scribed by  Mr.  Talcott  Williams  in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  American 
Historical  Association  for  1895,  pp.  57-61. 


236 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1584 


rootes  of  divers  kindes  and  divers  fruites:  their  drinke  is 
commonly  water,  but  while  the  grape  lasteth,  they  drinke 
wine,  and  for  want  of  caskes  to  keepe  it,  all  the  yere  after  they 
drink  water,  but  it  is  sodden  with  Ginger  in  it,  and  black  Sina- 
mon,  and  sometimes  Sassaphras,  and  divers  others  wholesome, 
and  medicinable  hearbes  and  trees.  We  were  entertained  with 
all  love  and  kindnesse,  and  with  as  much  bountie  (after  their 
maner)  as  they  could  possibly  devise.  We  found  the  people 
most  gentle,  loving,  and  faithfull,  voide  of  all  guile  and  treason, 
and  such  as  live  after  the  maner  of  the  golden  age.  The  people 
onely  care  howe  to  defende  them  selves  from  the  cold  in  their 
short  winter,  and  to  feed  themselves  with  such  meat  as  the 
soile  affoordeth:  there  meat  is  very  well  sodden  and  they 
make  broth  very  sweet  and  savorie : their  vessels  are  earthen 
pots,  very  large,  white  and  sweete,  their  dishes  are  wodden 
platters  of  sweet  timber:  within  the  place  where  they  feede 
was  their  lodging,  and  within  that  their  Idoll,  which  they 
worship,  of  whome  they  speake  incredible  things.  While  we 
were  at  meate,  there  came  in  at  the  gates  two  or  three  men 
with  their  bowes  and  arrowes  from  hunting,  whom  when  wee 
espied,  we  beganne  to  looke  one  towardes  another,  and  offered 
to  reach  our  weapons:  but  assoone  as  shee  espied  our  mis- 
trust, shee  was  very  much  mooved,  and  caused  some  of  her 
men  to  runne  out,  and  take  away  their  bowes  and  arrowes  and 
breake  them,  and  withall  beate  the  poore  fellowes  out  of  the 
gate  againe.  When  we  departed  in  the  evening  and  would 
not  tary  all  night  she  was  very  sory,  and  gave  us  into  our 
boate  our  supper  halfe  dressed,  pottes  and  all,  and  brought  us 
to  our  boate  side,  in  which  wee  lay  all  night,  remooving  the 
same  a prettie  distance  from  the  shoare:  shee  perceiving  our 
jelousie,  was  much  grieved,  and  sent  divers  men  and  thirtie 
women,  to  sit  all  night  on  the  banke  side  by  us,  and  sent  us 
into  our  boates  five  mattes  to  cover  us  from  the  raine,  using 
very  many  wordes  to  entreate  us  to  rest  in  their  houses : but 
because  wee  were  fewe  men,  and  if  wee  had  miscaried,  the 
voyage  had  bene  in  very  great  danger,  wee  durst  not  adven- 
ture any  thing,  although  there  was  no  cause  of  doubt:  for  a 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  AMADAS  AND  BARLOWE  237 


more  kinde  and  loving  people  there  can  not  be  found  in  the 
worlde,  as  farre  as  we  have  hitherto  had  triall. 

Beyond  this  Island  there  is  the  maine  lande,  and  over 
against  this  Island  falleth  into  this  spacious  water,  the  great 
river  called  Occam  by  the  inhabitants  on  which  standeth  a 
towne  called  Pomeiock,1  and  sixe  dayes  journey  from  the  same 
is  situate  their  greatest  citie,  called  Skicoak,  which  this  people 
affirm e to  be  very  greate : but  the  Savages  were  never  at  it, 
only  they  speake  of  it  by  the  report  of  their  fathers  and  other 
men,  whom  they  have  heard  affirme  it  to  bee  above  one  houres 
journey  about. 

Into  this  river  falleth  another  great  river,  called  Cipo,  in 
which  there  is  found  great  store  of  Huskies  in  which  there  are 
pearles:  likewise  there  descendeth  into  this  Occam,  another 
river,  called  Nomopana,  on  the  one  side  whereof  standeth  a 
great  towne  called  Chawanook,2  and  the  Lord  of  that  towne 
and  countrey  is  called  Pooneno : this  Pooneno  is  not  subject 
to  the  king  of  Wingandacoa,  but  is  a free  Lord : beyond  this 
country  is  there  another  king,  whom  they  cal  Menatonon, 
and  these  three  kings  are  in  league  with  each  other.  Towards 
the  Southwest,  foure  dayes  journey  is  situate  a towne  called 
Sequotan,3  which  is  the  Southermost  towne  of  Wingandacoa, 
neere  unto  which,  sixe  and  twentie  yeres  past  there  was  a 
ship  cast  away,  whereof  some  of  the  people  were  saved,  and 
those  were  white  people,  whom  the  countrey  people  pre- 
served. 

And  after  ten  dayes  remaining  in  an  out  Island  un- 
habited, called  Wocokon,4  they  with  the  help  of  some  of  the 
dwellers  of  Sequotan,  fastened  two  boates  of  the  countrey 


1 On  White’s  two  charts  (see  that  reproduced  in  this  volume),  Pomeyooc 
stands  back  from  the  sound,  west  of  the  present  site  of  Engelhard,  N.C. 

2 It  is  probable  that  the  name  Occam  is  extended  to  cover  Albemarle 
Sound.  Cipo  may  be  the  Alligator  River.  Nomopana  is  the  Chowan. 
White’s  two  charts  show  Chawanoac  or  Chawanooc  as  occupying  a site  well 
up  that  river. 

3 Shown  on  White’s  charts  as  occupying  a position  on  the  south  side  of 
the  Pamlico  River,  apparently  near  Blount  Bay. 

4 See  p.  229,  note  1. 


238 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1584 


together  and  made  mastes  unto  them  and  sailes  of  their  shirtes, 
and  having  taken  into  them  such  victuals  as  the  countrey 
yeelded,  they  departed  after  they  had  remained  in  this  out 
Island  3 weekes:  but  shortly  after  it  seemed  they  were  cast 
away,  for  the  boates  were  found  upon  the  coast,  cast  a land 
in  another  Island  adjoyning : other  then  these,  there  was  never 
any  people  apparelled,  or  white  of  colour,  either  seene  or  heard 
of  amongst  these  people,  and  these  aforesaid  were  seene  onely 
of  the  inhabitantes  of  Secotan,  which  appeared  to  be  very  true, 
for  they  wondred  marvelously  when  we  were  amongst  them  at 
the  whitenes  of  our  skins,  ever  coveting  to  touch  our  breasts, 
and  to  view  the  same.  Besides  they  had  our  ships  in  mar- 
velous admiration,  and  all  things  els  were  so  strange  unto 
them,  as  it  appeared  that  none  of  them  had  ever  seene  the  like. 
When  we  discharged  any  piece,  were  it  but  an  hargubuz,  they 
would  tremble  thereat  for  very  feare,  and  for  the  strangenesse 
of  the  same : for  the  weapons  which  themselves  use  are  bowes 
and  arrowes : the  arrowes  are  but  of  small  canes,  headed  with 
a sharpe  shell  or  tooth  of  a fish  sufficient  ynough  to  kill  a naked 
man.  Their  swordes  be  of  wood  hardened : likewise  they  use 
wooden  breastplates  for  their  defence.  They  have  besides  a 
kinde  of  club,  in  the  end  whereof  they  fasten  the  sharpe  homes 
of  a stagge,  or  other  beast.  When  they  goe  to  warres  they 
cary  about  with  them  their  idol,  of  whom  they  aske  counsel, 
as  the  Romans  were  woont  of  the  Oracle  of  Apollo.  They 
sing  songs  as  they  march  towardes  the  battell  in  stead  of 
drummes  and  trumpets:  their  warres  are  very  cruell  and 
bloody,  by  reason  whereof,  and  of  their  civill  dissentions  which 
have  happened  of  late  yeeres  amongst  them,  the  people  are 
marvelously  wasted,  and  in  some  places  the  countrey  left 
desolate. 

Adjoyning  to  this  countrey  aforesaid  called  Secotan  be- 
ginneth  a countrey  called  Pomooik,1  belonging  to  another  king 
whom  they  call  Piamacum,  and  this  king  is  in  league  with  the 

1 In  the  margin  an  alternative  form  is  given:  “Or  Pananuaioc,”  which 
name  is  found  on  the  De  Bry  map,  “ Auctore  Joanne  With,”  reproduced  in 
Winsor’s  America,  III.  125. 


1584]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  AMADAS  AND  BAELOWE  239 


next  king  adjoyning  towards  the  setting  of  the  Sunne,  and  the 
countrey  Newsiok,  situate  upon  a goodly  river  called  Neus:1 
these  kings  have  mortall  warre  with  Wingina  king  of  Wingan- 
dacoa:  but  about  two  yeeres  past  there  was  a peace  made 
betweene  the  King  Piemacum,  and  the  Lord  of  Secotan,  as 
these  men  which  we  have  brought  with  us  to  England,  have 
given  us  to  understand : but  there  remaineth  a mortall  malice 
in  the  Secotanes,  for  many  injuries  and  slaughters  done  upon 
them  by  this  Piemacum.  They  invited  divers  men,  and  thirtie 
women  of  the  best  of  his  countrey  to  their  towne  to  a feast: 
and  when  they  were  altogether  merry,  and  praying  before  their 
Idol,  (which  is  nothing  els  but  a meer  illusion  of  the  devill) 
the  captaine  or  Lord  of  the  town  came  suddenly  upon  them, 
and  slewe  them  every  one,  reserving  the  women  and  children : 
and  these  two  have  oftentimes  since  perswaded  us  to  surprize 
Piemacum  his  towne,  having  promised  and  assured  us,  that 
there  will  be  found  in  it  great  store  of  commodities.  But 
whether  their  perswasion  be  to  the  ende  they  may  be  revenged 
of  their  enemies,  or  for  the  love  they  beare  to  us,  we  leave  that 
to  the  tryall  hereafter. 

Beyond  this  Island  called  Roanoak,  are  maine  Islands  very 
plentifull  of  fruits  and  other  naturall  increases,  together  with 
many  townes,  and  villages,  along  the  side  of  the  continent, 
some  bounding  upon  the  Islands,  and  some  stretching  up 
further  into  the  land. 

When  we  first  had  sight  of  this  countrey,  some  thought  the 
first  land  we  saw  to  bee  the  continent;  but  after  we  entred 
into  the  Haven,  we  saw  before  us  another  mighty  long  Sea: 
for  there  lyeth  along  the  coast  a tracte  of  Islands,  two  hun- 
dreth  miles  in  length,  adjoyning  to  the  Ocean  sea,  and  be- 
tweene the  Islands,  two  or  three  entrances:  when  you  are 
entred  betweene  them  (these  Islands  being  very  narrow  for 
the  most  part,  as  in  most  places  sixe  miles  broad,  in  some 
places  lesse,  in  fewe  more)  then  there  appeareth  another  great 

1 Neuse.  On  White’s  chart  Newasiwac  occupies  a position  on  the  south 
side  of  the  estuary  of  that  river,  near  the  sound. 


240 


EAELY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1584 


Sea,  containing  in  bredth  in  some  places,  forty,  and  in  some 
fifty,  in  some  twenty  miles  over,  before  you  come  unto  the 
continent:  and  in  this  inclosed  Sea  there  are  above  an  hun- 
dreth  Islands  of  divers  bignesses,  whereof  one  is  sixteene  miles 
long,1  at  which  we  were,  finding  it  a most  pleasant  and  fertile 
ground,  replenished  with  goodly  Cedars,  and  divers  other 
sweete  woods,  full  of  Corrants,  of  flaxe,  and  many  other 
notable  commodities,  which  we  at  that  time  had  no  leasure  to 
view.  Besides  this  Island  there  are  many,  as  I have  sayd, 
some  of  two,  or  three,  of  foure,  of  five  miles,  some  more,  some 
lesse,  most  beautifull  and  pleasant  to  behold,  replenished  with 
Deere,  Conies,  Hares,  and  divers  beasts,  and  about  them  the 
goodliest  and  best  fish  in  the  world,  and  in  greatest  abun- 
dance. 

Thus  Sir,  we  have  acquainted  you  with  the  particulars  of 
our  discovery  made  this  present  voyage,  as  farre  foorth  as  the 
shortnesse  of  the  time  we  there  continued  would  affoord  us  to 
take  viewe  of : and  so  contenting  our  selves  with  this  service  at 
this  time,  which  wee  hope  hereafter  to  inlarge,  as  occasion  and 
assistance  shalbe  given,  we  resolved  to  leave  the  countrey,  and 
to  apply  ourselves  to  returne  for  England,  which  we  did  ac- 
cordingly, and  arrived  safely  in  the  West  of  England  about 
the  middest  of  September. 

And  whereas  wee  have  above  certified  you  of  the  countrey 
taken  in  possession  by  us,  to  her  Majesties  use,  and  so  to  yours 
by  her  Majesties  grant,  wee  thought  good  for  the  better  as- 
surance thereof  to  record  some  of  the  particular  Gentlemen, 
and  men  of  accompt,  who  then  were  present,  as  witnesses  of 
the  same,  that  thereby  all  occasion  of  cavill  to  the  title  of  the 
countrey,  in  her  Majesties  behalfe  may  be  prevented,  which 
otherwise,  such  as  like  not  the  action  may  use  and  pretend,, 
whose  names  are: 


1 Roanoke  Island  is  now  about  twelve  miles  long  and  three  broad. 


1584]  THE  VOYAGE  OF  AMADAS  AND  BARLOWE 


241 


William  Greenevile, ' 
John  Wood, 

James  Browewich, 
Henry  Greene, 
Benjamin  Wood, 
Simon  Ferdinando, 
Nicholas  Petman, 
John  Hewes, 


Of  the  companie. 


We  brought  home  also  two  of  the  Savages  being  lustie  men, 
whose  names  were  Wanchese  and  Manteo.1 

1 Manteo  was  a native  of  Croatoan  (Hakluyt,  edition  of  1903,  VIII.  418). 
He  returned  with  Sir  Richard  Grenville  in  1585  (Hakluyt,  VIII.  315),  and  so 
probably  did  Wanchese.  August  13,  1587,  by  order  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh, 
Manteo  “was  christened  at  Roanoak, and  called  Lord  thereof  and  of  Dasa- 
monguepeuk,  in  reward  of  his  faithfull  services.”  Hakluyt,  VIII.  397,  and 
p.  293,  post. 


K 


ACCOUNT  OF  THE  PARTICULARITIES  OF 
THE  IMPLOYMENTS  OF  THE  ENGLISH- 
MEN LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA,  1585-1586,  BY 
MASTER  RALPH  LANE 


INTRODUCTION 


Encouraged  by  Barlowe’s  report,  Ralegh  at  once  com- 
menced preparations  for  sending  out  a colony  to  Virginia. 
Seven  vessels  were  made  ready,  and  the  expedition  sailed  from 
Plymouth,  April  9,  15S5,  under  the  command  of  Ralegh’s 
cousin,  Sir  Richard  Grenville.  Grenville  was  born  in  the  west 
of  England  about  1541.  In  early  life  he  served  in  the  imperial 
army  in  Hungary.  Returning  to  England,  he  received  an  ap- 
pointment to  a command  in  Ireland.  In  1571  he  entered 
Parliament.  By  reason  of  his  relationship  to  Ralegh,  doubt- 
less, he  became  interested  in  western  colonization.  In  1584 
he  aided  in  sending  Amadas  and  Barlowe  to  the  American 
coast.  In  1591,  as  vice-admiral,  in  the  Revenge,  he  encountered 
a large  Spanish  fleet  off  the  Azores ; and  early  in  the  unequal 
action,  having  been  severely  wounded,  he  was  taken  on  board 
a Spanish  vessel,  where,  three  days  after,  he  died.  Ralph  Lane, 
who  was  in  charge  of  the  colonists  conveyed  by  Grenville  to 
America,  was  in  a government  position  in  Ireland  when  he 
received  his  appointment,  and  was  relieved  “in  consideration 
of  his  ready  undertaking  the  Voyage  to  Virginia  for  Sir  Walter 
Ralegh  at  her  majesty’s  commandment.”  He  was  “a  project- 
ing man,”  and  was  knighted  in  1593  for  valued  services.  Cap- 
tain Philip  Amadas,  master  of  one  of  the  two  vessels  sent  to 
America  in  1584,  was  Lane’s  deputy.  In  Hakluyt,  VIII.  310- 
318,  there  is  a relation  of  Grenville’s  voyage  of  1585,  also  a 
list  containing  “the  names  of  those,  as  well  Gentlemen  as 
others,  that  remained  one  whole  yeere  in  Virginia,  under  the 
Governement  of  Master  Ralph  Lane.” 


H.  S.  B. 


LANE’S  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  ENGLISHMEN 
LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA 


An  account  of  the  'particularities  of  the  imployments  of  the  English 
men  left  in  Virginia  by  Richard  Greenevill  under  the 
charge  of  Master  Ralph  Lane  Generali  of  the  same, 
from  the  17.  of  August  1585.  until  the  18.  of  June  1586} 
at  which  time  they  departed  the  Countrey ; sent  and 
directed  to  Sir  Walter  Ralegh. 

That  I may  proceede  with  order  in  this  discourse,  I thinke 
it  requisite  to  divide  it  into  two  parts.  The  first  shall  declare 
the  particularities  of  such  partes  of  the  Countrey  within  the 
maine,  as  our  weake  number,  and  supply  of  things  necessarie 
did  inable  us  to  enter  into  the  discovery  of. 

The  second  part  shall  set  downe  the  reasons  generally 
moving  us  to  resolve  on  our  departure  at  the  instant  with  the 
Generali  Sir  Francis  Drake,  and  our  common  request  for 
passage  with  him,  when  the  barkes,  pinnesses,  and  boates  with 
the  Masters  and  Mariners  meant  by  him  to  bee  left  in  the 
Countrey,  for  the  supply  of  such,  as  for  a further  time  meant 
to  have  stayed  there,  were  caryed  away  with  tempest  and 
foule  weather:  In  the  beginning  whereof  shall  bee  declared 
the  conspiracie  of  Pemisapan,  with  the  Savages  of  the  maine 
to  have  cut  us  off,  &c. 

The  first  part  declaring  the  particularities  of  the  Countrey  of 

Virginia. 

First  therefore  touching  the  particularities  of  the  Countrey, 
you  shall  understand  that  our  discoverie  of  the  same  hath 

1 Sir  Richard  Grenville’s  fleet  came  to  anchor  June  26  at  Wocokon, 
which  is  marked  on  John  White’s  charts,  Hakluyt,  VIII.  320  and  400  (see 
above,  p.  229,  note  1),  as  a town  on  the  island  north  of  what  is  now  known 

246 


158o] 


THE  ENGLISHMEN  LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA 


247 


beene  extended  from  the  Hand  of  Roanoak,  (the  same  having 
bene  the  place  of  our  settlement  or  inhabitation)  into  the 
South,  into  the  North,  into  the  Northwest,  and  into  the 
West. 

The  uttermost  place  to  the  Southward  of  any  discovery  was 
Secotan,1  being  by  estimation  fourescore  miles  distant  from 
Roanoak.  The  passage  from  thence  was  through  a broad 
sound  within  the  mayne,  the  same  being  without  kenning  of 
lande,  and  yet  full  of  flats  and  shoalds : we  had  but  one  boate 
with  four  oares  to  passe  through  the  same,  which  boate  could 
not  carry  above  fifteene  men  with  their  furniture,  baggage,  and 
victuall  for  seven  dayes  at  the  most : and  as  for  our  pinnesse, 
besides  that  she  drew  too  deep  water  for  that  shallow  sound, 
she  would  not  stirre  for  an  oare : for  these  and  other  reasons 
(winter  also  being  at  hand)  we  thought  good  wholly  to  leeve 
the  discovery  of  those  parts  untill  our  stronger  supply. 

To  the  Northward  our  furthest  discovery  was  to  the  Chese- 
pians  2 distant  from  Roanoak  about  130.  miles,  the  passage  to 
it  was  very  shallow  and  most  dangerous,  by  reason  of  the 
bredth  of  the  sound,  and  the  little  succour  that  upon  any  flawe 
was  there  to  be  had. 

But  the  Territorie  and  soyle  of  the  Chesepians  (being  dis- 
tant fifteene  miles  from  the  shoare)  was  for  pleasantnes  of  seate, 
for  temperature  of  Climate,  for  fertilitie  of  soyle  and  for  the 
commoditie  of  the  Sea,  besides  multitude  of  Beares  (being  an 
excellent  good  victuall)  with  great  woods  of  Sassafras,  and 
Wallnut  trees,  is  not  to  be  excelled  by  any  other  whatsoever. 

There  be  sundry  Kings,  whom  they  call  Weroances,  and 
Countreys  of  great  fertility  adjoyning  to  the  same,  as  the  Man- 
as Ocracoke  Inlet.  July  11  he  crossed  the  southern  part  of  Pamlico  Sound, 
and  visited  the  Indian  towns,  Pomeiok,  Aquascogoc,  and  Secotan.  Later 
he  landed  one  hundred  and  seven  colonists  at  Roanoke  Island  under  Lane, 
and  August  25  he  set  sail  on  the  return  voyage  to  England. 

1 Sequotan  in  Barlowe’s  narrative.  A drawing  representing  it,  by  White, 
is  reproduced  in  the  recent  edition  of  Hakluyt,  VIII.  336.  Many  of  the 
drawings  made  by  John  White,  the  artist  of  this  expedition,  are  still  pre- 
served in  the  British  Museum. 

2 Indians  living  on  Chesapeake  Bay.  Their  town  is  mentioned  in  a mar- 
ginal note  as  Chesepiook. 


248 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1585 


doages,  Tripanicks,  and  Opossians,  which  all  came  to  visite 
the  Colonie  of  the  English,  which  I had  for  a time  appointed 
to  be  resident  there. 

To  the  Northwest  the  farthest  place  of  our  discovery  was 
to  Chawanook  distant  from  Roanoak  about  130  miles.  Our 
passage  thither  lyeth  through  a broad  sound,1  but  all  fresh 
water,  and  the  chanell  of  a great  depth,  navigable  for  good 
shipping,  but  out  of  the  chanell  full  of  shoalds. 

The  Townes  about  the  waters  side  situated  by  the  way  are 
these  following : Passaquenoke  The  womans  Towne,  Chepanoc, 
Weapomeiok,  Muscamunge,2  and  Metackwem:  all  these  being 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  king  of  Weopomeiok,  called 
Okisco : from  Muscamunge  we  enter  into  the  River,3  and  juris- 
diction of  Chawanook : There  the  River  beginneth  to  straighten 
until  it  come  to  Chawanook,  and  then  groweth  to  be  as  narrow 
as  the  Thames  betweene  Westminster  and  Lambeth. 

Betwene  Muscamunge  and  Chawanook  upon  the  left  hand 
as  wee  passe  thither,  is  a goodly  high  land,  and  there  is  a 
Towne  which  we  called  The  blinde  Towne,  but  the  Savages 
called  it  Ohanoak,4  and  hath  a very  goodly  corne  field  belong- 
ing unto  it:  it  is  subject  to  Chawanook. 

Chawanook  it  selfe  is  the  greatest  Province  and  Seigniorie 
lying  upon  that  River,  and  the  very  Towne  it  selfe  is  able  to 
put  700.  fighting  men  into  the  fielde,  besides  the  force  of  the 
Province  it  selfe. 

The  King  of  the  sayd  Province  is  called  Menatonon,  a man 
impotent  in  his  lims,  but  otherwise  for  a Savage,  a very  grave 
and  wise  man,  and  of  a very  singular  good  discourse  in  matters 
concerning  the  state,  not  onely  of  his  owne  Countrey,  and  the 
disposition  of  his  owne  men,  but  also  of  his  neighbours  round 
about  him  as  well  farre  as  neere,  and  of  the  commodities  that 
eache  Countrey  yeeldeth.  When  I had  him  prisoner  with  me, 

1 Albemarle  Sound. 

2 On  White’s  charts  Weapemeoc  and  Mascomenge  are  placed  about 
where  Edenton  now  stands.  On  the  De  Bry  map  Pasquenoke  and  Chepa- 
num  stand  farther  east,  on  the  north  side  of  the  sound. 

8 Chowan  River. 

4 Ohaunoock  appears  on  the  De  Bry  map. 


Will. 


1586] 


THE  ENGLISHMEN  LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA 


249 


for  two  dayes  that  we  were  together,  he  gave  mee  more  under- 
standing and  light  of  the  Countrey  then  I had  received  by  all 
the  searches  and  Savages  that  before  I or  any  of  my  companie 
had  had  conference  with:  it  was  in  March  last  past  1586. 
Amongst  other  things  he  tolde  me,  that  going  three  dayes 
journey  in  a Canoa  up  his  River  of  Chawanook,  and  then 
descending  to  the  land,  you  are  within  foure  dayes  journey  to 
passe  over  land  Northeast  to  a certaine  Kings  countrey,  whose 
Province  lyeth  upon  the  Sea,  but  his  place  of  greatest  strength 
is  an  Island 1 situate,  as  he  described  unto  mee,  in  a Bay,  the 
water  round  about  the  Island  very  deepe. 

Out  of  this  Bay  hee  signified  unto  mee,  that  this  King  had 
so  greate  quantitie  of  Pearle,  and  doeth  so  ordinarily  take  the 
same,  as  that  not  onely  his  owne  skinnes  that  hee  weareth, 
and  the  better  sort  of  his  gentlemen  and  followers  are  full  set 
with  the  sayd  Pearle,  but  also  his  beds,  and  houses  are  gar- 
nished with  them,  and  that  hee  hath  such  quantitie  of  them, 
that  it  is  a wonder  to  see. 

He  shewed  me  that  the  sayd  King  was  with  him  at  Chawa- 
nook two  yeeres  before,  and  brought  him  certaine  Pearle,  but 
the  same  of  the  worst  sort,  yet  was  he  faine  to  buy  them  of 
him  for  copper  at  a deere  rate,  as  he  thought.  Hee  gave  mee 
a rope  of  the  same  pearle,  but  they  were  blacke,  and  naught, 
yet  many  of  them  were  very  great,  and  a few  amongst  a num- 
ber very  orient  and  round,  all  which  I lost  with  other  things 
of  mine,  comming  aboord  Sir  Francis  Drake  his  Fleete;2  yet 
he  tolde  me  that  the  sayd  King  had  great  store  of  Pearle  that 
were  white,  great,  and  round,  and  that  his  blacke  Pearle  his 

1 Identified  by  some  as  Craney  Island  in  Chesapeake  Bay. 

2 Sir  Francis  Drake  left  England  in  September,  1585,  bearing  a commission 
from  the  queen ; and  the  Spanish  settlements  and  shipping  in  the  New  World 
suffered  not  a little  at  his  hands.  “ In  his  prosperous  returne  from  the  sack- 
ing of  Sant  Domingo,  Cartagena,  and  Saint  Augustine,”  Drake  determined 
to  visit  his  countrymen  at  Roanoke  Island.  He  arrived  off  the  English 
settlement  June  8,  1586.  As  supplies  promised  by  Easter  had  not  then  been 
received,  the  colonists  devised  several  plans  for  relief  after  Drake’s  arrival; 
but  these  failing,  they  availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity  afforded  by 
Drake’s  presence  on  the  coast,  and  made  their  way  back  to  England  in  his 
ships. 


250 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1585 


men  did  take  out  of  shallow  water,  but  the  white  Pearle  his 
men  fished  for  in  very  deepe  water. 

It  seemed  to  me  by  his  speach,  that  the  sayd  King  had 
traffique  with  white  men  that  had  clothes  as  we  have,  for  these 
white  Pearle,  and  that  was  the  reason  that  hee  would  not  depart 
with  other  then  with  blacke  Pearles,  to  those  of  the  same 
countrey. 

The  king  of  Chawanook  promised  to  give  me  guids  to  go 
over  land  into  that  kings  countrey  whensoever  I would : but 
he  advised  me  to  take  good  store  of  men  with  me,  and  good 
store  of  victuall,  for  he  said,  that  king  would  be  loth  to  suffer 
any  strangers  to  enter  into  his  Countrey,  and  especially  to 
meddle  with  the  fishing  for  any  Pearle  there,  and  that  hee  was 
able  to  make  a great  many  of  men  into  the  field,  which  he 
sayd  would  fight  very  well. 

Hereupon  I resolved  with  my  selfe,  that  if  your  supplie  had 
come  before  the  ende  of  Aprill,  and  that  you  had  sent  any  store 
of  boates  or  men,  to  have  had  them  made  in  any  reasonable 
time,  with  a sufficient  number  of  men  and  victuals  to  have 
found  us  untill  the  newe  corne  were  come  in,  I would  have 
sent  a small  barke  with  two  pinnesses  about  by  Sea  to  the 
Northward  to  have  found  out  the  Bay  he  spake  of,  and  to 
have  sounded  the  barre  if  there  were  any,  which  should  have 
ridden  there  in  the  sayd  Bay  about  that  Hand,  while  I with 
all  the  small  boates  I could  make,  and  with  two  hundred  men 
would  have  gone  up  to  the  head  of  the  river  of  Chawanook 
with  the  guids  that  Menatonon  would  have  given  me,  which  I 
would  have  bene  assured  should  have  beene  of  his  best  men, 
(for  I had  his  best  beloved  sonne  prisoner  with  me)  who  also 
should  have  kept  me  companie  in  an  handlocke  with  the  rest, 
foote  by  foote,  all  the  voyage  over  land. 

My  meaning  was  further  at  the  head  of  the  River  in  the 
place  of  my  descent  where  I would  have  left  my  boates,  to 
have  raised  a sconse  with  a small  trench,  and  a pallisado  upon 
the  top  of  it,  in  the  which,  and  in  the  guard  of  my  boates  I 
would  have  left  five  and  twentie,  or  thirtie  men,  with  the  rest 
would  I have  marched  with  as  much  victuall  as  every  man 


1585]  THE  ENGLISHMEN  LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA  251 

could  have  caried,  with  their  furniture,  mattocks,  spades  and 
axes,  two  dayes  journey.  In  the  ende  of  my  march  upon  some 
convenient  plot  would  I have  raised  another  sconse  according 
to  the  former,  where  I would  have  left  fifteene  or  twentie.  And 
if  it  would  have  fallen  out  conveniently,  in  the  way  I would 
have  raised  my  saide  sconse  upon  some  Corne  fielde,  that  my 
company  might  have  lived  upon  it. 

And  so  I would  have  holden  this  course  of  insconsing  every 
two  dayes  march,  untill  I had  bene  arrived  at  the  Bay  or  Port 
hee  spake  of : which  finding  to  bee  worth  the  possession,  I 
would  there  have  raised  a maine  fort,  both  for  the  defence  of 
the  harborough,  and  our  shipping  also,  and  would  have  re- 
duced our  whole  habitation  from  Roanoak  and  from  the  har- 
borough and  port  there  (which  by  proofe  is  very  naught)  unto 
this  other  beforementioned,  from  whence,  in  the  foure  dayes 
march  before  specified,  could  I at  al  times  returne  with  my 
company  back  unto  my  boates  riding  under  my  sconse,  very 
neere  whereunto  directly  from  the  West  runneth  a most 
notable  River,  and  in  all  those  parts  most  famous,  called  the 
River  of  Moratoc.1  This  River  openeth  into  the  broad  Sound 
of  Weapomeiok.2  And  whereas  the  River  of  Chawanook,  and 
all  the  other  Sounds,  and  Bayes,  salt  and  fresh,  shewe  no 
current  in  the  world  in  calme  weather,  but  are  mooved  alto- 
gether with  the  winde : This  River  of  Moratoc  hath  so  violent 
a current  from  the  West  and  Southwest,  that  it  made  me 
almost  of  opinion  that  with  oares  it  would  scarse  be  navigable : 
it  passeth  with  many  creekes  and  turnings,  and  for  the  space 
of  thirtie  miles  rowing,  and  more,  it  is  as  broad  as  the  Thames 
betwixt  Green-wich  and  the  Isle  of  dogges,  in  some  place 
more,  and  in  some  lesse : the  current  runneth  as  strong,  being 
entred  so  high  into  the  River,  as  at  London  bridge  upon  a vale 
water. 

And  for  that  not  onely  Menatonon,  but  also  the  Savages  of 
Moratoc  themselves  doe  report  strange  things  of  the  head  of 
that  River,  and  that  from  Moratoc  it  selfe  which  is  a princi- 
pal! Towne  upon  that  River,  it  is  thirtie  dayes  as  some  of  them 


1 Roanoke  River. 


2 Albemarle  Sound. 


252 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1586 


say,  and  some  say  fourtie  dayes  voyage  to  the  head  thereof, 
which  head  they  say  springeth  out  of  a maine  rocke  in  that 
abundance,  that  forthwith  it  maketh  a most  violent  streame: 
and  further,  that  this  huge  rock  standeth  so  neere  unto  a Sea, 
that  many  times  in  stormes  (the  winde  comming  outwardly 
from  the  sea)  the  waves  thereof  are  beaten  into  the  said  fresh 
streame,  so  that  the  fresh  water  for  a certaine  space,  groweth 
salt  and  brackish : I tooke  a resolution  with  my  selfe,  having 
dismissed  Menatonon  upon  a ransome  agreed  for,  and  sent  his 
sonne  into  the  Pinnesse  to  Roanoak,  to  enter  presently  so  farre 
into  that  River  with  two  double  whirries,  and  fourtie  persons 
one  or  other,  as  I could  have  victuall  to  cary  us,  until  we 
could  meete  with  more  either  of  the  Moratoks,  or  of  the  Man- 
goaks,  which  is  another  kinde  of  Savages,  dwelling  more  to 
the  Westward  of  the  said  River : but  the  hope  of  recovering 
more  victuall  from  the  Savages  made  mee  and  my  company 
as  narrowly  to  escape  starving  in  that  discoverie  before  our 
returne,  as  ever  men  did,  that  missed  the  same. 

For  Pemisapan,  who  had  changed  his  name  of  Wingina 
upon  the  death  of  his  brother  Granganimo,  had  given  both 
the  Choanists,  and  Mangoaks  worde  of  my  purpose  towarde 
them,  I having  bene  inforced  to  make  him  privie  to  the  same,  to 
bee  served  by  him  of  a guide  to  the  Mangoaks,  and  yet  hee  did 
never  rest  to  solicite  continually  my  going  upon  them,  certify- 
ing mee  of  a generall  assembly  even  at  that  time  made  by 
Menatonon  at  Chawanook  of  all  his  Weroances,  and  allies  to 
the  number  of  three  thousand  bowes,  preparing  to  come  upon 
us  at  Roanoak,  and  that  the  Mangoaks  also  were  joyned  in 
the  same  confederacie,  who  were  able  of  themselves  to  bring 
as  many  more  to  the  enterprise : And  true  it  was  that  at  that 
time  the  assembly  was  holden  at  Chawanook  about  us,  as  I 
found  at  my  comming  thither,  which  being  unlooked  for  did  so 
dismay  them,  as  it  made  us  have  the  better  hand  at  them. 
But  this  confederacie  against  us  of  the  Choanists  and  Mangoaks 
was  altogether  and  wholly  procured  by  Pemisapan  himselfe, 
as  Menatonon  confessed  unto  me,  who  sent  them  continual 
word,  that  our  purpose  was  fully  bent  to  destroy  them:  on 


1586] 


THE  ENGLISHMEN  LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA 


253 


the  other  side  he  told  me,  that  they  had  the  like  meaning 
towards  us. 

Hee  in  like  sort  having  sent  worde  to  the  Mangoaks  of  mine 
intention  to  passe  up  into  their  River,  and  to  kill  them  (as  he 
saide)  both  they  and  the  Moratoks,  with  whom  before  wee 
were  entred  into  a league,  and  they  had  ever  dealt  kindly  with 
us,  abandoned  their  Townes  along  the  River,  and  retired  them- 
selves with  their  Crenepos,1  and  their  Corne  within  the  maine: 
insomuch  as  having  passed  three  dayes  voyage  up  the  River, 
wee  could  not  mhete  a man,  nor  finde  a graine  of  Corne  in  any 
of  their  Townes:  whereupon  considering  with  my  selfe  that 
wee  had  but  two  dayes  victuall  left,  and  that  wee  were  then 
160.  miles  from  home,  besides  casualtie  of  contrarie  windes  or 
stormes,  and  suspecting  treason  of  our  owne  Savages  in  the 
discoverie  of  our  voyage  intended,  though  wee  had  no  intention 
to  bee  hurtfull  to  any  of  them,  otherwise  then  for  our  copper 
to  have  had  corne  of  them : I at  night  upon  the  Corps  of  guard, 
before  the  putting  foorth  of  Centinels,  advertised  the  whole 
company  of  the  case  wee  stoode  in  for  victuall,  and  of  mine 
opinion  that  we  were  betrayed  by  our  owne  Savages,  and  of 
purpose  drawen  foorth  by  them  upon  vaine  hope  to  be  in  the 
ende  starved,  seeing  all  the  Countrey  fled  before  us,  and  there- 
fore while  wee  had  those  two  dayes  victual  left,  I thought  it 
good  for  us  to  make  our  returne  homeward,  and  that  it  were 
necessary  for  us  to  get  the  other  side  of  the  Sound  of  Weopo- 
meiok  in  time,  where  wee  might  be  relieved  upon  the  weares 
of  Chypanum,  and  the  womens  Towne,  although  the  people 
were  fled. 

Thus  much  I signified  unto  them,  as  the  safest  way : never- 
thelesse  I did  referre  it  to  the  greatest  number  of  voyces, 
whether  wee  should  adventure  the  spending  of  our  whole 
victuall  in  some  further  viewe  of  that  most  goodly  River  in 
hope  to  meete  with  some  better  happe,  or  otherwise  to  retire 
our  selves  backe  againe.  And  for  that  they  might  be  the  better 
advised,  I willed  them  to  deliberate  all  night  upon  the  matter, 


1 Women. 


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[1586 


and  in  the  morning  at  our  going  aborde  to  set  our  course  ac- 
cording to  the  desires  of  the  greatest  part.  Their  resolution 
fully  and  wholy  was  (and  not  three  founde  to  bee  of  the 
contrary  opinion)  that  whiles  there  was  lefte  but  one  halfe 
pinte  of  Corne  for  a man,  wee  should  not  leave  the  search  of 
that  River,  and  that  there  were  in  the  companie  two  Mastives, 
upon  the  pottage  of  which  with  Sassafras  leaves  (if  the  worst 
fell  out)  the  company  would  make  shift  to  live  two  dayes, 
which  time  would  bring  them  downe  the  current  to  the  mouth 
of  the  River,  and  to  the  entrie  of  the  Sound,  and  in  two  dayes 
more  at  the  farthest  they  hoped  to  crosse  the  Sound  and  to 
bee  relieved  by  the  weares,  which  two  dayes  they  would  fast 
rather  then  be  drawen  backe  a foote  till  they  had  seene  the 
Mangoaks,  either  as  friendes  or  foes.  This  resolution  of  theirs 
did  not  a little  please  mee,  since  it  came  of  themselves,  al- 
though for  mistrust  of  that  which  afterwards  did  happen,  I 
pretended  to  have  bene  rather  of  the  contrary  opinion. 

And  that  which  made  me  most  desirous  to  have  some 
doings  with  the  Mangoaks  either  in  friendship  or  otherwise  to 
have  had  one  or  two  of  them  prisoners,  was,  for  that  it  is  a 
thing  most  notorious  to  all  the  countrey,  that  there  is  a Province 
to  the  which  the  said  Mangoaks  have  recourse  and  trafique  up 
that  River  of  Moratoc,  which  hath  a marveilous  and  most 
strange  Minerall.  This  Mine  is  so  notorious  amongst  them, 
as  not  onely  to  the  Savages  dwelling  up  the  said  river,  and 
also  to  the  Savages  of  Chawanook,  and  all  them  to  the  West- 
ward, but  also  to  all  them  of  the  maine : the  Countreis  name 
is  of  fame,  and  is  called  Chaunis  Temoatan. 

The  Minerall  they  say  is  Wassador,  which  is  copper,  but 
they  call  by  the  name  of  Wassador  every  mettall  whatsoever : 
they  say  it  is  of  the  colour  of  our  copper,  but  our  copper  is 
better  than  theirs : and  the  reason  is  for  that  it  is  redder  and 
harder,  whereas  that  of  Chaunis  Temoatan  is  very  soft,  and 
pale : they  say  that  they  take  the  saide  mettall  out  of  a river 
that  falleth  very  swift  from  hie  rockes  and  hils,  and  they  take 
it  in  shallow  water:  the  maner  is  this.  They  take  a great 
bowle  by  their  description  as  great  as  one  of  our  targets,  and 


1586] 


THE  ENGLISHMEN  LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA 


255 


wrappe  a skinne  over  the  hollow  parte  thereof,  leaving  one  part 
open  to  receive  in  the  minerall:  that  done,  they  watch  the 
comming  downe  of  the  current,  and  the  change  of  the  colour 
of  the  water,  and  then  suddenly  chop  downe  the  said  bowle 
with  the  skinne,  and  receive  into  the  same  as  much  oare  as 
will  come  in,  which  is  ever  as  much  as  their  bowle  will  holde, 
which  presently  they  cast  into  a fire,  and  foorthwith  it  melteth, 
and  doeth  yeelde  in  five  parts  at  the  first  melting,  two  parts  of 
mettall  for  three  partes  of  oare.  Of  this  mettall  the  Mangoaks 
have  so  great  store,  by  report  of  all  the  Savages  adjoyning, 
that  they  beautify  their  houses  with  greate  plates  of  the  same : 
and  this  to  be  true,  I received  by  report  of  all  the  countrey, 
and  particularly  by  yong  Skiko,  the  King  of  Chawanooks  sonne 
of  my  prisoner,  who  also  him  selfe  had  bene  prisoner  with  the 
Mangoaks,  and  set  downe  all  the  particularities  to  me  before 
mentioned : but  hee  had  not  bene  at  Chawnis  Temoatan  him- 
selfe : for  hee  said  it  was  twentie  dayes  journey  overland  from 
the  Mangoaks,  to  the  said  Mineral  Countrey,  and  that  they 
passed  through  certaine  other  territories  betweene  them  and 
the  Mangoaks,  before  they  came  to  the  said  Countrey.1 

Upon  report  of  the  premisses,  which  I was  very  inquisitive 
in  all  places  where  I came  to  take  very  particular  information 
of  by  all  the  Savages  that  dwelt  towardes  these  parts,  and 
especially  of  Menatonon  himselfe,  who  in  every  thing  did  very 
particularly  informe  mee,  and  promised  me  guides  of  his  owne 
men,  who  should  passe  over  with  me,  even  to  the  said  Country 
of  Chaunis  Temoatan  (for  overland  from  Chawanook  to  the 
Mangoaks  is  but  one  dayes  journey  from  Sunne  rising  to  Sunne 
setting,  whereas  by  water  it  is  seven  dayes  with  the  soonest) : 
These  things,  I say,  made  me  very  desirous  by  all  meanes 
possible  to  recover  the  Mangoaks,  and  to  get  some  of  that 
their  copper  for  an  assay,  and  therefore  I willingly  yeelded  to 
their  resolution : But  it  fell  out  very  contrary  to  all  expecta- 
tion, and  likelyhood:  for  after  two  dayes  travell,  and  our 
whole  victuall  spent,  lying  on  shoare  all  night,  wee  could  never 

1 It  is  probable  that  these  reports  had  reference  to  the  gold  of  the 
southern  Appalachians. 


256 


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[1586 


see  man,  onely  fires  we  might  perceive  made  alongst  the  shoare 
where  we  were  to  passe,  and  up  into  the  Countrey,  untill  the 
very  last  day.  In  the  evening  whereof,  about  three  of  the 
clocke  wee  heard  certaine  Savages  call  as  we  thought,  Manteo, 
who  was  also  at  that  time  with  me  in  the  boat,  whereof  we  all 
being  very  glad,  hoping  of  some  friendly  conference  with  them, 
and  making  him  to  answere  them,  they  presently  began  a 
song,  as  we  thought,  in  token  of  our  welcome  to  them:  but 
Manteo  presently  betooke  him  to  his  piece,  and  tolde  mee  that 
they  meant  to  fight  with  us : which  worde  was  not  so  soone 
spoken  by  him,  and  the  light  horseman 1 ready  to  put  to  shoare, 
but  there  lighted  a vollie  of  their  arrowes  amongst  them  in  the 
boat,  but  did  no  hurt  (God  be  thanked)  to  any  man.  Im- 
mediatly,  the  other  boate  lying  ready  with  their  shot  to 
skoure  the  place  for  our  hand  weapons  to  lande  upon,  which 
was  presently  done,  although  the  land  was  very  high  and 
steepe,  the  Savages  forthwith  quitted  the  shoare,  and  betooke 
themselves  to  flight : wee  landed,  and  having  faire  and  easily 
followed  for  a smal  time  after  them,  who  had  wooded  them- 
selves we  know  not  where : the  Sunne  drawing  then  towards 
the  setting,  and  being  then  assured  that  the  next  day  if  wee 
would  pursue  them,  though  we  might  happen  to  meete  with 
them,  yet  wee  should  be  assured  to  meete  with  none  of  their 
victuall,  which  we  then  had  good  cause  to  thinke  of : therefore 
choosing  for  the  company  a convenient  ground  in  safetie  to 
lodge  in  for  the  night,  making  a strong  Corps  of  guard,  and 
putting  out  good  Centinels,  I determined  the  next  morning 
before  the  rising  of  the  Sunne  to  be  going  back  againe,  if 
possibly  we  might  recover  the  mouth  of  the  river,  into  the 
broad  sound,  which  at  my  first  motion  I found  my  whole 
company  ready  to  assent  unto : for  they  were  nowe  come  to 
their  Dogges  porredge,  that  they  had  bespoken  for  themselves 
if  that  befell  them  which  did,  and  I before  did  mistrust  we 
should  hardly  escape.  The  ende  was,  we  came  the  next  day 
by  night  to  the  Rivers  mouth  within  foure  or  five  miles  of  the 


1 An  old  name  for  the  light  boat  since  called  a gig. 


1586] 


THE  ENGLISHMEN  LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA 


257 


same,  having  rowed  in  one  day  downe  the  current,  as  much 
as  in  foure  dayes  wee  had  done  against  the  same : we  lodged 
upon  an  Hand,  where  we  had  nothing  in  the  world  to  eate  but 
pottage  of  Sassafras  leaves,  the  like  whereof  for  a meate  was 
never  used  before  as  I thinke.  The  broad  sound  wee  had  to 
passe  the  next  day  all  fresh  and  fasting : that  day  the  winde 
blew  so  strongly  and  the  billow  so  great,  that  there  was  no 
possibilitie  of  passage  without  sinking  of  our  boates.  This  was 
upon  Easter  eve,  which  was  fasted  very  truely.  Upon  Easter 
day  in  the  morning  the  winde  comming  very  calme,  we  entred 
the  sound,  and  by  foure  of  the  clocke  we  were  at  Chipanum, 
whence  all  the  Savages  that  we  had  left  there  were  fled,  but 
their  weares  did  yeelde  us  some  fish,  as  God  was  pleased  not 
utterly  to  suffer  us  to  be  lost:  for  some  of  our  company  of 
the  light  horsemen  were  farre  spent.  The  next  morning  wee 
arrived  at  our  home  Roanoak. 

I have  set  downe  this  Voyage  somewhat  particularly,  to 
the  ende  it  may  appeare  unto  you,  (as  true  it  is)  that  there 
wanted  no  great  good  will  from  the  most  to  the  least  amongst 
us,  to  have  perfited  this  discoverie  of  the  Mine : for  that  the 
discovery  of  a good  Mine,  by  the  goodnesse  of  God,  or  a pas- 
sage to  the  South-sea,  or  some  way  to  it,  and  nothing  els  can 
bring  this  Countrey  in  request  to  be  inhabited  by  our  nation. 
And  with  the  discovery  of  either  of  the  two  above  shewed,  it 
will  bee  the  most  sweete  and  healthfullest  climate,  and  there- 
withall  the  most  fertile  soyle  (being  manured)  in  the  world: 
and  then  will  Sassafras,  and  many  other  rootes  and  gummes 
there  found  make  good  marchandise  and  lading  for  shipping, 
which  otherwise  of  themselves  will  not  be  worth  the  fetching. 

Provided  also,  that  there  be  found  out  a better  harborough 
then  yet  there  is,  which  must  be  to  the  Northward,  if  any  there 
bee,  which  was  mine  intention  to  have  spent  this  Summer  in 
the  search  of,  and  of  the  Mine  of  Chawnis  Temoatan : the  one 
I would  have  done,  if  the  barkes  that  I should  have  had  of 
Sir  Francis  Drake,  by  his  honourable  courtesie,  had  not  bene 
driven  away  by  storme : the  other  if  your  supply  of  more  men, 
and  some  other  necessaries  had  come  to  us  in  any  convenient 


258 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1586 


sufficiencie.  For  this  river  of  Moratico  promiseth  great  things, 
and  by  the  opinion  of  M.  Hariots 1 the  head  of  it  by  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  Countrey,  either  riseth  from  the  Bay  of  Mexico,  or 
els  from  very  neere  unto  the  same,  that  openeth  out  into  the 
South  sea. 

And  touching  the  Minerall,  thus  doeth  M.  Youghan  affirme, 
that  though  it  be  but  copper,  seeing  the  Savages  are  able  to 
melt  it,  it  is  one  of  the  richest  Minerals  in  the  world. 

Wherefore  a good  harborough  found  to  the  Northward,  as 
before  is  saide,  and  from  thence  foure  dayes  overland,  to  the 
River  of  Choanoak  sconses  being  raised,  from  whence  againe 
overland  through  the  province  of  Choanoak  one  dayes  voyage 
to  the  first  towne  of  the  Mangoaks  up  the  river  of  Moratico  by 
the  way,  as  also  upon  the  said  River  for  the  defence  of  our 
boats  like  sconses  being  set,  in  this  course  of  proceeding  you 
shall  cleare  your  selfe  from  al  those  dangers  and  broad  shallow 
sounds  before  mentioned,  and  gaine  within  foure  dayes  travell 
into  the  heart  of  the  maine  200.  miles  at  the  least,  and  so  passe 
your  discovery  into  that  most  notable  countrey,  and  to  the 
likeliest  parts  of  the  maine,  with  farre  greater  felicitie  then 
otherwise  can  bee  performed. 

Thus  Sir,  I have  though  simply,  yet  truely  set  downe  unto 
you,  what  my  labour  with  the  rest  of  the  gentlemen,  and  poore 
men  of  our  company  (not  without  both  paine  and  perill,  which 
the  Lord  in  his  mercy  many  wayes  delivered  us  from)  could 
yeeld  unto  you,  which  might  have  bene  performed  in  some 
more  perfection,  if  the  Lord  had  bene  pleased  that  onely  that 
which  you  had  provided  for  us  had  at  the  first  bene  left  with 
us,  or  that  hee  had  not  in  his  eternall  providence  now  at  the 


1 His  name  appears  in  the  list  of  colonists  as  “Master  Hariot.”  Thomas 
Harriot,  afterward  highly  distinguished  as  a mathematician  and  an  astrono- 
mer, published  in  1588  A brief e and  true  report  of  the  new  found  land  of  Vir- 
ginia: of  the  commodities  there  found  and  to  be  raysed,  as  well  marchantable  as 
others:  ...  by  Thomas  Hariot,  servant  to  the  above  named  Sir  Walter 
[Ralegh] , a member  of  the  Colony,  and  there  imployed  in  discouvering,  with  an 
introduction  by  Ralph  Lane.  This  was  reprinted  in  1600  in  Hakluyt’s  Voy- 
ages (see  last  edition,  VIII.  348-386),  and  separately  in  1869  and  in  1900, 
the  last  issue  being  edited  by  Henry  Stevens  of  Vermont. 


1586] 


THE  ENGLISHMEN  LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA 


259 


last  set  some  other  course  in  these  things,  than  the  wisedome 
of  man  coulde  looke  into,  which  truely  the  carying  away  by  a 
most  strange  and  unlooked  for  storme  of  all  our  provision,  with 
Barks,  Master,  Mariners,  and  sundry  also  of  mine  owne  com- 
pany, al  having  bene  so  courteously  supplied  by  the  generall 
Sir  Francis  Drake,  the  same  having  bene  most  sufficient  to 
have  performed  the  greatest  part  of  the  premisses,  must  ever 
make  me  to  thinke  the  hand  of  God  onely  (for  some  his  good 
purpose  to  my  selfe  yet  unknowen)  to  have  bene  in  the 
matter. 


The  second  part  touching  the  conspiracie  of  Pemisapan,  the 
discovery  of  the  same,  and  at  the  last,  of  our  re- 
quest to  depart  with  Sir  Francis  Drake  for  England. 

Ensenore  a Savage  father  to  Pemisapan  being  the  onely 
friend  to  our  nation  that  we  had  amongest  them,  and  about 
the  King,  died  the  20.  of  April  1586.  He  alone  had  before  op- 
posed himselfe  in  their  consultations  against  all  matters  pro- 
posed against  us,  which  both  the  King  and  all  the  rest  of  them 
after  Grangemoes  death,  were  very  willing  to  have  preferred. 
And  he  was  not  onely  by  the  meere  providence  of  God  during 
his  life,  a meane  to  save  us  from  hurt,  as  poysonings  and  such 
like,  but  also  to  doe  us  very  great  good,  and  singularly  in 
this. 

The  King  was  advised  and  of  himselfe  disposed,  as  a ready 
meane  to  have  assuredly  brought  us  to  mine  in  the  moneth  of 
March  1586.  himselfe  also  with  all  his  Savages  to  have  runne 
away  from  us,  and  to  have  left  his  ground  in  the  Hand  un- 
sowed: which  if  hee  had  done,  there  had  bene  no  possibilitie 
in  common  reason,  (but  by  the  immediate  hande  of  God)  that 
wee  coulde  have  bene  preserved  from  starving  out  of  hande. 
For  at  that  time  wee  had  no  weares  for  fish,  neither  coulde 
our  men  skill  of  the  making  of  them,  neither  had  wee  one 
graine  of  Corne  for  seede  to  put  into  the  ground. 

In  mine  absence  on  my  voyage  that  I had  made  against  the 


260 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1586 


Chaonists,  and  Mangoaks,  they  had  raised  a brute1  among  them- 
selves, that  I and  my  company  were  part  slaine,  and  part 
starved  by  the  Chaonists,  and  Mangoaks.  One  part  of  this 
tale  was  too  true,  that  I and  mine  were  like  to  be  starved,  but 
the  other  false. 

Neverthelesse  untill  my  returne  it  tooke  such  effect  in 
Pemisapans  breast,  and  in  those  against  us,  that  they  grew 
not  onely  into  contempt  of  us,  but  also  (contrary  to  their 
former  reverend  opinion  in  shew,  of  the  Almightie  God  of 
heaven,  and  Jesus  Christ  whom  wee  serve  and  worship,  whom 
before  they  would  acknowledge  and  confesse  the  onely  God) 
now  they  began  to  blaspheme,  and  flatly  to  say,  that  our  Lorde 
God  was  not  God,  since  hee  suffered  us  to  sustaine  much  hun- 
ger, and  also  to  be  killed  of  the  Renapoaks,  for  so  they  call  by 
that  generall  name  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  whole  maine,  of 
what  province  soever.  Insomuch  as  olde  Ensenore,  neither 
any  of  his  fellowes,  could  for  his  sake  have  no  more  credite  for 
us:  and  it  came  so  farre  that  the  king  was  resolved  to  have 
presently  gone  away  as  is  aforesaid. 

But  even  in  the  beginning  of  this  bruite  I returned,  which 
when  hee  sawe  contrary  to  his  expectation,  and  the  advertise- 
ment that  hee  had  received : that  not  onely  my  selfe,  and  my 
company  were  all  safe,  but  also  by  report  of  his  owne  3.  Sav- 
ages which  had  bene  with  mee  besides  Manteo  in  that  voyage, 
that  is  to  say  Tetepano,  his  sisters  husband  Eracano,  and 
Cossine,  that  the  Chanoists  and  Mangoaks  (whose  name  and 
multitude  besides  their  valour  is  terrible  to  all  the  rest  of  the 
provinces)  durst  not  for  the  most  part  of  them  abide  us,  and 
that  those  that  did  abide  us  were  killed,  and  that  we  had  taken 
Menatonon  prisoner,  and  brought  his  sonne  that  he  best  loved 
to  Roanoak  with  mee,  it  did  not  a little  asswage  all  devises 
against  us:  on  the  other  side,  it  made  Ensenores  opinions  to 
be  received  againe  with  greater  respects.  For  he  had  often 
before  tolde  them,  and  then  renewed  those  his  former  speeches, 
both  to  the  king  and  the  rest,  that  wee  were  the  servants  of 

1 Obsolete  for  “report.”  In  the  first  line  of  the  next  paragraph  but  one 
it  is  printed  “bruite.” 


1586] 


THE  ENGLISHMEN  LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA 


261 


God,  and  that  wee  were  not  subject  to  bee  destroyed  by  them : 
but  contrarywise,  that  they  amongst  them  that  sought  our  de- 
struction, shoulde  finde  their  owne,  and  not  bee  able  to  worke 
ours,  and  that  we  being  dead  men  were  able  to  doe  them  more 
hurt,  then  now  we  could  do  being  alive:  an  opinion  very 
confidently  at  this  day  holden  by  the  wisest  amongst  them, 
and  of  their  old  men,  as  also,  that  they  have  bene  in  the  night, 
being  100.  miles  from  any  of  us,  in  the  aire  shot  at,  and  stroken 
by  some  men  of  ours,  that  by  sicknesse  had  died  among  them : 
and  many  of  them  holde  opinion,  that  we  be  dead  men  returned 
into  the  world  againe,  and  that  wee  doe  not  remaine  dead  but 
for  a certaine  time,  and  that  then  we  returne  againe. 

All  these  speeches  then  againe  grewe  in  ful  credite  with 
them,  the  King,  and  all,  touching  us,  when  hee  sawe  the  small 
troupe  returned  againe,  and  in  that  sort  from  those  whose  very 
names  were  terrible  unto  them : But  that  which  made  up  the 
matter  on  our  side  for  that  time  was  an  accident,  yea  rather 
(as  all  the  rest  was)  the  good  providence  of  the  Almightie  for 
the  saving  of  us,  which  was  this. 

Within  certaine  dayes  after  my  returne  from  the  sayd 
journey,  Menatonon  sent  a messenger  to  visite  his  sonne  the 
prisoner  with  me,  and  sent  me  certaine  pearle  for  a present, 
or  rather,  as  Pemisapan  tolde  mee,  for  the  ransome  of  his  sonne, 
and  therefore  I refused  them:  but  the  greatest  cause  of  his 
sending  then,  was  to  signifie  unto  mee,  that  hee  had  com- 
maunded  Okisko  King  of  Weopomiok,  to  yeelde  himself e 
servant,  and  homager,  to  the  great  Weroanza  of  England,  and 
after  her  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh:  to  perfourme  which  com- 
mandement  received  from  Menatonon,  the  sayde  Okiosko 
joyntly  with  this  Menatonons  messenger  sent  foure  and  twentie 
of  his  principallest  men  to  Roanoak  to  Pemisapan,  to  signifie 
that  they  were  ready  to  perfourme  the  same,  and  so  had  sent 
those  his  men  to  let  mee  knowe  that  from  that  time  forwarde, 
hee,  and  his  successours  were  to  acknowledge  her  Majestie  their 
onely  Soveraigne,  and  next  unto  her,  as  is  aforesayd. 

All  which  being  done,  and  acknowledged  by  them  all,  in 
the  presence  of  Pemisapan  his  father,  and  all  his  Savages  in 


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counsell  then  with  him,  it  did  for  the  time  thorowly  (as  it 
seemed)  change  him  in  disposition  toward  us:  Insomuch  as 
forthwith  Ensenore  wanne  this  resolution  of  him,  that  out  of 
hand  he  should  goe  about,  and  withall,  to  cause  his  men  to  set 
up  weares  foorthwith  for  us:  both  which  he  at  that  present 
went  in  hande  withall,  and  did  so  labour  the  expedition  of  it, 
that  in  the  end  of  April  he  had  sowed  a good  quantitie  of 
ground,  so  much  as  had  bene  sufficient,  to  have  fed  our  whole 
company  (God  blessing  the  grouth)  and  that  by  the  belly,  for 
a whole  yere : besides  that  he  gave  us  a certaine  plot  of  ground 
for  our  selves  to  sowe.  All  which  put  us  in  marveilous  com- 
fort, if  we  could  passe  from  Aprill  untill  the  beginning  of  July, 
(which  was  to  have  bene  the  beginning  of  their  harvest,)  that 
then  a newe  supply  out  of  England  or  else  our  owne  store  would 
well  ynough  maintaine  us : All  our  feare  was  of  the  two  moneths 
betwixt,  in  which  meane  space  if  the  Savages  should  not  helpe 
us  with  Chassavi,  and  Chyna,  and  that  our  weares  should  faile 
us,  (as  often  they  did)  we  might  very  well  starve,  notwith- 
standing the  growing  corne,  like  the  starving  horse  in  the 
stable,  with  the  growing  grasse,  as  the  proverbe  is : which  wee 
very  hardly  had  escaped,  but  onely  by  the  hand  of  God,  as  it 
pleased  him  to  try  us.  For  within  few  dayes  after,  as  before 
is  saide,  Ensenore  our  friend  died,  who  was  no  sooner  dead, 
but  certaine  of  our  great  enemies  about  Pemisapan,  as  Osacan 
a Weroance,  Tanaquiny  and  Wanchese1  most  principally,  were 
in  hand  againe  to  put  their  old  practises  in  ure  against  us, 
which  were  readily  imbraced,  and  all  their  former  devises 
against  us,  reneued,  and  new  brought  in  question.  But  that 
of  starving  us,  by  their  forbearing  to  sow,  was  broken  by 
Ensenore  in  his  fife,  by  having  made  the  King  all  at  one  instant 
to  sow  his  ground,  not  onely  in  the  Hand,  but  also  at  Dasamon- 
quepeio  in  the  maine,  within  two  leagues  over  against  us.2 
Neverthelesse  there  wanted  no  store  of  mischievous  practises 
among  them,  and  of  all  they  resolved  principally  of  this  following. 

1 One  of  the  two  savages  taken  to  England  by  Amadas  and  Barlowe 
on  their  return  to  England  in  the  autumn  of  1584. 

2 Immediately  opposite  Roanoke  Island. 


1586] 


THE  ENGLISHMEN  LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA 


263 


First  that  Okisko  king  of  Weopomeiok  with  the  Mandoages 
should  bee  mooved,  and  with  great  quantitie  of  copper  inter- 
tained  to  the  number  of  7.  or  8.  hundreth  bowes,  to  enterprise 
the  matter  thus  to  be  ordered.  They  of  Weopomeiok  should 
be  invited  to  a certaine  kind  of  moneths  minde  which  they  doe 
use  to  solemnise  in  their  Savage  maner  for  any  great  personage 
dead,  and  should  have  bene  for  Ensenore.  At  this  instant  also 
should  the  Mandoaks,  who  were  a great  people,  with  the 
Chesepians  and  their  friends  to  the  number  of  700.  of  them, 
be  armed  at  a day  appointed  to  the  maine  of  Dasamonquepeio, 
and  there  lying  close  at  the  signe  of  fiers,  which  should  inter- 
changeably be  made  on  both  sides,  when  Pemisapan  with  his 
troupe  above  named  should  have  executed  me,  and  some  of 
our  Weroances  (as  they  called  all  our  principall  officers,)  the 
maine  forces  of  the  rest  should  have  come  over  into  the  Hand, 
where  they  ment  to  have  dispatched  the  rest  of  the  company, 
whom  they  did  imagine  to  finde  both  dismayed  and  dispersed 
abroad  in  the  Island,  seeking  of  crabs  and  fish  to  live  withall. 
The  maner  of  their  enterprise  was  this. 

Tarraquine  and  Andacon  two  principall  men  about  Pemisa- 
pan, and  very  lustie  fellowes,  with  twentie  more  appointed  to 
them  had  the  charge  of  my  person  to  see  an  order  taken  for  the 
same,  which  they  ment  should  in  this  sort  have  bene  executed. 
In  the  dead  time  of  the  night  they  would  have  beset  my  house, 
and  put  fire  in  'the  reedes  that  the  same  was  covered  with : 
meaning  (as  it  was  likely)  that  my  selfe  would  have  come 
running  out  of  a sudden  amazed  in  my  shirt  without  armes, 
upon  the  instant  whereof  they  would  have  knocked  out  my 
braines. 

The  same  order  was  given  to  certaine  of  his  fellowes,  for  M. 
Heriots : so  for  all  the  rest  of  our  better  sort,  all  our  houses  at 
one  instant  being  set  on  fire  as  afore  is  saide,  and  that  as  well 
for  them  of  the  fort,  as  for  us  at  the  towne.  Now  to  the  ende 
that  we  might  be  the  fewer  in  number  together,  and  so  bee 
the  more  easily  dealt  withall  (for  in  deed  tenne  of  us  with 
our  armes  prepared,  were  a terrour  to  a hundred  of  the  best 
sort  of  them,)  they  agreed  and  did  immediatly  put  it  in  prac- 


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[1586 


tise,  that  they  should  not  for  any  copper  sell  us  any  victuals 
whatsoever:  besides  that  in  the  night  they  should  sende  to 
have  our  weares  robbed,  and  also  to  cause  them  to  bee  broken, 
and  once  being  broken  never  to  bee  repaired  againe  by  them. 
By  this  meanes  the  King  stood  assured,  that  I must  bee  en- 
forced for  lacke  of  sustenance  there,  to  disband  my  company 
into  sundry  places  to  live  upon  shell  fish,  for  so  the  Savages 
themselves  doe,  going  to  Hatorask,  Croatoan,1  and  other 
places,  fishing  and  hunting,  while  their  grounds  be  in  sowing, 
and  their  corne  growing:  which  failed  not  his  expectation. 
For  the  famine  grew  so  extreeme  among  us,  our  weares  failing 
us  of  fish,  that  I was  enforced  to  sende  Captaine  Stafford  with 
20.  with  him  to  Croatoan  my  Lord  Admirals  Hand  to  serve  two 
turnes  in  one,  that  is  to  say,  to  feede  himselfe  and  his  company, 
and  also  to  keepe  watch  if  any  shipping  came  upon  the  coast 
to  warne  us  of  the  same.  I sent  M.  Pridiox  with  the  pinnesse 
to  Hatorask,  and  ten  with  him,  with  the  Provost  Marshal  to 
live  there,  and  also  to  wait  for  shipping:  also  I sent  every 
weeke  16.  or  20.  of  the  rest  of  the  company  to  the  maine  over 
against  us,  to  live  of  Casada  and  oysters. 

In  the  meane  while  Pemisapan  went  of  purpose  to  Dasa- 
monquepeio  for  three  causes : The  one  to  see  his  grounds  there 
broken  up,  and  sowed  for  a second  crop : the  other  to  with- 
drawe  himselfe  from  my  dayly  sending  to  him  for  supply  of 
victuall  for  my  company,  for  hee  was  afraid  to  deny  me  any 
thing,  neither  durst  hee  in  my  presence  but  by  colour  and  with 
excuses,  which  I was  content  to  accept  for  the  time,  meaning 
in  the  ende  as  I had  reason  to  give  him  the  jumpe  once  for  all : 
but  in  the  meane  whiles,  as  I had  ever  done  before,  I and  mine 
bare  all  wrongs,  and  accepted  of  all  excuses. 

My  purpose  was  to  have  relied  my  selfe  with  Menatonon, 
and  the  Chaonists,  who  in  trueth  as  they  are  more  valiant 
people  and  in  greater  number  then  the  rest,  so  are  they  more 

1 Doubtless  the  geography  of  these  sandy  islands  enclosing  Pamlico 
Sound  has  been  largely  altered  by  storms  since  Lane’s  day.  Judging  by 
White’s  chart,  Hatorask  indicates,  not  the  region  of  the  present  Cape  Hat- 
teras,  but  that  of  New  Inlet,  while  Croatoan  was  an  island  extending 
approximately  from  Cape  Hatteras  to  the  present  Hatteras  Inlet. 


1586] 


THE  ENGLISHMEN  LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA 


265 


faithfull  in  their  promises,  and  since  my  late  being  there  had 
given  many  tokens  of  earnest  desire  they  had  to  joyne  in  per- 
fect league  with  us,  and  therefore  were  greatly  offended  with 
Pemisapan  and  Weopomeiok  for  making  him  beleeve  such  tales 
of  us. 

The  third  cause  of  his  going  to  Dasamonquepeio  was  to 
dispatch  his  messengers  to  Weopomeiok,  and  to  the  Man- 
doages,  as  aforesaid:  all  which  he  did  with  great  imprest  of 
copper  in  hand,  making  large  promises  to  them  of  greater 
spoile. 

The  answere  within  few  dayes  after  came  from  Weopomeiok, 
which  was  devided  into  two  parts.  First  for  the  King  Okisko, 
who  denied  to  be  of  the  partie  for  himselfe,  or  any  of  his  es- 
peciall  followers,  and  therefore  did  immediatly  retire  himselfe 
with  his  force  into  the  maine:  the  other  was  concerning  the 
rest  of  the  province  who  accepted  of  it:  and  in  like  sort  the 
Mandoags  received  the  imprest. 

The  day  of  their  assembly  aforesaid  at  Roanoak  was  ap- 
pointed the  10.  of  June:  all  which  the  premises  were  dis- 
covered by  Skyco,  the  King  Menatonon  his  sonne  my  prisoner, 
who  having  once  attempted  to  run  away,  I laid  him  in  the 
bylboes,1  threatning  to  cut  off  his  head,  whom  I remitted  at 
Pemisapans  request : whereupon  hee  being  perswaded  that  hee 
was  our  enemie  to  the  death,  he  did  not  onely  feed  him  with 
himselfe,  but  also  made  him  acquainted  with  all  his  practises. 
On  the  other  side,  the  yong  man  finding  himselfe  as  well  used 
at  my  hande,  as  I had  meanes  to  shew,  and  that  all  my  com- 
pany made  much  of  him,  he  flatly  discovered  al  unto  me, 
which  also  afterwards  was  reveiled  unto  me  by  one  of  Pemisa- 
pans owne  men,  that  night  before  he  was  slaine. 

These  mischiefes  being  all  instantly  upon  me  and  my  com- 
pany to  be  put  in  execution,  it  stood  mee  in  hand  to  study 
how  to  prevent  them,  and  also  to  save  all  others,  which  were 
at  that  time  as  aforesaid  so  farre  from  me : whereupon  I sent 
to  Pemisapan  to  put  suspition  out  of  his  head,  that  I meant 

1 Fetters  for  confinement  of  offenders  on  shipboard,  and  also,  as  here, 
the  place  of  such  confinement. 


266 


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[1586 


presently  to  go  to  Croatoan,  for  that  I had  heard  of  the  arrivall 
of  our  fleete,  (though  I in  trueth  had  neither  heard  nor  hoped 
for  so  good  adventure,)  and  that  I meant  to  come  by  him,  to 
borrow  of  his  men  to  fish  for  my  company,  and  to  hunt  for  me 
at  Croatoan,  as  also  to  buy  some  foure  dayes  provision  to  serve 
for  my  voyage. 

He  sent  me  word  that  he  would  himselfe  come  over  to 
Roanoak,  but  from  day  to  day  he  deferred,  onely  to  bring  the 
Weopomeioks  with  him  and  the  Mandoags,  whose  time  ap- 
pointed was  within  eight  dayes  after.  It  was  the  last  of  May 
1586  when  all  his  owne  Savages  began  to  make  their  assembly 
at  Roanoak,  at  his  commandement  sent  abroad  unto  them, 
and  I resolved  not  to  stay  longer  upon  his  comming  over,  since 
he  meant  to  come  with  so  good  company,  but  thought  good  to 
go  and  visit  him  with  such  as  I had,  which  I resolved  to  do  the 
next  day : but  that  night  I meant  to  give  them  in  the  Hand  a 
camisado,1  and  at  the  instant  to  seize  upon  all  the  canoas 
about  the  Island,  to  keepe  him  from  advertisements. 

But  the  towne  tooke  the  alarme  before  I meant  it  to  them : 
the  occasion  was  this,  I had  sent  the  Master  of  the  light  horse- 
man, with  a few  with  him,  to  gather  up  all  the  canoas  in  the 
setting  of  the  Sun,  and  to  take  as  many  as  were  going  from  us 
to  Dasamonquepeio,  but  to  suffer  any  that  came  from  thence, 
to  land.  He  met  with  a Canoa,  going  from  the  shore,  and  over- 
threw the  Canoa,  and  cut  off  two  Savages  heads : this  was  not 
done  so  secretly  but  he  was  discovered  from  the  shore ; where- 
upon the  cry  arose:  for  in  trueth  they,  privy  to  their  owne 
villanous  purposes  against  us,  held  as  good  espial  upon  us, 
both  day  and  night,  as  we  did  upon  them. 

The  allarme  given,  they  tooke  themselves  to  their  bowes,  and 
we  to  our  armes : some  three  or  foure  of  them  at  the  first  were 
slaine  with  our  shot;  the  rest  fled  into  the  woods.  The  next 
morning  with  the  light  horsman  and  one  Canoa  taking  25 
with  the  Colonel  of  the  Chesepians,  and  the  Sergeant  major, 

1 Night  surprise.  The  origin  of  the  term  is  to  be  found  in  the  custom 
among  horsemen  of  wearing  white  shirts  over  the  armor,  so  as  to  recognize 
one  another  in  the  darkness. 


1586] 


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267 


I went  to  Dasamonquepeio  : and  being  landed,  sent  Pemisapan 
word  by  one  of  his  owne  Savages  that  met  me  at  the  shore, 
that  I was  going  to  Croatoan,  and  meant  to  take  him  in  the 
way  to  complaine  unto  him  of  Osocon,  who  the  night  past  was 
conveying  away  my  prisoner,  whom  I had  there  present  tied 
in  an  handlocke.  Heereupon  the  king  did  abide  my  comming 
to  him,  and  finding  myselfe  amidst  seven  or  eight  of  his 
principall  Weroances  and  followers,  (not  regarding  any  of  the 
common  sort)  I gave  the  watch-word  agreed  upon,  (which 
was,  Christ  our  victory)  and  immediatly  those  his  chiefe  men 
and  himselfe  had  by  the  mercy  of  God  for  our  deliverance,  that 
which  they  had  purposed  for  us.  The  king  himselfe  being  shot 
thorow  by  the  Colonell  with  a pistoll,  lying  on  the  ground  for 
dead,  and  I looking  as  watchfully  for  the  saving  of  Manteos 
friends,  as  others  were  busie  that  none  of  the  rest  should  escape, 
suddenly  he  started  up,  and  ran  away  as  though  he  had  not 
bene  touched,  insomuch  as  he  overran  all  the  company,  being 
by  the  way  shot  thwart  the  buttocks  by  mine  Irish  boy  with 
my  petronell.  In  the  end  an  Irish  man  serving  me,  one 
Nugent,  and  the  deputy  provost,  undertooke  him ; and  follow- 
ing him  in  the  woods,  overtooke  him:  and  I in  some  doubt 
least  we  had  lost  both  the  king  and  my  man  by  our  owne 
negligence  to  have  beene  intercepted  by  the  Savages,  wee  met 
him  returning  out  of  the  woods  with  Pemisapans  head  in  his 
hand. 

This  fell  out  the  first  of  June  1586,  and  the  eight  of  the 
same  came  advertisement  to  me  from  captaine  Stafford,  lying 
at  my  lord  Admirals  Island,  that  he  had  discovered  a great 
fleet  of  three  and  twentie  sailes : but  whether  they  were  friends 
or  foes,  he  could  not  yet  discerne.  He  advised  me  to  stand 
upon  as  good  guard  as  I could. 

The  ninth  of  the  sayd  moneth  he  himselfe  came  unto  me, 
having  that  night  before,  and  that  same  day  travelled  by  land 
twenty  miles : and  I must  truely  report  of  him  from  the  first 
to  the  last ; hee  was  the  gentleman  that  never  spared  labour  or 
perill  either  by  land  or  water,  faire  weather  or  foule,  to  performe 
any  service  committed  unto  him. 


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He  brought  me  a letter  from  the  Generali  Sir  Francis  Drake, 
with  a most  bountifull  and  honourable  offer  for  the  supply  of 
our  necessities  to  the  performance  of  the  action  wee  were  entred 
into ; and  that  not  only  of  victuals,  munition,  and  clothing,  but 
also  of  barks,  pinnesses,  and  boats;  they  also  by  him  to  be 
victualled,  manned  and  furnished  to  my  contentation. 

The  tenth  day  he  arrived  in  the  road  of  our  bad  harborow : 
and  comming  there  to  an  anker,  the  eleventh  day  I came  to 
him,  whom  I found  in  deeds  most  honourably  to  performe  that 
which  in  writing  and  message  he  had  most  curteously  offered, 
he  having  aforehand  propounded  the  matter  to  all  the  captaines 
of  his  fleet,  and  got  their  liking  and  consent  thereto. 

With  such  thanks  unto  him  and  his  captaines  for  his  care 
both  of  us  and  of  our  action,  not  as  the  matter  deserved,  but 
as  I could  both  for  my  company  and  myself e,  I (being  afore- 
hand prepared  what  I would  desire)  craved  at  his  hands  that 
it  would  please  him  to  take  with  him  into  England  a number  of 
weake  and  unfit  men  for  any  good  action,  which  I would 
deliver  to  him ; and  in  place  of  them  to  supply  me  of  his  com- 
pany with  oare-men,  artificers,  and  others. 

That  he  would  leave  us  so  much  shipping  and  victuall,  as 
about  August  then  next  following  would  cary  me  and  all  my 
company  into  England,  when  we  had  discovered  somewhat, 
that  for  lacke  of  needfull  provision  in  time  left  with  us  as  yet 
remained  undone. 

That  it  woulde  please  him  withall  to  leave  some  sufficient 
Masters  not  onely  to  cary  us  into  England,  when  time  should 
be,  but  also  to  search  the  coast  for  some  better  harborow,  if 
there  were  any,  and  especially  to  helpe  us  to  some  small  boats 
and  oare-men. 

Also  for  a supply  of  calievers,  hand  weapons,  match  and 
lead,  tooles,  apparell,  and  such  like. 

He  having  received  these  my  requests,  according  to  his 
usuall  commendable  maner  of  government  (as  it  was  told  me) 
calling  his  captaines  to  counsell;  the  resolution  was  that  I 
should  send  such  of  my  officers  of  my  company  as  I used  in 
such  matters,  with  their  notes,  to  goe  aboord  with  him ; which 


1686] 


THE  ENGLISHMEN  LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA 


269 


were  the  Master  of  the  victuals,  the  Keeper  of  the  store,  and 
the  Vicetreasurer:  to  whom  he  appointed  forthwith  for  me 
The  Francis,  being  a very  proper  barke  of  70  tun,  and  tooke 
present  order  for  bringing  of  victual  aboord  her  for  100  men 
for  foure  moneths,  with  all  my  other  demands  whatsoever,  to 
the  uttermost. 

And  further,  he  appointed  for  me  two  pinnesses,  and  foure 
small  boats:  and  that  which  was  to  performe  all  his  former 
liberality  towards  us,  was  that  he  had  gotten  the  full  assents 
of  two  of  as  sufficient  experimented  Masters  as  were  any  in  his 
fleet,  by  judgement  of  them  that  knew  them,  with  very  sufficient 
gingsUo  tary  with  me,  and  to  employ  themselves  most  earnestly 
in  the  action,  as  I should  appoint  them,  untill  the  terme  which 
I promised  of  our  returne  into  England  againe.  The  names  of 
one  of  those  Masters  was  Abraham  Kendall,  the  other  Griffith 
Herne. 

While  these  things  were  in  hand,  the  provision  aforesayd 
being  brought,  and  in  bringing  aboord,  my  sayd  Masters  being 
also  gone  aboord,  my  sayd  barks  having  accepted  of  their 
charge,  and  mine  owne  officers,  with  others  in  like  sort  of  my 
company  with  them  (all  which  was  dispatched  by  the  sayd 
Generali  the  12  of  the  sayde  moneth)  the  13  of  the  same  there 
arose  such  an  unwoonted  storme,  and  continued  foure  dayes, 
that  had  like  to  have  driven  all  on  shore,  if  the  Lord  had  not 
held  his  holy  hand  over  them,  and  the  Generali  very  providently 
foreseene  the  woorst  himselfe,  then  about  my  dispatch  putting 
himselfe  aboord : but  in  the  end  having  driven  sundry  of  the 
fleet  to  put  to  Sea  the  Francis  also  with  all  my  provisions,  my 
two  Masters,  and  my  company  aboord,  she  was  seene  to  be  free 
from  the  same,  and  to  put  cleere  to  Sea. 

This  storme  having  continued  from  the  13  to  the  16  of  the 
moneth,  and  thus  my  barke  put  away  as  aforesayd,  the  Generali 
comming  ashore  made  a new  proffer  unto  me;  which  was  a 
ship  of  170  tunne,  called  The  barke  Bonner,  with  a sufficient 
Master  and  guide  to  tary  with  me  the  time  appointed,  and 


1 Gangs. 


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[1580 


victualled  sufficiently  to  cary  me  and  my  company  into  Eng- 
land, with  all  provisions  as  before:  but  he  tolde  me  that  he 
would  not  for  any  thing  undertake  to  have  her  brought  into 
our  harbour,  and  therefore  he  was  to  leave  her  in  the  road,  and 
to  leave  the  care  of  the  rest  unto  my  selfe,  and  advised  me  to 
consider  with  my  company  of  our  case,  and  to  deliver  presently 
unto  him  in  writing  what  I would  require  him  to  doe  for  us; 
which  being  within  his  power,  he  did  assure  me  aswell  for 
his  Captaines  as  for  himselfe,  shoulde  be  most  willingly 
performed. 

Heereupon  calling  such  Captaines  and  gentlemen  of  my 
company  as  then  were  at  hand,  who  were  all  as  privy  as  my 
selfe  to  the  Generals  offer ; their  whole  request  was  to  me,  that 
considering  the  case  that  we  stood  in,  the  weaknesse  of  our  com- 
pany, the  small  number  of  the  same,  the  carying  away  of  our 
first  appointed  barke,  with  those  two  especiall  Masters,  with 
our  principall  provisions  in  the  same,  by  the  very  hand  of 
God  as  it  seemed,  stretched  out  to  take  us  from  thence ; con- 
sidering also,  that  his  second  offer,  though  most  honourable  of 
his  part,  yet  of  ours  not  to  be  taken,  insomuch  as  there  was  no 
possibility  for  her  with  any  safety  to  be  brought  into  the  har- 
bour : seeing  furthermore,  our  hope  for  supply  with  Sir  Richard 
Greenvill,  so  undoubtedly  promised  us  before  Easter,  not  yet 
come,  neither  then  likely  to  come  this  yeere,  considering  the 
doings  in  England  for  Flanders,  and  also  for  America,  that 
therefore  I would  resolve  my  selfe  with  my  company  to  goe 
into  England  in  that  fleet,  and  accordingly  to  make  request 
to  the  Generali  in  all  our  names,  that  he  would  be  pleased  to 
give  us  present  passage  with  him.  Which  request  of  ours  by 
my  selfe  delivered  unto  him,  hee  most  readily  assented  unto : 
and  so  he  sending  immediatly  his  pinnesses  unto  our  Island 
for  the  fetching  away  of  a few  that  there  were  left  with  our 
baggage,  the  weather  was  so  boisterous,  and  the  pinnesses  so 
often  on  ground,  that  the  most  of  all  we  had,  with  all  our 
Cards,  Books  and  writings  were  by  the  Sailers  cast  overboord, 
the  greater  number  of  the  fleet  being  much  agrieved  with  their 
long  and  dangerous  abode  in  that  miserable  road. 


1586] 


THE  ENGLISHMEN  LEFT  IN  VIRGINIA 


271 


From  whence  the  Generali  in  the  name  of  the  Almighty, 
weying  his  ankers  (having  bestowed  us  among  his  fleet)  for 
the  reliefe  of  whom  hee  had  in  that  storme  susteined  more 
perill  of  wracke  then  in  all  his  former  most  honourable  actions 
against  the  Spanyards,  with  praises  unto  God  for  all,  set  saile 
the  nineteenth  of  June  1586,  and  arrived  in  Portsmouth  the 
seven  and  twentieth  of  July  the  same  yeere. 


THE  THIRD  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA,  1586 


INTRODUCTION 


Lane,  in  returning  to  England  with  his  company  of  colo- 
nists, supposed  that  Ralegh  had  been  prevented  from  fulfilling 
his  promise  to  send  supplies  before  Easter  by  “the  doings  in 
England  for  Flanders,”  England  at  that  time  supporting  the 
Netherlands  in  their  conflict  with  Spain.  But  Ralegh,  though 
unable  to  send  supplies  as  early  as  he  had  promised,  had  not 
forgotten  Lane  and  his  associates.  Not  only  was  a vessel  de- 
spatched to  the  American  coast  with  supplies  for  the  colony, 
at  the  sole  charge  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  but  Sir  Richard 
Grenville,  with  three  ships,  a little  later,  made  a second  voy- 
age across  the  Atlantic,  in  the  interest  of  English  colonization 
in  the  New  World;  and  though  disappointed  in  not  finding 
the  colonists  whom  he  had  conveyed  to  Roanoke  Island  the 
year  before,  he  instituted  measures  for  maintaining  his  coun- 
try’s claim  to  the  possession  of  the  territory,  and  then  returned 
to  England.  The  following  brief  narrative  is  from  Hakluyt. 

H.  S.  B. 


275 


THE  THIRD  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA,  1586 


The  third  voyage  made  by  a ship  sent  in  the  yeere  1586,  to  the 
relief e of  the  Colony  planted  in  Virginia,  at  the  sole 
charges  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh. 

In  the  yeere  of  our  Lord  1586  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  at  his 
owne  charge  prepared  a ship  of  an  hundred  tunne,  fraighted 
with  all  maner  of  things  in  most  plentifull  maner,  for  the 
supply  and  reliefe  of  his  Colony  then  remaining  in  Virginia: 
but  before  they  set  saile  from  England  it  was  after  Easter,  so 
that  our  Colony  halfe  despaired  of  the  comming  of  any  supply : 
wherefore  every  man  prepared  for  himselfe,  determining  reso- 
lutely to  spend  the  residue  of  their  life  time  in  that  countrey. 
And  for  the  better  performance  of  this  their  determination, 
they  sowed,  planted,  and  set  such  things  as  were  necessary  for 
their  reliefe  in  so  plentifull  a maner  as  might  have  sufficed 
them  two  yeeres  without  any  further  labour.  Thus  trusting 
to  their  owne  harvest,  they  passed  the  Summer  till  the  tenth 
of  June : at  which  time  their  corne  which  they  had  sowed  was 
within  one  fortnight  of  reaping:  but  then  it  happened  that 
Sir  Francis  Drake  in  his  prosperous  returne  from  the  sacking 
of  Sant  Domingo,  Cartagena,  and  Saint  Augustine,  determined 
in  his  way  homeward  to  visit  his  countreymen  the  English 
Colony  then  remaining  in  Virginia.  So  passing  along  the 
coasts  of  Florida,  he  fell  with  the  parts  where  our  English 
Colony  inhabited : and  having  espied  some  of  that  company, 
there  he  ankered  and  went  aland,  where  hee  conferred  with 
them  of  their  state  and  welfare,  and  how  things  had  passed 
with  them.  They  answered  him  that  they  lived  all;  but 
hitherto  in  some  scarsity : and  as  yet  could  heare  of  no  supply 
out  of  England : therefore  they  requested  him  that  hee  would 
leave  with  them  some  two  or  three  ships,  that  if  in  some  reason- 

276 


1586] 


THE  VIRGINIAN  VOYAGE  OF  1586 


277 


able  time  they  heard  not  out  of  England,  they  might  then  re- 
turne  themselves.  Which  hee  agreed  to.  Whilest  some  were 
then  writing  their  letters  to  send  into  England,  and  some 
others  making  reports  of  the  accidents  of  their  travels  ech  to 
other,  some  on  land,  some  on  boord,  a great  storme  arose,  and 
drove  the  most  of  their  fleet  from  their  ankers  to  Sea,  in  which 
ships  at  that  instant  were  the  chief est  of  the  English  Colony : 
the  rest  on  land  perceiving  this,  hasted  to  those  three  sailes 
which  were  appointed  to  be  left  there;  and  for  feare  they 
should  be  left  behinde  they  left  all  things  confusedly,  as  if 
they  had  bene  chased  from  thence  by  a mighty  army : and  no 
doubt  so  they  were ; for  the  hand  of  God  came  upon  them  for 
the  cruelty  and  outrages  committed  by  some  of  them  against 
the  native  inhabitants  of  that  countrey.1 

Immediatly  after  the  departing  of  our  English  Colony  out 
of  this  paradise  of  the  world,  the  ship  abovementioned  sent 
and  set  forth  at  the  charges  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  and  his 
direction,  arrived  at  Hatorask ; 2 who  after  some  time  spent 
in  seeking  our  Colony  up  in  the  countrey,  and  not  finding  them, 
returned  with  all  the  aforesayd  provision  into  England. 

About  fourteene  or  fifteene  dayes  after  the  departure  of 
the  aforesayd  shippe,  Sir  Richard  Grinvile  Generali  of  Virginia, 
accompanied  with  three  shippes 3 well  appointed  for  the  same 
voyage,  arrived  there ; who  not  finding  the  aforesayd  shippe 
according  to  his  expectation,  nor  hearing  any  newes  of  our 
English  Colony  there  seated,  and  left  by  him  anno  1585,  him- 
selfe  travelling  up  into  divers  places  of  the  countrey,  aswell 
to  see  if  he  could  heare  any  newes  of  the  Colony  left  there  by 

1 See  the  different  account  given  above  by  one  of  the  colonists. 

2 See  p.  264,  note  1,  above. 

3 In  the  margin  the  statement  is  made,  “ Sir  Richard  Grinvils  third 
voyage.”  Grenville  aided  in  sending  out  Amadas  and  Barlowe  in  1584, 
but  he  did  not  accompany  the  expedition.  This  accordingly  was  his  second 
voyage,  not  the  third.  In  his  Sketches  of  the  Literary  History  of  Barn- 
staple, Chanter  has  this  item : “ April  16,  1586.  Sir  Richard  Greynville 
sailed  over  the  barr  at  Barnstaple  with  his  flee  boat  and  frigot ; but  for 
want  of  sufficient  water  on  the  barr,  being  neare  upon  neape,  he  left  his 
ship.  This  Sir  Richard  Greynville  intended  his  goinge  to  Wyngandecora 
where  he  was  last  year.” 


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[1586 


him  the  yeere  before,  under  the  charge  of  Master  Lane  his 
deputy,  as  also  to  discover  some  places  of  the  countrey;  but 
after  some  time  spent  therein,  not  hearing  any  newes  of  them, 
and  finding  the  places  which  they  inhabited  desolate,  yet  un- 
willing to  loose  the  possession  of  the  countrey  which  English- 
men had  so  long  held : after  good  deliberation,  hee  determined 
to  leave  some  men  behinde  to  reteine  possession  of  the  Coun- 
trey : whereupon  he  landed  fifteene  men  in  the  Isle  of  Roanoak, 
furnished  plentifully  with  all  maner  of  provision  for  two  yeeres, 
and  so  departed  for  England. 

Not  long  after  he  fell  with  the  Isles  of  A9ores,  on  some  of 
which  Islands  he  landed,  and  spoiled  the  townes  of  all  such 
thinges  as  were  woorth  cariage,  where  also  he  tooke  divers 
Spanyards.  With  these  and  many  other  exploits  done  him 
in  this  voyadge,  as  well  outward  as  homeward,  he  returned 
into  England. 


THE  FOURTH  VOYAGE  MADE  TO  VIR 
GINIA  IN  THE  YERE  1587,  BY  GOV 
ERNOR  JOHN  WHITE 


INTRODUCTION 


Sir  Walter  Ralegh  still  maintained  his  interest  in  his 
schemes  of  American  colonization,  notwithstanding  many  dis- 
couragements. By  an  indenture,  dated  January  7,  1587,  he 
granted  to  John  White  and  others  certain  privileges  for  plant- 
ing a colony  in  Virginia.  First  of  all,  White  was  to  bring  relief 
to  the  fifteen  men  left  at  Roanoke  Island  by  Grenville  the  year 
before,  and  then  he  was  to  seek  a new  location  for  his  colony 
on  the  shores  of  Chesapeake  Bay.  Of  the  thirty-two  incor- 
porators, nineteen  were  London  merchants,  of  whom  ten  later 
were  subscribers  to  the  Virginia  Company  which  settled  at 
Jamestown.  Stevens,  Bibliotheca  Historica,  1870,  p.  222,  iden- 
tifies John  White,  the  artist  of  the  expedition  of  1585,  with 
Governor  White  of  the  expedition  of  1587.  The  following 
journal  was  evidently  written  by  White.  The  arrangement 
under  month-headings  is  the  same  as  in  the  account  of  the 
fifth  voyage,  which  in  Hakluyt  follows  this  account  of  the 
fourth  voyage. 


H.  S.  B. 


THE  FOURTH  VOYAGE  MADE  TO  VIR- 
GINIA, IN  THE  YERE  1587,  BY  GOV- 
ERNOR JOHN  WHITE 

The  fourth  voyage  made  to  Virginia  with  three  ships,  in  the 

yere  1587.  Wherein  was  transported  the  second  Colonie. 

In  the  yeere  of  our  Lord  1587.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  intending 
to  persevere  in  the  planting  of  his  Countrey  of  Virginia,  pre- 
pared a newe  Colonie  of  one  hundred  and  fiftie  men  to  be  sent 
thither,  under  the  charge  of  John  White,  whom  hee  appointed 
Governour,  and  also  appointed  unto  him  twelve  Assistants, 
unto  whom  hee  gave  a Charter,  and  incorporated  them  by  the 
name  of  Governour  and  Assistants  of  the  Citie  of  Ralegh  in 
Virginia. 

April 

Our  Fleete  being  in  number  three  saile,  viz.  the  Admirall  a 
shippe  of  one  hundred  and  twentie  Tunnes,  a Flie-boate,  and  a 
Pinnesse,  departed  the  sixe  and  twentieth  of  April  from  Portes- 
mouth,  and  the  same  day  came  to  an  ancker  at  the  Cowes  in 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  where  wee  stayed  eight  dayes. 

May 

The  fift  of  May,  at  nine  of  the  clocke  at  night  we  came  to 
Plimmouth,  where  we  remained  the  space  of  two  dayes. 

The  8 we  weyed  anker  at  Plimmouth,  and  departed  thence 
for  Virginia. 

The  16  Simon  Ferdinando,1  Master  of  our  Admirall,  lewdly 

1 Simon  Ferdinando,  so  ill  spoken  of  throughout  this  narrative,  is  lauded 
by  Lane  in  one  of  his  letters  from  America.  Archaeologia  Americana,  IV.  11 

282 


1587] 


FOURTH  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA 


283 


forsooke  our  Fly-boate,  leaving  her  distressed  in  the  Bay  of 
Portugal. 


June 

The  19  we  fell  with  Dominica,1  and  the  same  evening  we 
sayled  betweene  it,  and  Guadalupe:  the  21  the  Fly-boat  also 
fell  'with  Dominica. 

The  22  we  came  to  an  anker  at  an  Island  called  Santa 
Cruz,2  where  all  the  planters  were  set  on  land,  staying  there 
till  the  25  of  the  same  moneth.  At  our  first  landing  on  this 
Island,  some  of  our  women,  and  men,  by  eating  a small  fruit 
like  greene  Apples,  were  fearefully  troubled  with  a sudden 
burning  in  their  mouthes,  and  swelling  of  their  tongues  so 
bigge,  that  some  of  them  could  not  speake.  Also  a child  by 
sucking  one  of  those  womens  breasts,  had  at  that  instant  his 
mouth  set  on  such  a burning,  that  it  was  strange  to  see  how 
the  infant  was  tormented  for  the  time : but  after  24  houres  it 
ware  away  of  it  selfe. 

Also  the  first  night  of  our  being  on  this  Island,  we  took  five 
great  Torteses,  some  of  them  of  such  bignes,  that  sixteene  of 
our  strongest  men  were  tired  with  carying  of  one  of  them  but 
from  the  sea  side  to  our  cabbins.  In  this  Island  we  found  no 
watring  place,  but  a standing  ponde,  the  water  whereof  was 
so  evill,  that  many  of  our  company  fell  sicke  with  drinking 
thereof : and  as  many  as  did  but  wash  their  faces  with  that 
water,  in  the  morning  before  the  Sunne  had  drawen  away  the 
corruption,  their  faces  did  so  burne  and  swell,  that  their 
eyes  were  shut  up,  and  could  not  see  in  five  or  sixe  dayes, 
or  longer. 

The  second  day  of  our  abode  there,  we  sent  forth  some  of 
our  men  to  search  the  Island  for  fresh  water,  three  one  way, 
and  two  another  way.  The  Governour  also,  with  sixe  others, 
went  up  to  the  top  of  an  high  hill,  to  viewe  the  Island,  but 
could  perceive  no  signe  of  any  men,  or  beastes,  nor  any  good- 

1 Twenty-nine  miles  south  of  Guadeloupe. 

2 St.  Croix,  a southerly  island  of  the  Virgin  group. 


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[1587 


nes,  but  Parots,  and  trees  of  Guiacum.1  Returning  backe  to 
our  cabbins  another  way,  he  found  in  the  discent  of  a hill, 
certaine  potsheards  of  savage  making,  made  of  the  earth  of 
that  Island:  whereupon  it  was  judged,  that  this  Island  was 
inhabited  with  Savages,  though  Fernando  had  told  us  for 
certaine  the  contrary.  The  same  day  at  night,  the  rest  of 
our  company  very  late  returned  to  the  Governour.  The  one 
company  affirmed,  that  they  had  seene  in  a valley  eleven 
Savages,  and  divers  houses  halfe  a mile  distant  from  the 
steepe,  or  toppe  of  the  hill  where  they  stayed.  The  other 
company  had  found  running  out  of  a high  rocke  a very  fayre 
spring  of  water,  whereof  they  brought  three  bottels  to  the 
company ; for  before  that  time,  wee  drank  the  stinking  water 
of  the  pond. 

The  same  second  day  at  night  Captaine  Stafford,  with  the 
Pinnesse,  departed  from  our  fleete,  riding  at  Santa  Cruz,  to  an 
Island,  called  Beake,2  lying  neere  S.  John,3  being  so  directed 
by  Ferdinando,  who  assured  him  he  should  there  find  great 
plenty  of  sheepe.  The  next  day  at  night,  our  planters  left 
Santa  Cruz,  and  came  all  aboord,  and  the  next  morning  after, 
being  the  25  of  June  we  weyed  anker,  and  departed  from 
Santa  Cruz. 

The  seven  and  twentieth  we  came  to  anker  at  Cottea,4  where 
we  found  the  Pinnesse  riding  at  our  comming. 

The  28  we  weyed  anker  at  Cottea,  and  presently  came  to 
anker  at  S.  Johns  in  Musketos  Bay,5  where  we  spent  three 
dayes  unprofitable  in  taking  in  fresh  water,  spending  in  the 
meane  time  more  beere  then  the  quantitie  of  the  water  came 
unto. 

1 Also  Guaiacum,  the  heart-wood  or  the  resin  of  the  Guaiacum  officinale 
or  lignum-vitae. 

2 Vieques,  a small  island  near  Porto  Rico,  now  belonging  to  the  United 
States. 

3 1.e.,  Porto  Rico  (San  Juan  de  Porto  Rico). 

4 In  the  narration  of  Sir  Richard  Grenville’s  voyage  of  1585,  Hakluyt, 
new  edition,  VIII.  311,  we  have  this  record  under  May  10,  “Wee  came  to  an 
anker  at  Cotesa,  a little  Hand  situate  neere  to  the  Hand  of  St.  John.” 

6 A marginal  note  says,  “Musketos  Bay  is  a harbour  upon  the  south 
side  of  S.  Johns  Island.” 


1587] 


FOURTH  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA 


285 


Julie 

The  first  day  we  weyed  anker  at  Musketoes  Bay,  where 
were  left  behind  two  Irish  men  of  our  company,  Darbie  Glaven, 
and  Denice  Carrell,  bearing  along  the  coast  of  S.  Johns  till 
evening,  at  which  time  wee  fell  with  Rosse  Bay.1  At  this 
place  Ferdinando  had  promised  wee  should  take  in  salte,  and 
had  caused  us  before,  to  make  and  provide  as  many  sackes  for 
that  purpose,  as  we  could.  The  Governour  also,  for  that  hee 
understood  there  was  a Towne  in  the  bottome  of  the  Bay,  not 
farre  from  the  salt  hils,  appointed  thirty  shot,  tenne  pikes, 
and  ten  targets,  to  man  the  Pinnesse,  and  to  goe  aland  for  salt. 
Ferdinando  perceiving  them  in  a readmes,  sent  to  the  Gov- 
ernour, using  great  perswasions  with  him,  not  to  take  in  salt 
there,  saying  that  hee  knew  not  well  whether  the  same  were 
the  place  or  not : also,  that  if  the  Pinnesse  went  into  the  Bay, 
she  could  not  without  great  danger  come  backe,  till  the  next 
day  at  night,  and  that  if  in  the  meane  time  any  storme  should 
rise,  the  Admiral!  were  in  danger  to  bee  cast  away.  Whilest 
he  was  thus  perswading,  he  caused  the  lead  to  be  cast,  and 
having  craftily  brought  the  shippe  in  three  fadome  and  a 
halfe  water,  he  suddenly  began  to  sweare,  and  teare  God  in 
pieces,  dissembling  great  danger,  crying  to  him  at  the  helme, 
beare  up  hard,  beare  up  hard : so  we  went  off,  and  were  dis- 
appointed of  our  salt,  by  his  meanes. 

The  next  day  sayling  along  the  west  end  of  S.  John,  the 
Governour  determined  to  go  aland  in  S.  Germans  2 Bay,  to 
gather  yong  plants  of  Orenges,  Pines,  Mameas,  and  Plantanos, 
to  set  at  Virginia,  which  we  knew  might  easily  be  had,  for 
that  they  grow  neere  the  shore,  and  the  places  where  they 
grew,  well  knowen  to  the  Governour,  and  some  of  the  planters : 
but  our  Simon  denied  it,  saying:  he  would  come  to  an  anker 

1 In  the  account  of  Sir  Richard  Grenville’s  voyage  of  1585,  Hakluyt,  VIII. 
312,  this  is  given  as  Roxo  Bay,  and  is  located  on  the  southwest  side  of  Porto 
Rico. 

2 Probably  the  present  port  of  Guayanilla,  where  the  original  town  of 
St.  Germans  was  built. 


286 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1687 


at  Hispaniola,  and  there  land  the  Governour,  and  some  other 
of  the  Assistants,  with  the  pinnesse,  to  see  if  he  could  speake 
with  his  friend  Alanson,  of  whom  he  hoped  to  be  furnished 
both  of  cattel,  and  all  such  things  as  we  would  have  taken  in 
at  S.  John:  but  he  meant  nothing  lesse,  as  it  plainely  did 
appeare  to  us  afterwards. 

The  next  day  after,  being  the  third  of  July,  we  saw  His- 
paniola, and  bare  with  the  coast  all  that  day,  looking  still 
when  the  pinnesse  should  be  prepared  to  goe  for  the  place 
where  Ferdinando  his  friend  Alanson  was:  but  that  day 
passed,  and  we  saw  no  preparation  for  landing  in 
Hispaniola. 

The  4.  of  July,  sayling  along  the  coast  of  Hispaniola,  untill 
the  next  day  at  noone,  and  no  preparation  yet  seene  for  the 
staying  there,  we  having  knowledge  that  we  were  past  the 
place  where  Alanson  dwelt,  and  were  come  with  Isabella:1 
hereupon  Ferdinando  was  asked  by  the  Governour,  whether 
he  meant  to  speake  with  Alanson,  for  the  taking  in  of  cattell, 
and  other  things,  according  to  his  promise,  or  not:  but  he 
answered  that  he  was  now  past  the  place,  and  that  Sir  Walter 
Ralegh  told  him,  the  French  Ambassador  certified  him,  that 
the  king  of  Spaine  had  sent  for  Alanson  into  Spaine : where- 
fore he  thought  him  dead,  and  that  it  was  to  no  purpose  to 
touch  there  in  any  place,  at  this  voyage. 

The  next  day  we  left  sight  of  Hispaniola,  and  haled  off 
for  Virginia,  about  foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  afternoone. 

The  sixt  day  of  July  we  came  to  the  Island  Caycos,2  wherein 
Ferdinando  sayd  were  two  salt  pondes,  assuring  us  if  they 
were  drie  we  might  find  salt  to  shift  with,  untill  the  next  sup- 
ply: but  it  prooved  as  true  as  finding  of  sheepe  at  Baque.3 
In  this  Island,  whilest  Ferdinando  solaced  himselfe  ashore, 
with  one  of  the  company,  in  part  of  the  Island,  others  spent 
the  latter  part  of  that  day  in  other  parts  of  the  Hand,  some  to 
seeke  the  salt  ponds,  some  fowling,  some  hunting  Swans, 
whereof  we  caught  many.  The  next  day  early  in  the  morning 

1 On  the  north  side  of  Hispaniola.  2 One  of  the  Turk’s  Island  group. 

3 Beake  above  (Vieques) . 


1587] 


FOURTH  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA 


287 


we  weyed  anker,  leaving  Caycos,  with  good  hope,  that  the  first 
land  that  we  saw  next  should  be  Virginia. 

About  the  16  of  July  we  fel  with  the  maine  of  Virginia, 
which  Simon  Ferdinando  tooke  to  be  the  Island  of  Croatoan, 
where  we  came  to  anker,  and  rode  there  two  or  three  dayes: 
but  finding  himselfe  deceived,  he  weyed,  and  bare  along  the 
coast,  where  in  the  night,  had  not  Captaine  Stafford  bene  more 
carefull  in  looking  out,  then  our  Simon  Ferdinando,  we  had 
bene  all  cast  away  upon  the  breach,  called  the  Cape  of  Feare,1 
for  we  were  come  within  two  cables  length  upon  it : such  was 
the  carelesnes,  and  ignorance  of  our  Master. 

The  two  and  twentieth  of  July  wee  arrived  safe  at  Hatorask, 
where  our  ship  and  pinnesse  ankered:  the  Governour  went 
aboord  the  pinnesse,  accompanied  with  fortie  of  his  best  men, 
intending  to  passe  up  to  Roanoak  foorthwith,  hoping  there  to 
finde  those  fifteene  Englishmen,  which  Sir  Richard  Grinvile 
had  left  there  the  yeere  before,  with  whom  he  meant  to  have 
conference,  concerning  the  state  of  the  Countrey,  and  Savages, 
meaning  after  he  had  so  done,  to  returne  againe  to  the  fleete, 
and  passe  along  the  coast,  to  the  Bay  of  Chesepiok  where  we 
intended  to  make  our  seate  and  forte,  according  to  the  charge 
given  us  among  other  directions  in  writing,  under  the  hande 
of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh:  but  assoone  as  we  were  put  with  our 
pinnesse  from  the  ship,  a Gentleman  by  the  meanes  of  Fer- 
dinando, who  was  appointed  to  returne  for  England,  called  to 
the  sailers  in  the  pinnesse,  charging  them  not  to  bring  any  of 
the  planters  backe  againe,  but  to  leave  them  in  the  Island, 
except  the  Governour,  and  two  or  three  such  as  he  approved, 
saying  that  the  Summer  was  farre  spent,  wherefore  hee  would 
land  all  the  planters  in  no  other  place.  Unto  this  were  all  the 
saylers,  both  in  the  pinnesse,  and  shippe,  perswaded  by  the 
Master,  wherefore  it  booted  not  the  Governour  to  contend  with 
them,  but  passed  to  Roanoak,  and  the  same  night  at  sunne- 

1 The  name  was  probably  given  by  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  whose  fleet 
narrowly  escaped  shipwreck  there  June  23,  1585.  The  record  in  the 
narrative  of  the  voyage  (Hakluyt,  VIII.  315)  says,  “The  23,  we  were  in 
great  danger  of  wracke  on  a breach  called  the  Cape  of  Feare.” 


288 


EAELY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1587 


set  went  aland  on  the  Island,  in  the  place  where  our  fifteene 
men  were  left,  but  we  found  none  of  them,  nor  any  signe  that 
they  had  bene  there,  saving  onely  wee  found  the  bones  of  one 
of  those  fifteene,  which  the  Savages  had  slaine  long  before. 

The  three  and  twentieth  of  July  the  Governour  with  divers 
of  his  company,  walked  to  the  North  ende  of  the  Island,  where 
Master  Ralfe  Lane  had  his  forte,  with  sundry  necessary  and 
decent  dwelling  houses,  made  by  his  men  about  it  the  yeere 
before,  where  wee  hoped  to  find  some  signes,  or  certaine  knowl- 
edge of  our  fifteene  men.  When  we  came  thither,  we  found 
the  fort  rased  downe,  but  all  the  houses  standing  unhurt, 
saving  that  the  neather  roomes  of  them,  and  also  of  the  forte, 
were  overgrowen  with  Melons  of  divers  sortes,  and  Deere  within 
them,  feeding  on  those  Melons:  so  wee  returned  to  our  com- 
pany, without  hope  of  ever  seeing  any  of  the  fifteene  men 
living.1 

The  same  day  order  was  given,  that  every  man  should  be 
employed  for  the  repayring  of  those  houses,  which  wee  found 
standing,  and  also  to  make  other  new  Cottages,  for  such  as 
should  neede. 

The  25  our  Flyboate  and  the  rest  of  our  planters  arrived  all 
safe  at  Hatoraske,  to  the  great  joy  and  comfort  of  the  whole 
company:  but  the  Master  of  our  Admirall  Ferdinando  grieved 
greatly  at  their  safe  comming : for  hee  purposely  left  them  in 
the  Bay  of  Portugal,  and  stole  away  from  them  in  the  night, 
hoping  that  the  Master  thereof,  whose  name  was  Edward 
Spicer,  for  that  he  never  had  bene  in  Virginia,  would  hardly 
finde  the  place,  or  els  being  left  in  so  dangerous  a place  as  that 
was,  by  meanes  of  so  many  men  of  warre,  as  at  that  time  were 
abroad,  they  should  surely  be  taken,  or  slaine:  but  God  dis- 
appointed his  wicked  pretenses. 

The  eight  and  twentieth,  George  Howe,  one  of  our  twelve 
Assistants  was  slaine  by  divers  Savages,  which  were  come  over 
to  Roanoak,  either  of  purpose  to  espie  our  company,  and  what 

1 On  the  remains  of  early  English  colonization  on  Roanoke  Island,  see 
the  paper  of  Dr.  Talcott  Williams  in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  American 
Historical  Association,  for  1895,  pp.  57-61, 


1587] 


FOURTH  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA 


289 


we  were,  or  else  to  hunt  Deere,  whereof  were  many  in  the 
Island.  These  Savages  being  secretly  hidden  among  high 
reedes,  where  oftentimes  they  find  the  Deere  asleep,  and  so 
kill  them,  espied  our  man  wading  in  the  water  alone,  almost 
naked,  without  any  weapon,  save  only  a smal  forked  sticke, 
catching  Crabs  therewithall,  and  also  being  strayed  two  miles 
from  his  company,  and  shot  at  him  in  the  water,  where  they 
gave  him  sixteen  wounds  with  their  arrowes:  and  after  they 
had  slaine  him  with  their  woodden  swords,  they  beat  his  head 
in  pieces,  and  fled  over  the  water  to  the  maine. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  July  Master  Stafford  and  twenty  of  our 
men  passed  by  water  to  the  Island  of  Croatoan,  with  Manteo, 
who  had  his  mother,  and  many  of  his  kindred  dwelling  in  that 
Island,  of  whom  wee  hoped  to  understand  some  newes  of  our 
fifteene  men,  but  especially  to  learne  the  disposition  of  the 
people  of  the  countrey  toward  us,  and  to  renew  our  old  friend- 
ship with  them.  At  our  first  landing  they  seemed  as  though 
they  would  fight  with  us:  but  perceiving  us  begin  to  march 
with  our  shot  towardes  them,  they  turned  their  backes,  and 
fled.  Then  Manteo  their  countrey  man  called  to  them  in  their 
owne  language,  whom,  assoone  as  they  heard,  they  returned, 
and  threwe  away  their  bowes  and  arrowes,  and  some  of  them 
came  unto  us,  embracing  and  entertaining  us  friendly,  desiring 
us  not  to  gather  or  spill  any  of  their  corne,  for  that  they  had 
but  little.  We  answered  them,  that  neither  their  corne,  nor 
any  other  thing  of  theirs,  should  be  diminished  by  any  of  us, 
and  that  our  comming  was  onely  to  renew  the  old  love,  that 
was  betweene  us  and  them  at  the  first,  and  to  live  with  them 
as  brethren  and  friends : which  answer  seemed  to  please  them 
well,  wherefore  they  requested  us  to  walke  up  to  their  Towme, 
who  there  feasted  us  after  their  maner,  and  desired  us  earnestly, 
that  there  might  bee  some  token  or  badge  given  them  of  us, 
whereby  we  might  know  them  to  be  our  friends,  when  we  met 
them  any  where  out  of  the  Towne  or  Island.  They  told  us 
further,  that  for  want  of  some  such  badge,  divers  of  them 
were  hurt  the  yeere  before,  being  found  out  of  the  Island  by 
Master  Lane  his  company,  whereof  they  shewed  us  one,  which 

U 


290 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1587 


at  that  very  instant  lay  lame,  and  had  lien  of  that  hurt  ever 
since : but  they  sayd,  they  knew  our  men  mistooke  them,  and 
hurt  them  instead  of  Winginos  men,  wherefore  they  held  us 
excused. 


August 

The  next  day  we  had  conference  further  with  them,  con- 
cerning the  people  of  Secotan,  Aquascogoc,1  and  Pomeiok, 
willing  them  of  Croatoan  to  certifie  the  people  of  those  townes, 
that  if  they  would  accept  our  friendship,  we  would  willingly 
receive  them  againe,  and  that  all  unfriendly  dealings  past  on 
both  parts,  should  be  utterly  forgiven  and  forgotten.  To  this 
the  chiefe  men  of  Croatoan  answered,  that  they  would  gladly 
doe  the  best  they  could,  and  within  seven  dayes,  bring  the 
Wiroances  and  chiefe  Governours  of  those  townes  with  them, 
to  our  Governour  at  Roanoak,  or  their  answere.  We  also 
understood  of  the  men  of  Croatoan,  that  our  man  Master  Howe 
was  slaine  by  the  remnant  of  Winginos  men  dwelling  then  at 
Dasamonguepeuk,  with  whom  Wanchese 2 kept  companie: 
and  also  we  understood  by  them  of  Croatoan,  how  that  the 
15  Englishmen  left  at  Roanoak  the  yeere  before,  by  Sir  Richard 
Grinvile,  were  suddenly  set  upon,  by  30  of  the  men  of  Secota, 
Aquascogoc,  and  Dasamonguepeuk  in  manner  following.  They 
conveyed  themselves  secretly  behind  the  trees,  neere  the 
houses  where  our  men  carelesly  lived:  and  having  perceived 
that  of  those  fifteene  they  could  see  but  eleven  onely,  two  of 
those  Savages  appeared  to  the  11  Englishmen  calling  to  them 
by  friendly  signes,  that  but  two  of  their  chiefest  men  should 
come  unarmed  to  speake  with  those  two  Savages,  who  seemed 
also  to  be  unarmed.  Wherefore  two  of  the  chiefest  of  our 
Englishmen  went  gladly  to  them:  but  whilest  one  of  those 
Savages  traiterously  imbraced  one  of  our  men,  the  other  with 

1 On  White’s  charts  this  is  set  on  the  northeast  side  of  the  Pungo  River, 
not  far  from  the  present  site  of  Scranton,  N.C. 

2 He  was  carried  to  England  with  Amadas  and  Barlowe,  but  had  shown 
only  bitter  hostility  to  the  English  since  his  return. 


1587] 


FOURTH  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA 


291 


his  sworde  of  wood,  which  he  had  secretly  hidden  under  his 
mantell,  strooke  him  on  the  heade  and  slew  him,  and  presently 
the  other  eight  and  twentie  Savages  shewed  them  selves : the 
other  Englishman  perceiving  this,  fled  to  his  company,  whom 
the  Savages  pursued  with  their  bowes,  and  arrowes,  so  fast, 
that  the  Englishmen  were  forced  to  take  the  house,  wherein 
all  their  victuall,  and  weapons  were : but  the  Savages  forth- 
with set  the  same  on  fire:  by  meanes  wherof  our  men  were 
forced  to  take  up  such  weapons  as  came  first  to  hand,  and 
without  order  to  runne  foorth  among  the  Savages,  with  whom 
they  skirmished  above  an  howre.  In  this  skirmish  another 
of  our  men  was  shotte  into  the  mouth  with  an  arrow,  where 
hee  died : and  also  one  of  the  Savages  was  shot  into  the  side 
by  one  of  our  men,  with  a wild  fire  arrow,  whereof  he  died 
presently.  The  place  where  they  fought  was  of  great  advan- 
tage to  the  Savages,  by  meanes  of  the  thicke  trees,  behinde 
which  the  Savages  through  their  nimblenes,  defended  them- 
selves, and  so  offended  our  men  with  their  arrowes,  that  our 
men  being  some  of  them  hurt,  retyred  fighting  to  the  water 
side,  where  their  boat  lay,  with  which  they  fled  towards  Hator- 
ask.  By  that  time  they  had  rowed  but  a quarter  of  a mile, 
they  espied  their  foure  fellowes  coming  from  a creeke  thereby, 
where  they  had  bene  to  fetch  Oysters : these  foure  they  received 
into  their  boate,  leaving  Roanoak,  and  landed  on  a little  Island 
on  the  right  hand  of  our  entrance  into  the  harbour  of  Hatorask, 
where  they  remayned  a while,  but  afterward  departed,  whither 
as  yet  we  know  not. 

Having  nowe  sufficiently  dispatched  our  businesse  at 
Croatoan,  the  same  day  we  departed  friendly,  taking  our  leave, 
and  came  aboord  the  fleete  at  Hatorask. 

The  eight  of  August,  the  Governour  having  long  expected 
the  comming  of  the  Wiroanses  of  Pomeiok,  Aquascogoc,  Secota, 
and  Dasamonguepeuk,  seeing  that  the  seven  dayes  were  past, 
within  which  they  promised  to  come  in,  or  to  send  their  an- 
sweres  by  the  men  of  Croatoan,  and  no  tidings  of  them  heard, 
being  certainly  also  informed  by  those  men  of  Croatoan,  that 
the  remnant  of  Wingina  his  men,  which  were  left  alive,  who 


292  EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES  [1587 

dwelt  at  Dasamonquepeuk,  were  they  which  had  slaine  George 
Howe,  and  were  also  at  the  driving  of  our  eleven  Englishmen 
from  Roanoak,  hee  thought  to  deferre  the  revenge  thereof  no 
longer.  Wherefore  the  same  night  about  midnight,  he  passed 
over  the  water,  accompanied  with  Captaine  Stafford,  and  24 
men,  wherof  Manteo  was  one,  whom  we  tooke  with  us  to  be 
our  guide  to  the  place  where  those  Savages  dwelt,  where  he 
behaved  himselfe  toward  us  as  a most  faithfull  Englishman. 

The  next  day,  being  the  9 of  August,  in  the  morning  so  early 
that  it  was  yet  darke,  we  landed  neere  the  dwelling  place  of 
our  enemies,  and  very  secretly  conveyed  our  selves  through 
the  woods,  to  that  side,  where  we  had  their  houses  betweene 
us  and  the  water:  and  having  espied  their  fire,  and  some 
sitting  about  it,  we  presently  set  on  them : the  miserable  soules 
herewith  amazed,  fled  into  a place  of  thicke  reedes,  growing 
fast  by,  where  our  men  perceiving  them,  shot  one  of  them 
through  the  bodie  with  a bullet,  and  therewith  we  entred 
the  reedes,  among  which  we  hoped  to  acquite  their  evill  doing 
towards  us,  but  we  were  deceived,  for  those  Savages  were  our 
friends,  and  were  come  from  Croatoan  to  gather  the  come  and 
fruit  of  that  place,  because  they  understood  our  enemies  were 
fled  immediatly  after  they  had  slaine  George  Howe,  and  for 
haste  had  left  all  their  corne,  Tobacco,  and  Pompions  standing 
in  such  sort,  that  al  had  bene  devoured  of  the  birds,  and  Deere, 
if  it  had  not  bene  gathered  in  time : but  they  had  like  to  have 
payd  deerely  for  it : for  it  was  so  darke,  that  they  being  naked, 
and  their  men  and  women  apparelled  all  so  like  others,  wee 
knew  not  but  that  they  were  al  men : and  if  that  one  of  them 
which  was  a Wiroances  wife  had  not  had  a child  at  her  backe, 
shee  had  bene  slaine  in  stead  of  a man,  and  as  hap  was,  an- 
other Savage  knew  master  Stafford,  and  ran  to  him,  calling 
him  by  his  name,  whereby  hee  was  saved.  Finding  our  selves 
thus  disappointed  of  our  purpose,  we  gathered  al  the  corne, 
Pease,  Pompions,  and  Tabacco  that  we  found  ripe,  leaving 
the  rest  unspoyled,  and  tooke  Menatoan  his  wife,  with  the 
yong  child,  and  the  other  Savages  with  us  over  the  water  to 
Roanoak.  Although  the  mistaking  of  these  Savages  somewhat 


1587] 


FOURTH  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA 


293 


grieved  Manteo,  yet  he  imputed  their  harme  to  their  owne  folly, 
saying  to  them,  that  if  their  Wiroances  had  kept  their  promise 
in  comming  to  the  Governour  at  the  day  appointed,  they  had 
not  knowen  that  mischance. 

The  13  of  August  our  Savage  Manteo,  by  the  commande- 
ment  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  was  christened  in  Roanoak,  and 
called  Lord  thereof,  and  of  Dasamonguepeuk,  in  reward  of  his 
faithfull  services. 

The  18  Elenor,  daughter  to  the  Governour,  and  wife  to 
Ananias  Dare  one  of  the  Assistants,  was  delivered  of  a daugh- 
ter in  Roanoak,  and  the  same  was  christened  there  the  Sonday 
following,  and  because  this  child  was  the  first  Christian  borne 
in  Virginia,  shee  was  named  Virginia.1  By  this  time  our  ships 
had  unladen  the  goods  and  victuals  of  the  planters,  and  began 
to  take  in  wood,  and  fresh  water,  and  to  new  calke  and  trim  me 
them  for  England : the  planters  also  prepared  their  letters  and 
tokens  to  send  backe  into  England. 

Our  two  ships,  the  Lion  and  the  Flyboat  almost  ready  to 
depart,  the  21  of  August,  there  arose  such  a tempest  at  North- 
east, that  our  Admirall  then  riding  out  of  the  harbour,  was 
forced  to  cut  his  cables,  and  put  to  sea,  where  he  lay  beating 
off  and  on  sixe  dayes  before  he  could  come  to  us  againe,  so 
that  we  feared  he  had  bene  cast  away,  and  the  rather  for  that 
at  the  time  that  the  storme  tooke  them,  the  most  and  best  of 
their  sailers  were  left  aland. 

At  this  time  some  controversies  arose  betweene  the  Gov- 
ernour and  Assistants,  about  choosing  two  out  of  the  twelve 
Assistants,  which  should  goe  backe  as  factors  for  the  company 
into  England : for  every  one  of  them  refused,  save  onely  one, 
which  all  other  thought  not  sufficient : but  at  length  by  much 
perswading  of  the  Governour,  Christopher  Cooper  only  agreed 
to  goe  for  England : but  the  next  day,  through  the  perswasion 
of  divers  of  his  familiar  friends,  hee  changed  his  minde,  so  that 
now  the  matter  stood  as  at  the  first. 

1 Her  mother  was  a daughter  of  Governor  John  White.  In  the  list  of 
the  colonists  printed  in  Hakluyt  the  name  of  Ananias  Dare  is  the  second 
after  that  of  John  White. 


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The  next  day,  the  22  of  August,  the  whole  company  both  of 
the  Assistants  and  planters  came  to  the  Governour,  and  with 
one  voice  requested  him  to  returne  himselfe  into  England,  for 
the  better  and  sooner  obtaining  of  supplies,  and  other  neces- 
saries for  them : but  he  refused  it,  and  alleaged  many  sufficient 
causes,  why  he  would  not:  the  one  was,  that  he  could  not  so 
suddenly  returne  backe  againe  without  his  great  discredite, 
leaving  the  action,  and  so  many  whome  hee  partly  had  pro- 
cured through  his  perswasions,  to  leave  their  native  countrcy, 
and  undertake  that  voyage,  and  that  some  enemies  to  him  and 
the  action  at  his  returne  into  England  would  not  spare  to 
slander  falsly  both  him  and  the  action,  by  saying,  hee  went 
to  Virginia,  but  politikely,  and  to  no  other  end  but  to  leade 
so  many  into  a countrey,  in  which  hee  never  meant  to  stay 
himselfe,  and  there  to  leave  them  behind  him.  Also  he 
alleaged,  that  seeing  they  intended  to  remove  50  miles  further 
up  into  the  maine  presently,  he  being  then  absent,  his  stuffe 
and  goods  might  be  both  spoiled,  and  most  of  them  pilfered 
away  in  the  cariage,  so  that  at  his  returne  he  should  be  either 
forced  to  provide  himselfe  of  all  suche  things  againe,  or  else 
at  his  comming  againe  to  Virginia  find  himselfe  utterly  un- 
furnished, whereof  already  he  had  found  some  proofe,  being 
but  once  from  them  but  three  dayes.  Wherefore  he  con- 
cluded that  he  would  not  goe  himselfe. 

The  next  day,  not  onely  the  Assistants  but  divers  others, 
as  well  women  as  men,  began  to  renew  their  requests  to  the 
Governour  againe,  to  take  upon  him  to  returne  into  England 
for  the  supply,  and  dispatch  of  all  such  things  as  there  were 
to  be  done,  promising  to  make  him  their  bond  under  all  their 
handes  and  seales  for  the  safe  preserving  of  all  his  goods  for 
him  at  his  returne  to  Virginia,  so  that  if  any  part  thereof  was 
spoyled  or  lost,  they  would  see  it  restored  to  him,  or  his 
Assignes,  whensoever  the  same  should  be  missed  and  de- 
manded : which  bond,  with  a testimony  under  their  hands  and 
seales,  they  foorthwith  made,  and  delivered  into  his  hands. 
The  copie  of  the  testimony  I thought  good  to  set  downe. 

“May  it  please  you,  her  Majesties  subjects  of  England,  we 


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FOURTH  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA 


295 


your  friends  and  countrey-men,  the  planters  in  Virginia,  doe 
by  these  presents  let  you  and  every  of  you  to  understand,  that 
for  the  present  and  speedy  supply  of  certaine  our  knowen  and 
apparent  lackes  and  needes,  most  requisite  and  necessary  for 
the  good  and  happy  planting  of  us,  or  any  other  in  this  land 
of  Virginia,  wee  all  of  one  minde  and  consent,  have  most 
earnestly  intreated,  and  uncessantly  requested  John  White, 
Governour  of  the  planters  in  Virginia,  to  passe  into  England, 
for  the  better  and  more  assured  help,  and  setting  forward  of 
the  foresayd  supplies:  and  knowing  assuredly  that  he  both 
can  best,  and  wil  labour  and  take  paines  in  that  behalfe  for 
us  all,  and  he  not  once,  but  often  refusing  it,  for  our  sakes, 
and  for  the  honour  and  maintenance  of  the  action,  hath  at 
last,  though  much  against  his  will,  through  our  importunacie, 
yeelded  to  leave  his  governement,  and  all  his  goods  among  us, 
and  himselfe  in  all  our  behalf es  to  passe  into  England,  of  whose 
knowledge  and  fidelitie  in  handling  this  matter,  as  all  others, 
we  doe  assure  ourselves  by  these  presents,  and  will  you  to  give 
all  credite  thereunto,  the  25  of  August  1587.” 

The  Governour  being  at  the  last  through  their  extreame 
intreating  constrayned  to  returne  into  England,  having  then 
but  halfe  a dayes  respite  to  prepare  himselfe  for  the  same, 
departed  from  Roanoak  the  seven  and  twentieth  of  August 
in  the  morning  and  the  same  day  about  midnight,  came  aboord 
the  Flieboat,  who  already  had  weyed  anker,  and  rode  without 
the  barre,  the  Admirall  riding  by  them,  who  but  the  same 
morning  was  newly  come  thither  againe.  The  same  day  both 
the  ships  weyed  anker,  and  set  saile  for  England : at  this  wey- 
ing  their  ankers,  twelve  of  the  men  which  were  in  the  Flyboate 
were  throwen  from  the  Capstone,  which  by  meanes  of  a barre 
[that]  brake,  came  so  fast  about  them,  that  the  other  two  barres 
thereof  strooke  and  hurt  most  of  them  so  sore,  that  some  of 
them  never  recovered  it ; neverthelesse  they  assayed  presently 
againe  to  wey  their  anker,  but  being  so  weakened  with  the 
first  fling,  they  were  not  able  to  weye  it,  but  were  throwen 
downe  and  hurt  the  second  time.  Wherefore  having  in  all  but 
fifteene  men  aboord,  and  most  of  them  by  this  unfortunate 


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[1687 


beginning  so  bruised,  and  hurt,  they  were  forced  to  cut  their 
Cable,  and  leese  their  anker.  Neverthelesse,  they  kept  com- 
pany with  the  Admirall,  untill  the  seventeenth  of  September, 
at  which  time  wee  fell  with  Corvo,  and  sawe  Flores. 


September 

The  eighteenth,  perceiving  that  of  all  our  fifteene  men  in 
the  Flyboat  there  remained  but  five,  which  by  meanes  of  the 
former  mischance,  were  able  to  stand  to  their  labour:  and 
that  the  Admirall  meant  not  to  make  any  haste  for  England 
but  to  linger  about  the  Island  of  Tercera  1 for  purchase : the 
Flyboate  departed  for  England  with  letters,  where  we  hoped 
by  the  helpe  of  God  to  arrive  shortly:  but  by  that  time  we 
had  continued  our  course  homeward  about  twentie  dayes, 
having  had  sometimes  scarse  and  variable  windes,  our  fresh 
water  also  by  leaking  almost  consumed,  there  arose  a storme 
at  Northeast,  which  for  sixe  dayes  ceased  not  to  blowe  so 
exceeding,  that  we  were  driven  further  in  those  sixe  then  we 
could  recover  in  thirteene  daies:  in  which  time  others  of  our 
saylers  began  to  fall  very  sicke  and  two  of  them  dyed,  the 
weather  also  continued  so  close,  that  our  Master  sometimes  in 
foure  dayes  together  could  see  neither  sunne  nor  starre,  and 
all  the  beverage  we  could  make,  with  stinking  water,  dregs  of 
beere,  and  lees  of  wine  which  remayned,  was  but  three  gallons, 
and  therefore  nowe  we  expected  nothing  but  famine  to  perish 
at  Sea. 


October 

The  16  of  October  we  made  land,  but  we  knewe  not  what 
land  it  was,  bearing  in  with  the  same  land  at  that  day : about 
sunne  set  we  put  into  a harbour,  where  we  found  a Hulke  of 
Dublin,  and  a pinnesse  of  Hampton  riding,  but  we  knew  not 
as  yet  what  place  this  was,  neither  had  we  any  boate  to  goe 

1 Now  Tereeira,  one  of  the  Azores  group. 


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FOURTH  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA 


297 


ashore,  untill  the  pinnesse  sent  off  their  boate  to  us  with  6 or 
8 men,  of  whom  wee  understood  wee  were  in  Smerwick  in  the 
West  parts  of  Ireland:  they  also  releeved  us  presently  with 
fresh  water,  wine  and  other  fresh  meate. 

The  18  the  Governour  and  the  Master  ryd  to  Dingen  a 
Cushe,1  5 miles  distant,  to  take  order  for  the  new  victualing 
of  our  Flieboat  for  England,  and  for  reliefe  of  our  sicke  and 
hurt  men,  but  within  foure  daies  after  the  Boatswain,  the 
Steward,  and  the  Boatswains  mate  died  aboord  the  Flieboat, 
and  the  28  the  Masters  mate  and  two  of  our  chiefe  sailers  were 
brought  sicke  to  Dingen. 


November 

The  first  the  Governour  shipped  himselfe  in  a ship  called  the 
Monkie,  which  at  that  time  was  ready  to  put  to  sea  from 
Dingen  for  England,  leaving  the  Flyboat  and  all  his  companie 
in  Ireland.  The  same  day  we  set  sayle,  and  on  the  third  day 
we  fell  with  the  North  side  of  the  lands  end,  and  were  shut  up 
the  Severne,  but  the  next  day  we  doubled  the  same  for  Mounts 
Bay.2 

The  5 the  Governour  landed  in  England  at  Martasew,3 
neere  Saint  Michaels  mount  in  Cornewall. 

The  8 we  arrived  at  Hampton,4  where  we  understood  that 
our  consort  the  Admiral  was  come  to  Portsmouth,  and  had 
bene  there  three  weekes  before : and  also  that  Ferdinando  the 
Master  with  all  his  company  were  not  onely  come  home  with- 
out purchase,  but  also  in  such  weaknesse  by  sicknesse,  and 
death  of  their  chiefest  men,  that  they  were  scarse  able  to  bring 
their  ship  into  harbour,  but  were  forced  to  let  fall  anker  with- 
out, which  they  could  not  wey  againe,  but  might  all  have 
perished  there,  if  a small  barke  by  a great  hap  had  not  come 

1 Now  Dingle,  County  Kerry,  on  the  southwestern  coast  of  Ireland. 

2 The  large  bay  between  Land’s  End  and  the  Lizard,  on  the  southern 
coast  of  England. 

3 A hamlet  on  Mounts  Bay. 

4 Southampton,  still  a principal  port  of  departure  for  England’s  foreign 
trade. 


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[1687 


to  them  to  helpe  them.  The  names  of  the  chiefe  men  that 
died  are  these,  Roger  Large,  John  Mathew,  Thomas  Smith, 
and  some  other  saylers,  whose  names  I knew  not  at  the  writing 
hereof.  An.  Dom.  1587. 


The  names  of  all  the  men,  women  and  children,  which  safely 
arrived  in  Virginia,  and  remained  to  inhabite  there. 
1587.  Anno  regni  Regina  Elizabethce.  29 


John  White. 
Ananias  Dare. 
Thomas  Stevens. 
Dyonis  Harvie. 
George  How. 
Nicholas  Johnson. 
Anthony  Cage. 
William  Willes. 
Cutbert  White. 
Clement  Tayler. 
John  Cotsmur. 
Thomas  Colman. 
Marke  Bennet. 
John  Stilman. 
John  Tydway. 
Edmond  English. 
Henry  Berry. 

John  Spendlove. 
Thomas  Butler. 
John  Burden. 
Thomas  Ellis. 
Michael  Myllet. 
Richard  Kemme. 
Richard  Taverner. 
Henry  Johnson. 
Richard  Darige. 
Arnold  Archard. 


Roger  Baily. 
Christopher  Cooper. 
John  Sampson. 
Roger  Prat. 

Simon  Fernando. 
Thomas  Warner. 
John  Jones. 

John  Brooke. 

John  Bright. 
William  Sole. 
Humfrey  Newton. 
Thomas  Gramme. 
John  Gibbes. 
Robert  Wilkinson. 
Ambrose  Viccars. 
Thomas  Topan. 
Richard  Berry. 
John  Hemmington. 
Edward  Powell. 
James  Hynde. 
William  Browne. 
Thomas  Smith. 
Thomas  Harris. 
John  Earnest. 

John  Starte. 
William  Lucas. 
John  Wright. 


1587] 


FOURTH  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA 


299 


William  Dutton. 

Mauris  Allen. 

William  Waters. 

Richard  Arthur. 

John  Chapman. 

William  Clement. 

Robert  Little. 

Hugh  Taylor. 

Richard  Wildye. 

Lewes  Wotton. 

Michael  Bishop. 

Henry  Browne. 

Henry  Rufoote. 

Richard  Tomkins. 

Henry  Dorrell. 

Charles  Florrie. 

Henry  Mylton. 

Henry  Paine. 

Thomas  Harris. 

William  Nichols. 

Thomas  Phevens. 

John  Borden. 

Thomas  Scot. 

Peter  Little. 

John  Wyles. 

Brian  Wyles. 

George  Martyn. 

Hugh  Pattenson. 

Martin  Sutton. 

John  Farre. 

John  Bridger. 

Griff en  Jones. 

Richard  Shabedge. 

James  Lasie. 

John  Cheven. 

Thomas  Hewet. 

William  Berde. 

Women 

Elyoner  Dare. 

Margery  Harvie. 

Agnes  Wood. 

Wenefrid  Powell. 

Joyce  Archard. 

Jane  Jones. 

Elizabeth  Glane. 

Jane  Pierce. 

Audry  Tappan. 

Alis  Chapman. 

Emme  Merrimoth. 

Colman. 

Margaret  Lawrence. 

Joan  Warren. 

Jane  Mannering. 
Elizabeth  Viccars. 

Rose  Payne. 

Boyes  and  children 

John  Sampson.  Robert  Ellis. 

Ambrose  Viccars.  Thomas  Archard. 

Thomas  Humfrey.  Thomas  Smart. 

George  How.  John  Prat, 

William  Wythers, 


300 


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[1687 


Children  borne  in  Virginia 
Virginia  Dare.  Harvie. 

Savages  that  were  in  England  and  returned  home  into  Virginia 

with  them 

Manteo.  Towaye. 


THE  FIFTH  VOYAGE  OF  M.  JOHN  WHITE 

1590 


INTRODUCTION 


In  the  spring  of  1588  all  England  was  busy  with  prepara- 
tions for  meeting  the  Spanish  Armada.  It  was  not  a time 
for  New  World  enterprises.  So  great,  however,  was  Ralegh’s 
interest  in  the  colonists  left  by  White  at  Roanoke  Island,  that 
he  succeeded  in  getting  ready  a small  relief  fleet,  which  was 
placed  under  the  charge  of  Sir  Richard  Grenville;  but  before 
the  vessels  were  ready  to  sail  they  were  impressed  by  the 
government.  Strenuous  effort  on  Ralegh’s  part,  however, 
was  successful  in  securing  at  length  two  small  vessels,  and 
these  sailed  from  England  April  22,  under  the  command  of 
Governor  White ; but  in  an  encounter  with  Spanish  ships  not 
long  after,  they  were  so  severely  handled  that  they  were 
obliged  to  return.  In  the  following  year,  Ralegh  made  an- 
other attempt  to  send  relief  to  the  Roanoke  Island  colonists 
and  failed.  In  1590  three  vessels  of  a London  merchant, 
John  Wattes,  ready  for  a voyage  to  the  West  Indies,  were  held 
in  port  by  an  order  prohibiting  any  vessel  from  leaving  England. 
White,  through  Ralegh,  obtained  the  release  of  the  vessels, 
provided  they  would  take  him  and  some  others,  with  supplies, 
to  Virginia.  When,  however,  the  vessels  sailed,  the  owners 
restricted  passage  to  White ; and  before  he  could  have  his 
agreement  with  the  owners  enforced,  the  vessels  put  to  sea, 
White  being  the  only  passenger  for  Virginia.  The  following 
narration  records  White’s  failure  to  find  the  colonists  he  left 
at  Roanoke  Island.  All  that  he  could  learn  concerning  them 
was  that  the  supply  vessels  failing  to  arrive,  they  at  length 
removed  to  Croatoan.  This  was  White’s  last  voyage  to  the 
American  coast.  After  his  return  to  England,  discouraged 
by  the  failure  of  the  efforts  already  made,  White  seems  to  have 


304 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


abandoned  hope.  Ralegh,  however,  continued  to  send  out 
vessels  in  search  of  the  lost  colonists.  Nothing  was  learned 
concerning  their  fate,  however,  until  after  the  settlement  of 
the  colony  at  Jamestown,  when,  according  to  Strachey,  it  was 
reported  by  the  Indians  that  nearly  all  the  Roanoke  Island 
colonists  were  massacred  by  order  of  Powhatan  only  a little 
while  before  the  Jamestown  colonists  arrived. 

H.  S.  B. 


THE  FIFTH  VOYAGE  OF  M.  JOHN 
WHITE,  1590 


To  the  Worshipful  and  my  very  friend  Master  Richard  Hakluyt , 
much  happinesse  in  the  Lord. 

Sir,  as  well  for  the  satisfying  of  yonr  earnest  request,  as  the 
performance  of  my  promise  made  unto  you  at  my  last  being 
with  you  in  England,  I have  sent  you  (although  in  a homely 
stile,  especially  for  the  contentation  of  a delicate  eare)  the  true 
discourse  of  my  last  voyage  into  the  West  Indies,  and  partes  of 
America  called  Virginia,  taken  in  hand  about  the  end  of  Feb- 
ruarie,  in  the  yeare  of  our  redemption  1590.  And  what  events 
happened  unto  us  in  this  our  journey,  you  shall  plainely  per- 
ceive by  the  sequele  of  my  discourse.  There  were  at  the 
time  aforesaid  three  ships  absolutely  determined  to  goe  for  the 
West  Indies,  at  the  speciall  charges  of  M.  John  Wattes  of 
London  Marchant.  But  when  they  were  fully  furnished,  and 
in  readinesse  to  make  their  departure,  a generall  stay  was 
commanded  of  all  ships  thorowout  England.  Which  so  soone 
as  I heard,  I presently  (as  I thought  it  most  requisite)  ac- 
quainted Sir  Walter  Ralegh  therewith,  desiring  him  that  as  I 
had  sundry  times  afore  bene  chargeable  and  troublesome  unto 
him,  for  the  supplies  and  reliefes  of  the  planters  in  Virginia: 
so  likewise,  that  by  his  endevour  it  would  please  him  at  that 
instant  to  procure  license  for  those  three  ships  to  proceede  on 
with  their  determined  voyage,  that  thereby  the  people  in 
Virginia  (if  it  were  Gods  pleasure)  might  speedily  be  com- 
forted and  relieved  without  further  charges  unto  him.  Where- 
upon he  by  his  good  meanes  obtained  license  of  the  Queenes 
Majestie,  and  order  to  be  taken,  that  the  owner  of  the  3 ships 
should  be  bound  unto  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  or  his  assign es,  in 
3000  pounds,  that  those  3 ships  in  consideration  of  their  re- 
leasement  should  take  in,  and  transport  a convenient  number 

305 


X 


306 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1690 


of  passengers,  with  their  furnitures  and  necessaries  to  be  landed 
in  Virginia.  Neverthelesse  that  order  was  not  observed, 
neither  was  the  bond  taken  according  to  the  intention  afore- 
said. But  rather  in  contempt  of  the  aforesaid  order,  I was  by 
the  owner  and  Commanders  of  the  ships  denied  to  have  any 
passengers,  or  any  thing  els  transported  in  any  of  the  said 
ships,  saving  only  my  selfe  and  my  chest ; no  not  so  much  as 
a boy  to  attend  upon  me,  although  I made  great  sute,  and 
earnest  intreatie  aswell  to  the  chiefe  Commanders,  as  to  the 
owner  of  the  said  ships.  Which  crosse  and  unkind  dealing, 
although  it  very  much  discontented  me,  notwithstanding  the 
scarsity  of  time  was  such,  that  I could  have  no  opportunity  to 
go  unto  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  with  complaint : for  the  ships  being 
then  all  in  readinesse  to  goe  to  the  Sea,  would  have  bene  de- 
parted before  I could  have  made  my  returne.  Thus  both 
Governors,  Masters,  and  sailers,  regarding  very  smally  the 
good  of  their  countreymen  in  Virginia;  determined  nothing 
lesse  then  to  touch  at  those  places,  but  wholly  disposed  them- 
selves to  seeke  after  purchase  and  spoiles,  spending  so  much 
time  therein,  that  sommer  was  spent  before  we  arrived  at 
Virginia.  And  when  we  were  come  thither,  the  season  was  so 
unfit,  and  weather  so  foule,  that  we  were  constrained  of  force 
to  forsake  that  coast,  having  not  seene  any  of  our  planters, 
with  losse  of  one  of  our  ship-boates,  and  7 of  our  chief est  men : 
and  also  with  losse  of  3 of  our  ankers  and  cables,  and  most  of 
our  caskes  with  fresh  water  left  on  shore,  not  possible  to  be 
had  aboord.  Which  evils  and  unfortunate  events  (as  wel  to 
their  owne  losse  as  to  the  hinderance  of  the  planters  in  Virginia) 
had  not  chanced,  if  the  order  set  downe  by  Sir  Walter  Ralegh 
had  bene  observed,  or  if  my  dayly  and  continuall  petitions  for 
the  performance  of  the  same  might  have  taken  any  place. 
Thus  may  you  plainely  perceive  the  successe  of  my  fift  and 
last  voiage  to  Virginia,  which  was  no  lesse  unfortunately  ended 
then  frowardly  begun,  and  as  lucklesse  to  many,  as  sinister  to 
my  selfe.  But  I would  to  God  it  had  bene  as  prosperous  to 
all,  as  noysome  to  the  planters;  and  as  joyfull  to  me,  as  dis- 
comfortable to  them.  Yet  seeing  it  is  not  my  first  crossed 


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voyage,  I remaine  contented.  And  wanting  my  wishes,  I 
leave  off  from  prosecuting  that  whereunto  I would  to  God  my 
wealth  were  answerable  to  my  will.  Thus  committing  the 
reliefe  of  my  discomfortable  company  the  planters  in  Virginia, 
to  the  merciful  help  of  the  Almighty,  whom  I most  humbly 
beseech  to  helpe  and  comfort  them,  according  to  his  most  holy 
will  and  their  good  desire,  I take  my  leave : from  my  house  at 
Newtowne  in  Kylmore  the  4 of  February,  1593. 

Your  most  wel wishing  friend, 

John  White. 

The  fift  voyage  of  M.  John  White  into  the  West  Indies  and  parts 
of  America  called  Virginia,  in  the  yeere  1590. 

The  20  of  March  the  three  shippes  the  Hopewell,  the  John 
Evangelist,  and  the  little  John,  put  to  sea  from  Plymmouth 
with  two  small  Shallops. 

The  25  at  midnight  both  our  Shallops  were  sunke  being 
towed  at  the  ships  stearnes  by  the  Boatswaines  negligence. 

On  the  30  we  saw  a head  us  that  part  of  the  coast  of  Bar- 
bary, lying  East  of  Cape  Cantyn,  and  the  Bay  of  Asaphi.1 

The  next  day  we  came  to  the  lie  of  Mogador,2  where  rode, 
at  our  passing  by,  a Pinnesse  of  London  called  the  Mooneshine. 


Aprill 

On  the  first  of  Aprill  we  ankored  in  Santa  Cruz  rode ; 3 
where  we  found  twTo  great  shippes  of  London  lading  in  Sugar, 
of  whom  we  had  2 shipboats  to  supply  the  losseof  our  Shallops. 

On  the  2 we  set  sayle  from  the  rode  of  Santa  Cruz,  for  the 
Canaries. 

On  Saturday  the  4 we  saw  Alegranza,  the  East  lie  of  the 
Canaries. 

1 On  the  African  coast,  about  latitude  32j°. 

2 A short  distance  farther  down  the  African  coast. 

3 The  most  southerly  seaport  of  Morocco,  now  Agadeer  or  Agadir. 


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On  Sunday  the  5 of  Aprill  we  gave  chase  to  a double  fly- 
boat, the  which  we  also  the  same  day  fought  with,  and  tooke 
her,  with  losse  of  three  of  their  men  slaine,  and  one  hurt. 

On  Munday  the  6 we  saw  Grand  Canarie,  and  the  next  day 
we  landed  and  tooke  in  fresh  water  on  the  Southside  thereof. 

On  the  9 we  departed  from  Grand  Canary,  and  framed  our 
course  for  Dominica.1 

The  last  of  Aprill  we  saw  Dominica,  and  the  same  night  we 
came  to  an  anker  on  the  Southside  thereof. 


May 

The  first  of  May  in  the  morning  many  of  the  Salvages  came 
aboord  our  ships  in  their  Canowes,  and  did  trafflque  with  us; 
we  also  the  same  day  landed  and  entered  their  Towne  from 
whence  we  returned  the  same  day  aboord  without  any  re- 
sistance of  the  Salvages ; or  any  offence  done  to  them. 

The  2 of  May  our  Admirall  and  our  Pinnesse  departed  from 
Dominica  leaving  the  John  our  Viceadmirall  playing  off  and  on 
about  Dominica,  hoping  to  take  some  Spaniard  outwardes 
bound  to  the  Indies;  the  same  night  we  had  sight  of  three 
smal  Hands  called  Los  Santos,2  leaving  Guadalupe  and  them 
on  our  starboord. 

The  3 we  had  sight  of  S.  Christophers  Hand,  bearing  North- 
east and  by  East  off  us. 

On  the  4 we  sayled  by  the  Virgines,  which  are  many  broken 
Hands,  lying  at  the  East  ende  of  S.  Johns  Hand : and  the  same 
day  towards  evening  we  landed  upon  one  of  them  called 
Blanca,3  where  we  killed  an  incredible  number  of  foules : here 
we  stayed  but  three  houres,  and  from  thence  stood  into  the 
shore  Northwest,  and  having  brought  this  Hand  Southeast  off 
us,  we  put  towards  night  thorow  an  opening  or  swatch,  called 

1 The  course  across  the  Atlantic  was  that  of  the  voyage  of  1587. 

2 Northwest  of  Guadeloupe. 

3 Probably  Culebra,  or  Passage  Island,  one  of  the  Virgin  Islands  off  the 
east  coast  of  Porto  Rico. 


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The  passage/  lying  betweene  the  Virgines,  and  the  East  end 
of  S.  John : here  the  Pinnesse  left  us,  and  sayled  on  the  South 
side  of  S.  John. 

The  5 and  6 the  Admirall  sayled  along  the  North  side  of  S. 
John,  so  neere  the  shore  that  the  Spaniards  discerned  us  to  be 
men  of  warre;  and  therefore  made  fires  along  the  coast  as  we 
sailed  by,  for  so  their  custome  is,  when  they  see  any  men  of 
warre  on  their  coasts. 

The  7 we  landed  on  the  Northwest  end  of  S.  John,  where 
we  watered  in  a good  river  called  Yaguana,2  and  the  same 
night  following  we  tooke  a Frigate  of  tenne  Tunne  comming 
from  Gwathanelo  3 laden  with  hides  and  ginger.  In  this  place 
Pedro  a Mollato,  who  knewe  all  our  state,  ranne  from  us  to  the 
Spaniards. 

On  the  9 we  departed  from  Yaguana. 

The  13  we  landed  on  an  Hand  called  Mona,4  whereon  were 
10  or  12  houses  inhabited  of  the  Spaniards ; these  we  burned 
and  tooke  from  them  a Pinnesse,  which  they  had  drawen  a 
ground  and  sunke,  and  carried  all  her  sayles,  mastes,  and 
rudders  into  the  woods,  because  we  should  not  take  them 
away;  we  also  chased  the  Spaniards  over  all  the  Hand;  but 
they  hid  them  in  caves,  hollow  rockes,  and  bushes,  so  that  we 
could  not  find  them. 

On  the  14  we  departed  from  Mona,  and  the  next  day  after 
wee  came  to  an  Hand  called  Saona,5  about  5 leagues  distant 
from  Mona,  lying  on  the  Southside  of  Hispaniola  neere  the 
East  end : betweene  these  two  Hands  we  lay  off  and  on  4 or 
5 dayes,  hoping  to  take  some  of  the  Domingo  fleete  doubling 
this  Hand,  as  a neerer  way  to  Spaine  then  by  Cape  Tyburon,6 
or  by  Cape  S.  Anthony.7 

On  Thursday  being  the  19  our  Viceadmirall,  from  whom 

1 Passing  through  the  Passage,  the  vessels  proceeded  along  the  northerly 
side  of  Porto  Rico.  The  pinnace  skirted  the  southern  shores  of  the  island. 

2 Probably  the  Yagiiez.  3 Guatemala. 

* A small  island  in  the  Mona  Passage. 

5 An  island  off  the  southeast  end  of  Santo  Domingo. 

6 Cape  Tiburon,  the  western  extremity  of  Hayti. 

7 Cape  Antonio,  the  western  extremity  of  Cuba. 


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we  departed  at  Dominica,  came  to  us  at  Saona,  with  whom 
we  left  a Spanish  Frigate,  and  appointed  him  to  lie  off  and  on 
other  five  daies  betweene  Saona  and  Mona  to  the  ende  afore- 
said ; then  we  departed  from  them  at  Saona  for  Cape  Tyburon. 
Here  I was  enformed  that  our  men  of  the  Viceadmirall,  at  their 
departure  from  Dominica  brought  away  two  young  Salvages, 
which  were  the  chiefe  Casiques  sonnes  of  that  Countrey  and 
part  of  Dominica,  but  they  shortly  after  ran  away  from  them 
at  Santa  Cruz  Hand,1  where  the  Viceadmirall  landed  to  take 
in  ballast. 

On  the  21  the  Admirall  came  to  the  Cape  Tyburon,  where 
we  found  the  John  Evangelist  our  Pinnesse  staying  for  us: 
here  we  tooke  in  two  Spaniards  almost  starved  on  the  shore, 
who  made  a fire  to  our  ships  as  we  passed  by.  Those  places 
for  an  100  miles  in  length  are  nothing  els  but  a desolate  and 
meere  wildernesse,  without  any  habitation  of  people,  and  full 
of  wilde  Bulles  and  Bores,  and  great  Serpents. 

The  22  our  Pinnesse  came  also  to  an  anker  in  Aligato  Bay 
at  cape  Tyburon.  Here  we  understood  of  M.  Lane,2  Captaine 
of  the  Pinnesse;  how  he  was  set  upon  with  one  of  the  kings 
Gallies  belonging  to  Santo  Domingo,  which  was  manned  with 
400  men,  who  after  he  had  fought  with  him  3 or  4 houres, 
gave  over  the  fight  and  forsooke  him,  without  any  great  hurt 
done  on  eyther  part. 

The  26  the  John  our  Vizadmirall  came  to  us  to  cape 
Tyburon  and  the  Frigat  which  we  left  with  him  at  Saona. 
This  was  the  appointed  place  where  we  should  attend  for  the 
meeting  with  the  Santo  Domingo  Fleete. 

On  Whitsunday  Even  at  Cape  Tyburon,  one  of  our  boyes 
ranne  away  from  us,  and  at  tenne  dayes  end  returned  to  our 
ships  almost  starved  for  want  of  food.  In  sundry  places  about 
this  part  of  Cape  Tyburon  we  found  the  bones  and  carkases 
of  divers  men,  who  had  perished  (as  wee  thought)  by  famine 
in  those  woods,  being  either  stragled  from  their  company,  or 
landed  there  by  some  men  of  warre. 

1 The  largest  of  the  Virgin  Islands. 

2 William  Lane,  not  Ralph,  according  to  an  entry  in  the  margin. 


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June 

On  the  14  of  June  we  tooke  a smal  Spanish  frigat  which 
fell  amongst  us  so  suddenly,  as  he  doubled  the  point  at  the 
Bay  of  Cape  Tyburon,  where  we  road,  so  that  he  could  not 
escape  us.  This  frigat  came  from  Santo  Domingo,  and  had 
but  three  men  in  her,  the  one  was  an  expert  Pilot,  the  other  a 
Mountainer,  and  the  thirde  a Vintener,  who  escaped  all  out  of 
prison  at  Santo  Domingo,  purposing  to  fly  to  Yaguana  which 
is  a towne  in  the  West  parts  of  Hispaniola  where  many  fugitive 
Spaniards  are  gathered  together. 

The  17  being  Wednesday  Captaine  Lane  was  sent  to  Ya- 
guana with  his  Pinnesse  and  a Frigat  to  take  a shippe,  which 
was  there  taking  in  fraight,  as  we  understood  by  the  old  Pylot, 
whom  wTe  had  taken  three  dayes  before. 

The  24  the  Frigat  returned  from  Captaine  Lane  at  Yaguana, 
and  brought  us  word  to  cape  Tyburon,  that  Captaine  Lane  had 
taken  the  shippe,  with  many  passengers  and  Negroes  in  the 
same;  which  proved  not  so  rich  a prize  as  we  hoped  for,  for 
that  a Frenchman  of  warre  had  taken  and  spoyled  her  before 
we  came.  Neverthelesse  her  loading  was  thought  worth  1000 
or  1300  pounds,  being  hides,  ginger,  Cannafistula,  Copper- 
pannes,  and  Casavi. 


July 

The  second  of  July  Edward  Spicer  whom  we  left  in  England 
came  to  us  at  cape  Tyburon,  accompanied  with  a small  Pin- 
nesse, whereof  one  M.  Harps  was  Captaine.  And  the  same 
day  we  had  sight  of  a fleete  of  14  saile  all  of  Santo  Domingo, 
to  whom  we  presently  gave  chase,  but  they  upon  the  first  sight 
of  us  fled,  and  separating  themselves  scattered  here  and  there : 
Wherefore  we  were  forced  to  divide  our  selves  and  so  made 
after  them  untill  12  of  the  clocke  at  night.  But  then  by  reason 
of  the  darkenesse  we  lost  sight  of  ech  other,  yet  in  the  end  the 
Admirall  and  the  Moonelight  happened  to  be  together  the 


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same  night  at  the  fetching  up  of  the  Vizadmirall  of  the  Spanish 
fleete,  against  whom  the  next  morning  we  fought  and  tooke 
him,1  with  losse  of  one  of  our  men  and  two  hurt,  and  of  theirs 
4 slaine  and  6 hurt.  But  what  was  become  of  our  Vice- 
admirall,  our  Pinnesse,  and  Prize,  and  two  Frigates,  in  all 
this  time,  we  were  ignorant. 

The  3 of  July  we  spent  about  rifling,  romaging,  and  fitting 
the  Prize  to  be  sayled  with  us. 

The  6 of  July  we  saw  Jamayca  the  which  we  left  on  our 
larboord,  keeping  Cuba  in  sight  on  our  starboord. 

Upon  the  8 of  July  we  saw  the  Hand  of  Pinos,2  which  lieth 
on  the  Southside  of  Cuba  nigh  unto  the  West  end  or  Cape  called 
Cape  S.  Anthony.  And  the  same  day  we  gave  chase  to  a 
Frigat,  but  at  night  we  lost  sight  of  her,  partly  by  the  slow 
sayling  of  our  Admirall,  and  lacke  of  the  Moonelight  our  Pin- 
nesse, whom  Cap  taine  Cooke  had  sent  to  the  Cape  the  day  before. 

On  the  11  we  came  to  Cape  S.  Anthony,  where  we  found 
our  consort  the  Moonelight  and  her  Pinnesse  abiding  for  our 
comming,  of  whom  we  understood  that  the  day  before  there 
passed  by  them  22  saile,  some  of  them  of  the  burden  of  300 
and  some  400  tunnes  loaden  with  the  Kings  treasure  from  the 
maine,  bound  for  Havana:  from  this  11  of  July  untill  22  we 
were  much  becalmed:  and  the  winde  being  very  scarse,  and 
the  weather  exceeding  hoat,  we  were  much  pestered  with  the 
Spaniards  we  had  taken:  wherefore  we  were  driven  to  land 
all  the  Spaniards  saving  three,  but  the  place  where  we  landed 
them  was  of  their  owne  choise  on  the  Southside  of  Cuba  neere 
unto  the  Organes  and  Rio  de  Puercos. 

The  23  we  had  sight  of  the  Cape  of  Florida,  and  the  broken 
Hands  thereof  called  the  Martires.3 

The  25  being  S.  James  day  in  the  morning,  we  fell  in  with 
the  Matangas,4  a head-land  8 leagues  towards  the  East  of 
Havana,  where  we  purposed  to  take  fresh  water  in,  and  make 
our  abode  two  or  three  dayes. 

1 The  fight,  we  are  informed  by  the  margin,  took  place  in  sight  of 
Navassa,  an  island  at  the  southwest  entrance  of  the  Windward  Passage. 

2 Isle  of  Pines.  3 The  Florida  Keys.  4 Matanzas. 


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On  Sunday  the  26  of  July  plying  too  and  fro  betweene  the 
Matangas  and  Havana,  we  were  espied  of  three  small  Pinnasses 
of  S.  John  de  Ullua  bound  for  Havana,  which  were  exceed- 
ingly richly  loaden.  These  3 Pinnasses  came  very  boldly  up 
unto  us,  and  so  continued  untill  they  came  within  musket  shot 
of  us.  And  we  supposed  them  to  be  Captaine  Harps  Pin- 
nesse,  and  two  small  Frigats  taken  by  Captaine  Harpe: 
wherefore  we  shewed  our  flag.  But  they  presently  upon  the 
sight  of  it  turned  about  and  made  all  the  saile  they  could 
from  us  toward  the  shore,  and  kept  themselves  in  so  shallow 
water,  that  we  were  not  able  to  follow  them,  and  therefore  gave 
them  over  with  expence  of  shot  and  pouder  to  no  purpose. 
But  if  we  had  not  so  rashly  set  out  our  flagge,  we  might  have 
taken  them  all  three,  for  they  would  not  have  knowen  us  be- 
fore they  had  beene  in  our  hands.  This  chase  brought  us  so 
far  to  leeward  as  Havana : wherfore  not  finding  any  of  our 
consorts  at  the  Matangas,  we  put  over  againe  to  the  cape  of 
Florida,  and  from  thence  thorow  the  chanel  of  Bahama. 

On  the  28  the  Cape  of  Florida  bare  West  of  us. 

The  30  we  lost  sight  of  the  coast  of  Florida,  and  stood  to 
Sea  for  to  gaine  the  helpe  of  the  current 1 which  runneth 
much  swifter  a farre  off  then  in  sight  of  the  coast.  For  from 
the  Cape  to  Virginia  all  along  the  shore  are  none  but  eddie 
currents,  setting  to  the  South  and  Southwest. 

The  31  our  three  ships  were  clearely  disbocked,2  the  great 
prize,  the  Admirall,  and  the  Mooneshine,  but  our  prize  being 
thus  disbocked  departed  from  us  without  taking  leave  of  our 
Admirall  or  consort,  and  sayled  directly  for  England. 

August 

On  the  first  of  August  the  winde  scanted,  and  from  thence 
forward  we  had  very  fowl  weather  with  much  raine,  thunder- 
ing, and  great  spouts,  which  fell  round  about  us  nigh  unto  our 
ships. 

1 The  Gulf  Stream. 

2 Meaning,  apparently,  “ had  got  out  into  the  open  sea.” 


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The  3 we  stoode  againe  in  for  the  shore,  and  at  midday  we 
tooke  the  height  of  the  same.  The  height  of  that  place  we 
found  to  be  34  degrees  of  latitude.  Towards  night  we  were 
within  three  leagues  of  the  Low  sandie  Hands  West  of  Wokokon. 
But  the  weather  continued  so  exceeding  foule,  that  we  could  not 
come  to  an  anker  nye  the  coast : wherefore  we  stood  off  againe 
to  Sea  untill  Monday  the  9 of  August. 

On  munday  the  storme  ceased,  and  we  had  very  great  likeli- 
hood of  faire  weather:  therefore  we  stood  in  againe  for  the 
shore:  and  came  to  an  anker  at  11  fadome  in  35  degrees  of 
latitude,  within  a mile  of  the  shore,  where  we  went  on  land  on 
the  narrow  sandy  Island,  being  one  of  the  Ilandes  West  of 
Wokokon:  in  this  Hand  we  tooke  in  some  fresh  water  and 
caught  great  store  of  fish  in  the  shallow  water.  Betweene  the 
maine  (as  we  supposed)  and  that  Hand  it  was  but  a mile  over 
and  three  or  foure  foote  deepe  in  most  places. 

On  the  12  in  the  morning  we  departed  from  thence  and 
toward  night  we  came  to  an  anker  at  the  Northeast  end  of  the 
Hand  of  Croatoan,  by  reason  of  a breach  which  we  perceived 
to  lie  out  two  or  three  leagues  into  the  Sea : here  we  road  all 
that  night. 

The  13  in  the  morning  before  we  wayed  our  ankers,  our 
boates  were  sent  to  sound  over  this  breach:  our  ships  riding 
on  the  side  thereof  at  5 fadome;  and  a ships  length  from  us 
we  found  but  4 and  a quarter,  and  then  deeping  and  shallowing 
for  the  space  of  two  miles,  so  that  sometimes  we  found  5 
fadome,  and  by  and  by  7,  and  within  two  casts  with  the  lead 
9,  and  then  8,  next  cast  5,  and  then  6,  and  then  4,  and  then 
9 againe,  and  deeper ; but  3 fadome  was  the  last,  2 leagues  off 
from  the  shore.  This  breach  is  in  35.  degr.  and  a halfe,  and 
lyeth  at  the  very  Northeast  point  of  Croatoan,  whereas  goeth 
a fret  out  of  the  maine  Sea  into  the  inner  waters,  which  part 
the  Ilandes  and  the  maine  land. 

The  15  of  August  towards  Evening  we  came  to  an  anker  at 
Hatorask,  in  36  degr.  and  one  third,  in  five  fadom  water,  three 
leagues  from  the  shore.  At  our  first  comming  to  anker  on 
this  shore  we  saw  a great  smoke  rise  in  the  He  Roanoak  neere 


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the  place  where  I left  our  Colony  in  the  yeere  1587,  which 
smoake  put  us  in  good  hope  that  some  of  the  Colony  were 
there  expecting  my  returne  out  of  England. 

The  16  and  next  morning  our  2 boates  went  a shore,  and 
Captaine  Cooke,  and  Cap.  Spicer,  and  their  company  with  me, 
with  intent  to  passe  to  the  place  at  Roanoak  where  our  coun- 
treymen  were  left.  At  our  putting  from  the  ship  we  com- 
manded our  Master  gunner  to  make  readie  2 Minions  and  a 
Falkon  well  loden,  and  to  shoot  them  off  with  reasonable  space 
betweene  every  shot,  to  the  ende  that  their  reportes  might  bee 
heard  to  the  place  where  wee  hoped  to  finde  some  of  our  people. 
This  was  accordingly  performed,  and  our  twoe  boats  put  off 
unto  the  shore,  in  the  Admirals  boat  we  sounded  all  the  way 
and  found  from  our  shippe  untill  we  came  within  a mile  of  the 
shore  nine,  eight,  and  seven  fadome : but  before  we  were  halfe 
way  betweene  our  ships  and  the  shore  we  saw  another  great 
smoke  to  the  Southwest  of  Kindrikers  mountes : we  therefore 
thought  good  to  goe  to  that  second  smoke  first:  but  it  was 
much  further  from  the  harbour  where  we  landed,  then  we 
supposed  it  to  be,  so  that  we  were  very  sore  tired  before  wee 
came  to  the  smoke.  But  that  which  grieved  us  more  was  that 
when  we  came  to  the  smoke,  we  found  no  man  nor  signe  that 
any  had  bene  there  lately,  nor  yet  any  fresh  water  in  all  this 
waye  to  drinke.  Being  thus  wearied  with  this  journey  we  re- 
turned to  the  harbour  where  we  left  our  boates,  who  in  our 
absence  had  brought  their  caske  a shore  for  fresh  water,  so  we 
deferred  our  going  to  Roanoak  untill  the  next  morning,  and 
caused  some  of  those  saylers  to  digge  in  those  sanclie  hills  for 
fresh  water  whereof  we  found  very  sufficient.  That  night  wee 
returned  aboord  with  our  boates  and  our  whole  company  in 
safety. 

The  next  morning  being  the  17  of  August,  our  boates  and 
company  were  prepared  againe  to  goe  up  to  Roanoak,  but 
Captaine  Spicer  had  then  sent  his  boat  ashore  for  fresh  water, 
by  meanes  whereof  it  was  ten  of  the  clocke  afternoone  before 
we  put  from  our  ships  which  were  then  come  to  an  anker 
within  two  miles  of  the  shore.  The  Admirals  boat  was  halfe 


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way  toward  the  shore,  when  Captaine  Spicer  put  off  from  his 
ship.  The  Admirals  boat  first  passed  the  breach,  but  not 
without  some  danger  of  sinking,  for  we  had  a sea  brake  into  our 
boat  which  filled  us  halfe  full  of  water,  but  by  the  will  of  God 
and  carefull  styrage  of  Captaine  Cooke  we  came  safe  ashore, 
saving  onely  that  our  furniture,  victuals,  match  and  powder 
were  much  wet  and  spoyled.  For  at  this  time  the  winde  blue 
at  Northeast  and  direct  into  the  harbour  so  great  a gale,  that 
the  Sea  brake  extremely  on  the  barre,  and  the  tide  went  very 
forcibly  at  the  entrance.  By  that  time  our  Admirals  boat  was 
hailed  ashore,  and  most  of  our  things  taken  out  to  dry,  Cap- 
taine Spicer  came  to  the  entrance  of  the  breach  with  his  mast 
standing  up,  and  was  halfe  passed  over,  but  by  the  rash  and 
undiscreet  styrage  of  Ralph  Skinner  his  Masters  mate,  a very 
dangerous  Sea  brake  into  their  boate  and  overset  them  quite, 
the  men  kept  the  boat  some  in  it,  and  some  hanging  on  it,  but 
the  next  sea  set  the  boat  on  ground,  where  it  beat  so,  that 
some  of  them  were  forced  to  let  goe  their  hold,  hoping  to  wade 
ashore : but  the  Sea  still  beat  them  downe,  so  that  they  could 
neither  stand  nor  swimme,  and  the  boat  twise  or  thrise  was 
turned  the  keele  upward,  whereon  Captaine  Spicer  and  Skinner 
hung  untill  they  sunke,  and  were  seene  no  more.  But  foure 
that  could  swimme  a litle  kept  themselves  in  deeper  water 
and  were  saved  by  Captaine  Cookes  meanes,  who  so  soone  as 
he  saw  their  oversetting,  stripped  himself e,  and  foure  other  that 
could  swimme  very  well,  and  with  all  haste  possible  rowed 
unto  them,  and  saved  foure.  There  were  11  in  all  and  7 of 
the  chiefest  were  drowned,  whose  names  were  Edward  Spicer, 
Ralph  Skinner,  Edward  Kelly,  Thomas  Bevis,  Hance  the 
Surgion,  Edward  Kelborne,  Robert  Coleman.  This  mis- 
chance did  so  much  discomfort  the  saylers,  that  they  were  all 
of  one  mind  not  to  goe  any  further  to  seeke  the  planters.  But 
in  the  end  by  the  commandement  and  perswasion  of  me  and 
Captaine  Cooke,  they  prepared  the  boates:  and  seeing  the 
Captaine  and  me  so  resolute,  they  seemed  much  more  willing. 
Our  boates  and  all  things  fitted  againe,  we  put  off  from  Hator- 
ask,  being  the  number  of  19  persons  in  both  boates : but  before 


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we  could  get  to  the  place  where  our  planters  were  left,  it  was 
so  exceeding  darke,  that  we  overshot  the  place  a quarter  of  a 
mile:  there  we  espied  towards  the  North  ende  of  the  Island 
the  light  of  a great  fire  thorow  the  woods,  to  which  we  presently- 
rowed:  when  wee  came  right  over  against  it,  we  let  fall  our 
Grapnel  neere  the  shore  and  sounded  with  a trumpet  a Call, 
and  afterwardes  many  familiar  English  tunes  of  Songs,  and 
called  to  them  friendly;  but  we  had  no  answere,  we  therefore 
landed  at  day-breake,  and  comming  to  the  Ere,  we  found  the 
grasse  and  sundry  rotten  trees  burning  about  the  place.  From 
hence  we  went  thorow  the  woods  to  that  part  of  the  Hand 
directly  over  against  Dasamongwepeuk,  and  from  thence  we 
returned  by  the  water  side,  round  about  the  North  point  of 
the  Hand,  untill  we  came  to  the  place  where  I left  our  Colony 
in  the  yeere  1586.  In  all  this  way  we  saw  in  the  sand  the  print 
of  the  Salvages  feet  of  2 or  3 sorts  troaden  the  night,  and  as  we 
entred  up  the  sandy  banke  upon  a tree,  in  the  very  browe 
thereof  were  curiously  carved  these  faire  Romane  letters  C R 0 : 
which  letters  presently  we  knew  to  signifie  the  place,  where  I 
should  find  the  planters  seated,  according  to  a secret  token 
agreed  upon  betweene  them  and  me  at  my  last  departure  from 
them,  which  was,  that  in  any  wayes  they  should  not  faile  to 
write  or  carve  on  the  trees  or  posts  of  the  dores  the  name  of 
the  place  where  they  should  be  seated;  for  at  my  comming 
away  they  were  prepared  to  remove  from  Roanoak  50  miles 
into  the  maine.  Therefore  at  my  departure  from  them  in 
An.  1587  I willed  them,  that  if  they  should  happen  to  be  dis- 
tressed in  any  of  those  places,  that  then  they  should  carve 
over  the  letters  or  name,  a Crosse  in  this  forme,  but  we  found 
no  such  signe  of  distresse.  And  having  well  considered  of  this, 
we  passed  toward  the  place  where  they  were  left  in  sundry 
houses,  but  we  found  the  houses  taken  downe,  and  the  place 
very  strongly  enclosed  with  a high  palisado  of  great  trees,  with 
cortynes 1 and  flankers  very  Fortlike,  and  one  of  the  chiefe  trees 
or  postes  at  the  right  side  of  the  entrance  had  the  barke  taken 


1 Curtains. 


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off,  and  5 foote  from  the  ground  in  fayre  Capitall  letters  was 
graven  CROATOAN  without  any  crosse  or  signe  of  distresse; 
this  done,  we  entred  into  the  palisado,  where  we  found  many 
barres  of  iron,  two  pigges  of  Lead,  foure  yron  fowlers,  Iron 
sacker-shotte,1  and  such  like  heavie  thinges,  thro  wen  here  and 
there,  almost  overgrowen  with  grasse  and  weedes.  From 
thence  wee  went  along  by  the  water  side,  towards  the  poynt 
of  the  Creeke  to  see  if  we  could  find  any  of  their  botes  or 
Pinnisse,  but  we  could  perceive  no  signe  of  them,  nor  any  of 
the  last  Falkons  and  small  Ordinance  which  were  left  with 
them,  at  my  departure  from  them.  At  our  returne  from  the 
Creeke,  some  of  our  Saylers  meeting  us,  told  us  that  they  had 
found  where  divers  chests  had  bene  hidden,  and  long  sithence 
digged  up  againe  and  broken  up,  and  much  of  the  goods  in 
them  spoyled  and  scattered  about,  but  nothing  left,  of  such 
things  as  the  Savages  knew  any  use  of,  undefaced.  Presently 
Captaine  Cooke  and  I went  to  the  place,  which  was  in  the 
ende  of  an  olde  trench,  made  two  yeeres  past  by  Captaine 
Amadas:  wheere  wee  found  five  Chests,  that  had  bene  care- 
fully hidden  of  the  Planters,  and  of  the  same  chests  three  were 
my  owne,  and  about  the  place  many  of  my  things  spoyled  and 
broken,  and  my  bookes  torne  from  the  covers,  the  frames  of 
some  of  my  pictures  and  Mappes  rotten  and  spoyled  with 
rayne,  and  my  armour  almost  eaten  through  with  rust;  this 
could  bee  no  other  but  the  deede  of  the  Savages  our  enemies 
at  Dasamongwepeuk,  who  had  watched  the  departure  of  our 
men  to  Croatoan;  and  assoone  as  they  were  departed  digged 
up  every  place  where  they  suspected  any  thing  to  be  buried : 
but  although  it  much  grieved  me  to  see  such  spoyle  of  my 
goods,  yet  on  the  other  side  I greatly  joyed  that  I had  safely 
found  a certaine  token  of  their  safe  being  at  Croatoan,  which 
is  the  place  where  Manteo  was  borne,  and  the  Savages  of  the 
Hand  our  friends.2 

1 Shot  for  sakers,  or  large  cannon. 

2 On  the  theory,  not  generally  held,  that  the  colony  was  not  wholly 
destroyed , and  that  descendants  of  some  of  its  members  are  still  to  be  found 
in  North  Carolina,  see  Weeks,  “ The  Lost  Colony  of  Roanoke:  Its  Fate  and 
Survival,”  in  Papers  of  the  American  Historical  Association,  V.  107. 


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When  we  had  seene  in  this  place  so  much  as  we  could,  we 
returned  to  our  Boates,  and  departed  from  the  shoare  towards 
our  shippes,  with  as  much  speede  as  we  could : For  the  weather 
beganne  to  overcast,  and  very  likely  that  a foule  and  stormie 
night  would  ensue.  Therefore  the  same  Evening  with  much 
danger  and  labour,  we  got  our  selves  aboard,  by  which  time 
the  winde  and  seas  were  so  greatly  risen,  that  wee  doubted 
our  Cables  and  Anchors  would  scarcely  holde  untill  Morning: 
wherefore  the  Captaine  caused  the  Boate  to  be  manned  by 
five  lusty  men,  who  could  swimme  all  well,  and  sent  them  to 
the  little  Hand  on  the  right  hand  of  the  Harbour,  to  bring 
aboard  sixe  of  our  men,  who  had  filled  our  caske  with  fresh 
water:  the  Boate  the  same  night  returned  aboard  with  our 
men,  but  all  our  Caske  ready  filled  they  left  behinde,  unpos- 
sible to  bee  had  aboard  without  danger  of  casting  away  both 
men  and  Boates : for  this  night  proovecl  very  stormie  and  foule. 

The  next  Morning  it  was  agreed  by  the  Captaine  and  my 
selfe,  with  the  Master  and  others,  to  wey  anchor,  and  goe  for 
the  place  at  Croatoan,  where  our  planters  were : for  that  then 
the  winde  was  good  for  that  place,  and  also  to  leave  that 
Caske  with  fresh  water  on  shoare  in  the  Hand  untill  our  re- 
turne.  So  then  they  brought  the  cable  to  the  Capston,  but 
when  the  anchor  was  almost  apecke,  the  Cable  broke,  by 
meanes  whereof  we  lost  another  Anchor,  wherewith  we  drove 
so  fast  into  the  shoare,  that  wee  were  forced  to  let  fall  a third 
Anchor : which  came  so  fast  home  that  the  Shippe  was  almost 
aground  by  Kenricks  mounts:  so  that  we  were  forced  to  let 
slippe  the  Cable  ende  for  ende.  And  if  it  had  not  chanced  that 
wee  had  fallen  into  a chanell  of  deeper  water,  closer  by  the 
shoare  then  wee  accompted  of,  wee  could  never  have  gone 
cleare  of  the  poynt  that  lyeth  to  the  Southwardes  of  Kenricks 
mounts.  Being  thus  cleare  of  some  dangers,  and  gotten  into 
deeper  waters,  but  not  without  some  losse:  for  wee  had  but 
one  Cable  and  Anchor  left  us  of  foure,  and  the  weather  grew 
to  be  fouler  and  fouler;  our  victuals  scarse,  and  our  caske 
and  fresh  water  lost:  it  was  therefore  determined  that  we 
should  goe  for  Saint  John  or  some  other  Hand  to  the  Southward 


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for  fresh  water.  And  it  was  further  purposed,  that  if  wee 
could  any  wayes  supply  our  wants  of  victuals  and  other 
necessaries,  either  at  Hispaniola,  Sant  John,  or  Trynidad,  that 
then  we  should  continue  in  the  Indies  all  the  Winter  following, 
with  hope  to  make  2.  rich  voyages  of  one,  and  at  our  returne 
to  visit  our  countreymen  at  Virginia.  The  captaine  and  the 
whole  company  in  the  Admirall  (with  my  earnest  petitions) 
thereunto  agreed,  so  that  it  rested  onely  to  knowe  what  the 
Master  of  the  Moone-light  our  consort  would  doe  herein.  But 
when  we  demanded  them  if  they  would  accompany  us  in  that 
new  determination,  they  alledged  that  their  weake  and  leake 
Shippe  was  not  able  to  continue  it ; wherefore  the  same  night 
we  parted,  leaving  the  Moone-light  to  goe  directly  for  Eng- 
land, and  the  Admirall  set  his  course  for  Trynidad,  which 
course  we  kept  two  dayes. 

On  the  28.  the  winde  changed,  and  it  was  sette  on  foule 
weather  every  way : but  this  storme  brought  the  winde  West 
and  Northwest,  and  blewe  so  forcibly,  that  wee  were  able  to 
beare  no  sayle,  but  our  fore-course  halfe  mast  high,  wherewith 
wee  ranne  upon  the  winde  perforce,  the  due  course  for  Eng- 
land, for  that  wee  were  driven  to  change  our  first  determina- 
tion for  Trynidad,  and  stoode  for  the  Hands  of  A§ores,  where 
wee  purposed  to  take  in  fresh  water,  and  also  there  hoped  to 
meete  with  some  English  men  of  warre  about  those  Hands,  at 
whose  hands  wee  might  obtaine  some  supply  of  our  wants. 
And  thus  continuing  our  course  for  the  A9ores,  sometimes  with 
calmes,  and  sometimes  with  very  scarce  windes,  on  the  fifteenth 
of  September  the  winde  came  South  Southeast,  and  blew  so 
exceedingly,  that  wee  were  forced  to  lye  atry  1 all  that  day. 
At  this  time  by  account  we  judged  our  selves  to  be  about 
twentie  leagues  to  the  West  of  Cuervo  and  Flores,  but  about 
night  the  storme  ceased,  and  fayre  weather  ensued. 

On  Thursday  the  seventeenth  wee  saw  Cuervo  and  Flores, 
but  we  could  not  come  to  anker  that  night,  by  reason  the 
winde  shifted.  The  next  Morning  being  the  eighteenth,  stand- 


1 Heave  to. 


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ing  in  againe  with  Cuervo,  we  escryed  a sayle  a head  us,  to 
whom  we  gave  chase:  but  when  wee  came  neere  him,  wee 
knew  him  to  be  a Spanyard,  and  hoped  to  make  sure  purchase 
of  him : but  we  understood  at  our  speaking  with  him,  that  he 
was  a prize,  and  of  the  Domingo  fleete  already  taken  by  the 
John  our  consort,  in  the  Indies.  We  learned  also  of  this  prize, 
that  our  Viceadmirall  and  Pinnesse  had  fought  with  the  rest  of 
the  Domingo  fleete,  and  had  forced  them  with  their  Admirall 
to  flee  unto  Jamaica  under  the  Fort  for  succour,  and  some  of 
them  ran  themselves  aground,  whereof  one  of  them  they 
brought  away,  and  tooke  out  of  some  others  so  much  as  the 
time  would  permit.  And  further  wee  understood  of  them, 
that  in  their  returne  from  Jamaica  about  the  Organes  neere 
Cape  Saint  Anthony,  our  Viceadmirall  mette  with  two  Shippes 
of  the  mayne  land,  come  from  Mexico,  bound  for  Havana,  with 
whom  he  fought : in  which  fight  our  Viceadmirals  Lieutenant 
was  slaine,  and  the  Captaines  right  arme  strooken  off,  with 
foure  other  of  his  men  slaine,  and  sixteene  hurt.  But  in 
the  ende  he  entred,  and  tooke  one  of  the  Spanish  shippes, 
which  was  so  sore  shot  by  us  under  water,  that  before 
they  could  take  out  her  treasure  she  sunke;  so  that  we  lost 
thirteene  Pipes  of  silver  which  sunke  with  her,  besides  much 
other  rich  marchandize.  And  in  the  meane  time  the  other 
Spanish  shippe  being  pearced  with  nine  shotte  under  water, 
got  away;  whom  our  Viceadmirall  intended  to  pursue:  but 
some  of  their  men  in  the  toppe  made  certaine  rockes,  which 
they  saw  above  water  neere  the  shoare,  to  be  Gallies  of 
Havana  and  Cartagena,  comming  from  Havana  to  rescue 
the  two  Ships;  Wherefore  they  gave  over  their  chase,  and 
went  for  England.  After  this  intelligence  was  given  us 
by  this  our  prize,  he  departed  from  us,  and  went  for 
England. 

On  Saturday  the  19.  of  September  we  came  to  an  Ancre 
neere  a small  village  on  the  North  side  of  Flores,  where  we 
found  ryding  5.  English  men  of  warre,  of  whom  we  understood 
that  our  Viceadmirall  and  Prize  were  gone  thence  for  Eng- 
land. One  of  these  five  was  the  Moonelight  our  consort,  who 


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upon  the  first  sight  of  our  comming  into  Flores,  set  sayle  and 
went  for  England,  not  taking  any  leave  of  us. 

On  Sunday  the  20.  the  Mary  Rose,  Admirall  of  the  Queenes 
fleete,  wherein  was  Generali  Sir  John  Hawkins,  stood  in  with 
Flores,  and  divers  other  of  the  Queenes  ships,  namely  the 
Hope,  the  Nonpareilia,  the  Rainebow,  the  Swift-sure,  the 
Foresight,  with  many  other  good  merchants  ships  of  warre,  as 
the  Edward  Bonaventure,  the  Marchant  Royal,  the  Amitie, 
the  Eagle,  the  Dainty  of  sir  John  Hawkins,  and  many  other 
good  ships  and  pinnesses,  all  attending  to  meete  with  the  king 
of  Spaines  fleete,  comming  from  Terra  firma  of  the  West 
Indies. 

The  22.  of  September  we  went  aboard  the  Raynebow,  and 
towards  night  we  spake  with  the  Swift-sure,  and  gave  him  3. 
pieces.  The  captaines  desired  our  company;  wherefore  we 
willingly  attended  on  them : who  at  this  time  with  10.  other 
ships  stood  for  Faial.  But  the  Generali  with  the  rest  of  the 
Fleete  were  separated  from  us,  making  two  fleetes,  for  the 
surer  meeting  with  the  Spanish  fleete. 

On  Wednesday  the  23.  we  saw  Gratiosa,1  where  the 
Admiral  and  the  rest  of  the  Queenes  fleete  were  come  together. 
The  Admirall  put  forth  a flag  of  counsel,  in  which  was  deter- 
mined that  the  whole  fleete  should  go  for  the  mayne,  and  spred 
themselves  on  the  coasts  of  Spaine  and  Portugal,  so  farre  as 
conveniently  they  might,  for  the  surer  meeting  of  the  Spanish 
fleete  in  those  parts. 

The  26.  we  came  to  Faial,  where  the  Admiral  with  some 
other  of  the  fleete  ankred,  other  some  plyed  up  and  downe 
betweene  that  and  the  Pico  untill  midnight,  at  which  time  the 
Anthony  shot  off  a piece  and  weyed,  shewing  his  light : after 
whom  the  whole  fleete  stood  to  the  East,  the  winde  at  North- 
east by  East. 

On  Sunday  the  27.  towards  Evening  wee  tooke  our  leave  of 
the  Admirall  and  the  whole  fleete,  who  stood  to  the  East.  But 
our  shippe  accompanied  with  a Flyboate  stoode  in  again  with 

1 Of  the  Azores  group ; so  also  are  Fayal,  Pico,  Sao  Jorge,  and  Sao 
Miguel,  mentioned  in  the  following  paragraphs. 


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S.  George,  where  we  purposed  to  take  in  more  fresh  water,  and 
some  other  fresh  victuals. 

On  Wednesday  the  30.  of  September,  seeing  the  winde  hang 
so  Northerly,  that  wee  could  not  atteine  the  Hand  of  S.  George, 
we  gave  over  our  purpose  to  water  there,  and  the  next  day 
framed  our  due  course  for  England. 

October 

The  2.  of  October  in  the  Morning  we  saw  S.  Michaels  Hand 
on  our  Starre  board  quarter. 

The  23.  at  10.  of  the  clocke  afore  noone,  we  saw  Ushant  in 
Britaigne.1 

On  Saturday  the  24.  we  came  in  safetie,  God  be  thanked, 
to  an  anker  at  Plymmouth. 

1 The  most  western  of  the  islands  of  Brittany. 


BRIEFE  AND  TRUE  RELATION  OF  THE 
DISCOVERIE  OF  THE  NORTH  PART  OF 
VIRGINIA,  1602,  BY  JOHN  BRERETON 


INTRODUCTION 


English  voyagers  to  the  American  coast  in  the  sixteenth 
century  made  their  way  thither  by  the  island  of  Newfound- 
land, or  the  islands  of  the  West  Indies.  Bartholomew  Gosnold 
and  Bartholomew  Gilbert  evidently  aimed  directly  for  the 
New  England  coast,  avoiding  the  more  northerly  region 
visited  by  Cabot,  and  afterward  by  the  French  explorers,  and 
the  region  visited  by  the  expeditions  sent  out  by  Sir  Walter 
Ralegh.  They  made  at  Cuttyhunk  the  first,  though  temporary, 
English  settlement  in  New  England.  Brereton’s  Relation, 
which  was  printed  in  1602,  and  is  dedicated  to  Sir  Walter 
Ralegh,  states  that  the  voyage  was  undertaken  with  Ralegh’s 
permission.  This  is  an  error,  although  Ralegh  allowed  the 
statement  to  stand.  The  voyage  was  without  Ralegh’s  knowl- 
edge. A fall  in  the  price  of  sassafras,  which  had  been  held  as 
high  as  twenty  shillings  a pound  in  the  London  market,  oc- 
casioned an  inquiry  on  Ralegh’s  part  as  to  the  cause  of  the 
lessening  value  of  this  New-World  commodity.  This  inquiry 
led  to  the  discovery  of  Gosnold’s  successful  venture,  and  to  a 
complaint  on  Ralegh’s  part  that  Gosnold  and  his  associates 
had  infringed  on  his  rights  as  patentee.  It  was  found,  however, 
that  persons  of  prominence  had  aided  Gosnold  and  Gilbert  in 
their  enterprise ; and  as  it  was  desirable  that  the  matter  should 
be  set  before  the  public  in  as  favorable  a light  as  possible, 
Ralegh  consented  to  the  statement  that  the  expedition  had  his 
permission.  Bartholomew  Gilbert  was  a son  of  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert.  He  at  once  made  his  peace  with  Ralegh,  and  the  next 
year,  in  Ralegh’s  service,  he  came  to  Virginia,  where  he  lost 
his  life,  some  say  in  Chesapeake  Bay,  but  more  probably  on 


328 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


the  mainland.  Gosnold,  also,  was  again  interested  in  New- 
World  enterprises,  and  December  19,  1606,  he  sailed  for  Vir- 
ginia with  the  Jamestown  colonists.  He  was  one  of  a large 
number  of  the  colonists  who  died  shortly  after  their  arrival 
on  the  James.  Brereton’s  Relation  is  the  earliest  English  book 
relating  to  New  England.  Two  editions  of  it  were  published 
in  1602,  the  one  in  twenty-four  pages,  the  other  in  forty-eight, 
containing  additional  matter  not  deemed  necessary  to  the  pres- 
ent volume.  The  former  issue,  represented  by  a copy  in  the  John 
Carter  Brown  Library  at  Providence,  was  reprinted  in  black-let- 
ter facsimile  by  Mr.  L.  S.  Livingston  in  1903,  and  is  the  one  re- 
printed on  the  following  pages.  The  other  is  reprinted  in  the 
third  series  of  the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  Vol.  VIII.,  pp.  83-103,  and  in  Winship’s  Sailors’  Nar- 
ratives of  New  England  Voyages.  There  is  also  another  “Re- 
lation” of  this  voyage,  made  by  Gabriel  Archer,  who  was  “a 
gentleman  in  the  said  voyage.”  Purchas  printed  it  in  his 
fourth  volume.  A reprint  of  it  will  be  found  in  the  third 
Series  of  the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
Vol.  VIII.,  pp.  72-81. 


BRIEFE  AND  TRUE  RELATION  OF  THE 
DISCOVERIE  OF  THE  NORTH  PART  OF 
VIRGINIA  IN  1602 

A Briefe  and  true  Relation  of  the  Discoverie  of  the  North  part 
of  Virginia ; being  a most  pleasant,  fruitfull  and 
commodious  soile : 

Made  this  present  yeere  1602,  by  Captaine  Bartholomew 
Gosnold,  Captaine  Bartholowmew  Gilbert,  and  divers 
other  gentlemen  their  associats,  by  the  permission  of 
the  honourable  knight,  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  &c. 
Written  by  M.  John  Brereton  one  of  the  voyage.  ... 1 

To  the  honourable,  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  Knight,  Captaine 
of  her  Majesties  Guards,  Lord  Warden  of  the  Stanneries, 
Lieutenant  of  Cornwall,  and  Governour  of  the  Isle  of  Jersey. 

Honourable  sir,  being  earnestly  requested  by  a deere 
friend,  to  put  downe  in  writing,  some  true  relation  of  our  late 
performed  voyage  to  the  North  parts  of  Virginia;  at  length 
I resolved  to  satisfie  his  request,  who  also  imboldened  me,  to 
direct  the  same  to  your  honourable  consideration;  to  whom 
indeed  of  duetie  it  perteineth. 

May  it  please  your  Lordship  therefore  to  understand,  that 
upon  the  sixe  and  twentieth  of  March  1602,  being  Friday,  we 
went  from  Fahnouth,  being  in  all,  two  and  thirtie  persons,2 
in  a small  barke  of  Dartmouth,  called  The  Concord,  holding  a 
course  for  the  North  part  of  Virginia : and  although  by  chance 
the  winde  favoured  us  not  at  first  as  we  wished,  but  inforced 
us  so  farre  to  the  Southward,  as  we  fell  with  S.  Marie,  one  of 

1 These  words  in  italics  are  taken  from  the  title-page,  which  ends  with 
the  imprint:  “ Londini,  Impensis  Geor.  Bishop,  1602.” 

2 Archer  says  twelve  were  to  return  to  England  with  the  ship,  and  the 
rest  were  to  remain  “for  population.” 

329 


330 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1602 


the  islands  of  the  Azores  (which  was  not  much  out  of  our  way) 
yet  holding  our  course  directly  from  thence,  we  made  our 
journey  shorter  (than  hitherto  accustomed)  by  the  better  part 
of  a thousand  leagues,  yet  were  wee  longer  in  our  passage  than 
we  expected ; which  happened,  for  that  our  barke  being  weake, 
we  were  loth  to  presse  her  with  much  saile;  also,  our  sailers 
being  few,  and  they  none  of  the  best,  we  bare  (except  in  faire 
weather)  but  low  saile ; besides,  our  going  upon  an  unknowen 
coast,  made  us  not  over-bolde  to  stand  in  with  the  shore,  but 
in  open  weather;  which  caused  us  to  be  certeine  daies  in 
sounding,  before  we  discovered  the  coast,  the  weather  being 
by  chance,  somewhat  foggie.  But  on  Friday  the  fourteenth 
of  May,  early  in  the  morning,  we  made  the  land,1  being  full 
of  faire  trees,  the  land  somewhat  low,  certeine  hummocks  or 
hilles  lying  into  the  land,  the  shore  ful  of  white  sand,  but  very 
stony  or  rocky.  And  standing  faire  alongst  by  the  shore, 
about  twelve  of  the  clocke  the  same  day,  we  came  to  an  anker, 
where  sixe  Indians,  in  a Baske-shallop  2 with  mast  and  saile, 
an  iron  grapple,  and  a kettle  of  copper,  came  boldly  aboord  us, 
one  of  them  apparelled  with  a waistcoat  and  breeches  of  blacke 
serdge,  made  after  our  sea-fashion,  hose  and  shoes  on  his  feet ; 
all  the  rest  (saving  one  that  had  a paire  of  breeches  of  blue 
cloth)  were  all  naked.  These  people  are  of  tall  stature,  broad 
and  grim  visage,  of  a blacke  swart  complexion,  their  eie- 
browes  painted  white ; their  weapons  are  bowes  and  arrowes : 
it  seemed  by  some  words  and  signes  they  made,  that  some  Basks 3 

1 Concerning  Gosnold’s  landfall,  Archer  says,  — “The  fourteenth,  about 
six  in  the  morning,  we  descried  Land  that  lay  North,  &c.,  the  Northerly 
part  we  Galled  the  North  Land,  which  to  another  Rocke  upon  the  same  lying 
twelve  leagues  West,  that  wee  called  Savage  Rocke,  (because  the  Savages 
first  shewed  themselves  there).”  It  is  admitted  by  all  who  have  given  any 
attention  to  this  voyage  that  Gosnold  made  his  approach  to  the  land  north 
of  Massachusetts  Bay.  “North  Land”  is  probably  best  identified  as  Cape 
Porpoise,  and  “Savage  Rock,”  as  Cape  Neddock,  — both  on  the  southerly 
part  of  the  Maine  coast. 

2 This  is  evidence  that  Basque  fishermen  extended  their  voyages  to  the 
coast  of  Maine. 

3 They  “could  name  Placentia  of  the  New-found-land,”  says  Archer. 
This  is  added  evidence  that  French  fishermen,  visiting  the  Newfoundland 
fishing  banks,  came  to  the  New  England  coast. 


1602]  BRERETON?S  BRIEFE  AND  TRUE  RELATION  331 


or  of  S.  John  de  Luz,  have  fished  or  traded  in  this  place,  being 
in  the  latitude  of  43  degrees.  But  riding  heere,  in  no  very 
good  harbour,  and  withall,  doubting  the  weather,  about 
three  of  the  clocke  the  same  day  in  the  afternoone  we  weighed, 
and  standing  Southerly  off  into  sea  the  rest  of  that  day  and  the 
night  following,  with  a fresh  gale  of  winde,  in  the  morning 
we  found  our  selves  embayed  with  a mightie  headland ; 1 but 
comming  to  an  anker  about  nine  of  the  clocke  the  same  day, 
within  a league  of  the  shore,  we  hoised  out  the  one  halfe  of  our 
shallop,  and  captaine  Bartholmew  Gosnold,  my  selfe,  and  three 
others,  went  ashore,  being  a white  sandie  and  very  bolde  shore ; 
and  marching  all  that  afternoon  with  our  muskets  on  our  necks, 
on  the  highest  hilles  which  we  saw  (the  weather  very  hot)  at 
length  we  perceived  this  headland  to  be  a parcell  of  the  maine, 
and  sundrie  Islands  lying  almost  round  about  it : so  returning 
(towards  evening)  to  our  shallop  (for  by  that  time,  the  other 
part  was  brought  ashore  and  set  together)  we  espied  an  Indian, 
a young  man,  of  proper  stature,  and  of  a pleasing  countenance ; 
and  after  some  familiaritie  with  him,  we  left  him  at  the  sea 
side,  and  returned  to  our  ship,  where,  in  five  or  sixe  hours 
absence,  we  had  pestered  our  ship  so  with  Cod  fish,  that  we 
threw  numbers  of  them  over-boord  againe:  and  surely,  I am 
persuaded  that  in  the  moneths  of  March,  April,  and  May,  there 
is  upon  this  coast,  better  fishing,  and  in  as  great  plentie,  as  in 
Newfoundland:  for  the  sculles  of  mackerell,  herrings,  Cod, 
and  other  fish,2  that  we  dayly  saw  as  we  went  and  came  from 
the  shore,  were  woonderfull ; and  besides,  the  places  where  we 
tooke  these  Cods  (and  might  in  a fewdaies  have  laden  our  ship) 
were  but  in  seven  faddome  water,  and  within  lessethan  a league 
of  the  shore;  where,  in  New-found-land  they  fish  in  fortie  or 

1 If  Cape  Ann  was  the  starting-point,  as  some  maintain,  this  “mightie 
headland,”  Cape  Cod,  would  have  been  discovered  much  earlier  by  Gosnold 
in  proceeding  down  the  coast.  Earlier  voyagers,  from  the  time  of  the  North- 
men, had  descried  this  “mightie  headland,”  “where  wee  tooke  great  store 
of  Cod-fish,”  says  Archer,  “ for  which  we  altered  the  name,  and  called  it  Cape 
Cod.” 

2 The  abundance  of  fish  on  the  New  England  coast  is  mentioned  by  all 
of  the  early  explorers. 


332 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1602 


fiftie  fadome  water,  and  farre  off.  From  this  place,  we  sailed 
round  about  this  headland,  almost  all  the  points  of  the  com- 
passe,  the  shore  very  bolde : but  as  no  coast  is  free  from  dan- 
gers, so  I am  persuaded,  this  is  as  free  as  any ; the  land  som- 
what  lowe,  full  of  goodly  woods,  but  in  some  places  plaine : at 
length  we  were  come  amongst  many  faire  Islands,1  which  we 
had  partly  discerned  at  our  first  landing;  all  lying  within  a 
league  or  two  one  of  another,  and  the  outermost  not  above 
sixe  or  seven  leagues  from  the  maine:  but  comming  to  an 
anker  under  one  of  the[m],2  which  was  about  three  or  foure 
leagues  from  the  maine,  captaine  Gosnold,  my  selfe,  and  some 
others,  went  ashore,  and  going  round  about  it,  we  found  it  to 
be  foure  English  miles  in  compasse,  without  house  or  inhabit- 
ant, saving  a little  old  house  made  of  boughs,  covered  with  barke, 
an  olde  piece  of  a weare  of  the  Indians,  to  catch  fish,  and  one  or 
two  places,  where  they  had  made  fires.  The  chiefest  trees  of 
this  Island,  are  Beeches  and  Cedars;  the  outward  parts  all 
overgrowen  with  lowe  bushie  trees,  three  or  foure  foot  in  height, 
which  beare  some  kinde  of  fruits,  as  appeared  by  their  blos- 
somes ; Strawberies,  red  and  white,  as  sweet  and  much  bigger 
than  ours  in  England,  Rasberies,  Gooseberies,  Hurtleberies, 
and  such;  an  incredible  store  of  Vines,  aswell  in  the  woodie 
part  of  the  Island,  where  they  run  upon  every  tree,  as  on  the 
outward  parts,  that  we  could  not  goe  for  treading  upon  them : 
also,  many  springs  of  excellent  sweet  water,  and  a great  stand- 
ing lake  of  fresh  water,  neere  the  sea  side,  an  English  mile  in 
compasse,  which  is  mainteined  with  the  springs  running  ex- 
ceeding pleasantly  thorow  the  woodie  grounds  which  are  very 
rockie.  Here  are  also  in  this  Island,  great  store  of  Deere, 
which  we  saw,  and  other  beasts,  as  appeared  by  their  tracks, 
as  also  divers  fowles,  as  Cranes,  Hernshawes,  Bitters,  Geese; 
Mallards,  Teales,  and  other  fowles,  in  great  plenty ; also,  great 
store  of  Pease,  which  grow  in  certeine  plots  all  the  Island  over. 


1 Nantucket  would  be  one  of  the  first. 

2 A note  in  the  margin  of  the  original  reads,  “The  first  Island  called 
Marthaes  vineyard.”  The  island  was  no  doubt  the  present  No  Man’s  Land, 
near  the  larger  island  now  called  Martha’s  Vineyard. 


1602]  BRERETON’S  BRIEFE  AND  TRUE  RELATION  333 


On  the  North  side  of  this  Island  we  found  many  huge  bones  and 
ribbes  of  Whales.  This  Island,  as  also  all  the  rest  of  these 
Islands,  are  full  of  all  sorts  of  stones  fit  for  building;  the  sea 
sides  all  covered  with  stones,  many  of  them  glistering  and 
shining  like  minerall  stones,  and  very  rockie:  also,  the  rest 
of  these  Islands  are  replenished  with  these  commodities,  and 
upon  some  of  them,  inhabitants;  as  upon  an  Island  to  the 
Northward,  and  within  two  leagues  of  this ; yet  wee  found  no 
townes,  nor  many  of  their  houses,  although  we  saw  manie 
Indians,  which  are  tall  big  boned  men,  all  naked,  saving  they 
cover  their  privy  parts  with  a blacke  tewed  skin,  much  like 
a Black-smithes  apron,  tied  about  their  middle  and  betweene 
their  legs  behinde:  they  gave  us  of  their  fish  readie  boiled 
(which  they  carried  in  a basket  made  of  twigges,  not  unlike 
our  osier)  whereof  we  did  eat,  and  judged  them  to  be  fresh 
water  fish:  they  gave  us  also  of  their  Tabacco,  which  they 
drinke  1 greene,  but  dried  into  powder,  very  strong  and  pleas- 
ant, and  much  better  than  any  I have  tasted  in  England : the 
necks  of  their  pipes  are  made  of  clay  hard  dried  (whereof  in  that 
Island  is  great  store  both  red  and  white)  the  other  part,  is  a 
piece  of  hollow  copper,  very  finely  closed  and  semented  to- 
gether: we  gave  unto  them  certeine  trifles,  as  knives,  points, 
and  such  like,  which  they  much  esteemed.  From  thence  we 
went  to  another  Island,2  to  the  Northwest  of  this,  and  within 
a league  or  two  of  the  maine,  which  we  found  to  be  greater 
than  before  we  imagined,  being  16  English  miles  at  the  least 
in  compasse;  for  it  conteineth  many  pieces  or  necks  of  land, 
which  differ  nothing  fro  severall  Islands,  saving  that  certeine 

1 “We  dranke  of  their  excellent  Tabacco,”  says  Rosier,  in  his  relation  of 
Waymouth’s  voyage  to  the  coast  of  Maine  in  1605.  “Drinking”  tobacco 
was  the  term  generally  employed  at  that  time,  when  the  reference  was  to 
smoking  it.  Drake,  Book  of  the  Indians,  p.  22,  cites  an  entry  in  the 
Plymouth  records  in  1646  as  follows,  “Anthony  Thatcher  and  George  Pole 
were  chosen  a committee  to  draw  up  an  order  concerning  disorderly  drink- 
ing of  tobacco.” 

2 Cuttyhunk,  one  of  the  Elizabeth  group  of  islands.  A circumference 
of  sixteen  miles  can  be  ascribed  to  it,  however,  only  by  combining  with  it 
the  next  island  northward,  now  separated  by  a narrow  strait.  Archer  says, 
“This  Hand  Captaine  Gosnoll  called  Elizabeths  He.” 


334 


EAELY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1602 


banks  of  small  bredth  do  like  bridges  joyne  them  to  this 
Island : on  the  outsides  of  this  Island  are  many  plaine  places 
of  grasse,  abundance  of  Strawberies  and  other  berries  before 
mentioned:  in  mid  May  we  did  sowe  in  this  Island  (as  for 
triall)  in  sundry  places,  Wheat,  Barley,  Oats,  and  Pease, 
which  in  foureteene  daieswere  sprung  up  nine  inches  and  more  :x 
the  soile  is  fat  and  lustie;  the  upper  crust,  of  gray  colour; 
but  a foot  or  lesse  in  depth,  of  the  colour  of  our  hempe-lands 
in  England ; and  being  thus  apt  for  these  and  the  like  graines ; 
the  sowing  or  setting  (after  the  ground  is  cleansed)  is  no  greater 
labour,  than  if  you  should  set  or  sowe  in  one  of  our  best  pre- 
pared gardens  in  England.  This  Island  is  full  of  high  tim- 
bered Oaks,  their  leaves  thrise  so  broad  as  ours ; Cedars,  strait 
and  tall ; Beech,  Elme,  Hollie,  Walnut  trees  in  abundance,  the 
fruit  as  bigge  as  ours,  as  appeared  by  those  we  found  under 
the  trees,  which  had  lien  all  the  yeere  ungathered;  Haslenut 
trees,  Cherry  trees,  the  leafe,  barke  and  bignesse  not  differing 
from  ours  in  England,  but  the  stalke  beareth  the  blossomes  or 
fruit  at  the  end  thereof,  like  a cluster  of  Grapes,  forty  or  fifty 
in  a bunch ; Sassafras  trees  2 plentie  all  the  Island  over,  a tree 

1 Other  like  statements  concerning  the  remarkable  fertility  of  the  soil 
occur  in  the  “Relations”  of  these  early  voyagers,  and  are  indications  of  easy 
exaggeration.  Shakespeare,  in  the  Tempest  (Act  IV.  Scene  i.)  makes  Iris 
say  to  Ceres : — 

“ Ceres,  most  bounteous  lady,  thy  rich  leas 
Of  wheat,  rye,  barley,  vetches,  oats,  and  pease.” 

The  Tempest  was  written,  it  is  thought,  in  1610-1611,  and  in  this  and 
other  descriptions  of  the  “uninhabited  island,”  the  scene  of  the  play  (which 
Shakespearian  scholars  have  identified  with  Bermuda,  Lampedusa,  Panta- 
laria,  and  Corcyra),  Edward  Everett  Hale  finds  intimations  that  Shakespeare 
was  familiar  with  the  story  of  Gosnold’s  Elizabeth  Isle  and  used  it  in  the  play. 
In  the  Tempest,  he  says,  “there  is  no  allusion  to  an  orange,  a banana,  a 
yam,  or  a potato,  or  a palm-tree,  or  a pineapple,  or  a monkey,  or  a parrot,  or 
anything  else  which  refers  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  or  the  tropics.  Does  not 
this  seem  as  if  he  meant  that  the  local  color  of  the  Tempest  should  be  that 
which  was  suggested  by  the  gentlemen  adventurers  and  the  seamen  who  were 
talking  of  Cuttyhunk,  its  climate  and  productions,  as  they  told  travellers’ 
stories  up  and  down  London  ? ” The  Earl  of  Southampton,  the  patron  and 
friend  of  Shakespeare,  was  the  patron  of  Gosnold  in  this  voyage. 

2 Sassafras  was  regarded  as  “a  plant  of  Sovereigne  vertue.”  Archer, 
in  his  “Relation,”  Purchas,  IV.  1649  (Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  third  series. 


1602]  BRERETON’S  BRIEFE  AND  TRUE  RELATION  335 


of  high  price  and  profit ; also  clivers  other  fruit  trees, 
some  of  them  with  strange  barks,  of  an  Orange  colour,  in  feel- 
ing soft  and  smoothe  like  Velvet : in  the  thickest  parts  of  the 
woods,  you  may  see  a furlong  or  more  round  about.  On  the 
Northwest  side  of  this  Island,  neere  to  the  sea  side,  is  a stand- 
ing Lake  of  fresh  water,  almost  three  English  miles  in  compasse, 
in  the  middest  whereof  stands  a plot  of  woodie  ground,  an  acre 
in  quantitie  or  not  above : This  Lake  is  full  of  small  Tortoises, 
and  exceedingly  frequented  with  all  sorts  of  fowles  before  re- 
hearsed, which  breed,  some  lowe  on  the  banks,  and  others  on 
lowe  trees  about  this  Lake  in  great  abundance,  whose  young 
ones  of  all  sorts  we  tooke  and  eat  at  our  pleasure : but  all  these 
fowles  are  much  bigger  than  ours  in  England.  Also,  in  every 
Island,  and  almost  in  every  part  of  every  Island,  are  great 
store  of  Ground  nuts,  fortie  together  on  a string,  some  of  them 
as  bigge  as  hennes  egges;  they  grow  not  two  inches  under 
ground : the  which  nuts  we  found  to  be  as  good  as  Potatoes. 
Also,  divers  sorts  of  shell-fish,  as  Scallops,  Muscles,  Cockles, 
Lobsters,  Crabs,  Oisters,  and  Whilks,  exceeding  good  and  very 
great.  But  not  to  cloy  you  with  particular  rehearsall  of  such 
things  as  God  and  Nature  hath  bestowed  on  these  places,  in 
comparison  wherof,  the  most  fertil  part  of  al  England  is  (of 
it  selfe)  but  barren;  we  went  in  our  light-horsman  fro  this 
Island  to  the  maine,  right  against  this  Island  some  two  leagues 
off,  where  comming  ashore,  we  stood  a while  like  men  rav- 
ished at  the  beautie  and  delicacie  of  this  sweet  soile ; for 
besides  divers  cleere  Lakes  of  fresh  water  (whereof  we  saw  no 
end)  Medowes  very  large  and  full  of  greene  grasse ; even  the 
most  woody  places  (I  speake  onely  of  such  as  I saw)  doe  grow 
so  distinct  and  apart,  one  tree  from  another,  upon  greene 
grassie  ground,  somewhat  higher  than  the  Plaines,  as  if  Nature 
would  shew  herselfe  above  her  power,  artificiall.  Hard  by, 
we  espied  seven  Indians ; and  comming  up  to  them,  at  first  they 
expressed  some  feare ; but  being  emboldned  by  our  courteous 

VIII.  77,  78),  says,  “The  powder  of  Sassafrage  in  twelve  houres  cured  one 
of  our  Company  that  had  taken  a great  surfett  by  eating  the  bellies  of  Dog- 
fish, a very  delicious  meate.” 


336 


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[1602 


usage,  and  some  trifles  which  we  gave  them,  they  followed  us 
to  a necke  of  land,  which  we  imagined  had  beene  severed  from 
the  maine;  but  finding  it  otherwise,  we  perceived  a broad 
harbour  or  rivers  mouth,  which  ranne  up  into  the  maine: 
but  because  the  day  was  farre  spent,  we  were  forced  to  returne 
to  the  Island  from  whence  we  came,  leaving  the  discoverie  of 
this  harbour,  for  a time  of  better  leasure : of  the  goodnesse  of 
which  harbour,  as  also  of  many  others  thereabouts,  there  is 
small  doubt,  considering  that  all  the  Islands,  as  also  the  maine 
(where  we  were)  is  all  rockie  grounds  and  broken  lands.  Now 
the  next  day,  we  determined  to  fortifie  our  selves  in  the  little 
plot  of  ground  in  the  midst  of  the  Lake  above  mentioned, 
where  we  built  an  house,  and  covered  it  with  sedge,  which  grew 
about  this  lake  in  great  abundance;  in  building  whereof,  we 
spent  three  weeks  and  more : 1 but  the  second  day  after  our 
comming  from  the  maine,  we  espied  9 canowes  or  boats,  with 
fiftie  Indians  in  them,  comming  towards  us  from  this  part  of  the 
maine,  where  we,  two  daies  before,  landed ; and  being  loth  they 
should  discover  our  fortification,  we  went  out  on  the  sea  side 
to  meet  them;  and  comming  somewhat  neere  them,  they  all 
sat  downe  upon  the  stones,  calling  aloud  to  us  (as  we  rightly 
ghessed)  to  doe  the  like,  a little  distance  from  them : having  sat 
a while  in  this  order,  captaine  Gosnold  willed  me  to  go  unto 
them,  to  see  what  countenance  they  would  make ; but  assoone 
as  I came  up  unto  them,  one  of  them,  to  whom  I had  given  a 
knife  two  daies  before  in  the  maine,  knew  me  (whom  I also 
very  wel  remembered)  and  smiling  upon  me,  spake  somewhat 
unto  their  lord  or  captaine,  which  sat  in  the  midst  of  them, 
who  presently  rose  up  and  tooke  a large  Beaver  skin  from  one 
that  stood  about  him,  and  gave  it  unto  me,  which  I requited 
for  that  time  the  best  I could : but  I pointing  towards  captaine 
Gosnold,  made  signes  unto  him,  that  he  was  our  captaine,  and 

1 Noah  Webster  in  1797  (Belknap’s  American  Biography,  II.  114),  Francis  C. 
Gray  in  1817  ( North  American  Review , V.  313),  and  John  Wingate  Thornton 
in  1848  ( Cape  Anne,  p.  21),  maintained  that  they  discovered  on  the  islet 
plain  outlines  of  Gosnold’s  fort  and  house;  but  the  writer  of  this  note,  the 
general  editor  of  the  present  series,  found  none  in  1905.  In  1902  a stone 
tower  commemorative  of  Gosnold’s  sojourn  was  erected  on  the  islet. 


1602]  BRERETON’S  BRIEFE  AND  TRUE  RELATION  337 


desirous  to  be  his  friend,  and  enter  league  with  him,  which  (as 
I perceived)  he  understood,  and  made  signes  of  joy:  where- 
upon captaine  Gosnold  with  the  rest  of  his  companie,  being 
twentie  in  all,  came  up  unto  them;  and  after  many  signes  of 
gratulations  (captaine  Gosnold  presenting  their  L.1  with  cer- 
teine  trifles  which  they  wondred  at,  and  highly  esteemed)  we 
became  very  great  friends,  and  sent  for  meat  aboord  our  shal- 
lop, and  gave  them  such  meats  as  we  had  then  readie  dressed, 
whereof  they  misliked  nothing  but  our  mustard,  whereat  they 
made  many  a sowre  face.  While  we  were  thus  merry,  one  of 
them  had  conveied  a target  of  ours  into  one  of  their  canowes, 
which  we  suffered,  onely  to  trie  whether  they  were  in  subjec- 
tion to  this  L.  to  whom  we  made  signes  (by  shewing  him  another 
of  the  same  likenesse,  and  pointing  to  the  canowe)  what  one 
of  his  companie  had  done : who  suddenly  expressed  some  feare, 
and  speaking  angerly  to  one  about  him  (as  we  perceived  by 
his  countenance)  caused  it  presently  to  be  brought  backe 
againe.  So  the  rest  of  the  day  we  spent  in  trading  with  them 
for  Furres,  which  are  Beavers,  Luzernes,  Marterns,  Otters, 
Wild-cat  skinnes  very  large  and  deepe  Furre,  blacke  Foxes, 
Conie  skinnes,  of  the  colour  of  our  Hares,  but  somewhat  lesse, 
Deere  skinnes  very  large,  Seale  skinnes,  and  other  beasts  skinnes 
to  us  unknowen.  They  have  also  great  store  of  Copper,  some 
very  redde,  and  some  of  a paler  colour ; none  of  them  but  have 
chaines,  earrings  or  collars  of  this  mettall : they  head  some  of 
their  arrows  herewith,  much  like  our  broad  arrow  heads,  very 
workmanly  made.  Their  chaines  are  many  hollow  pieces 
semented  together,  ech  piece  of  the  bignesse  of  one  of  our 
reeds,  a finger  in  length,  ten  or  twelve  of  them  together  on  a 
string,  which  they  weare  about  their  necks : their  collars  they 
weare  about  their  bodies  like  bandelieres  a handfull  broad, 
all  hollow  pieces,  like  the  other,  but  somewhat  shorter,  foure 
hundred  pieces  in  a collar,  very  fine  and  evenly  set  together. 
Besides  these,  they  have  large  drinking  cups,  made  like  sculles, 
and  other  thinne  plates  of  Copper,  made  much  like  our  boare- 


Z 


1 Lord. 


338 


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[1602 


speare  blades,  all  which  they  so  little  esteeme,  as  they  offered 
their  fairest  collars  or  chaines,  for  a knife  or  such  like  trifle, 
but  we  seemed  little  to  regard  it ; yet  I was  desirous  to  under- 
stand where  they  had  such  store  of  this  mettall,  and  made  signes 
to  one  of  them  (with  whom  I was  verie  familiar)  who  taking 
a piece  of  Copper  in  his  hand,  made  a hole  with  his  finger  in  the 
ground,  and  withall,  pointed  to  the  maine  from  whence  they 
came.  They  strike  fire  in  this  maner;  every  one  carrieth 
about  him  in  a purse  of  tewed  leather,  a Minerall  stone  (which 
I take  to  be  their  Copper)  and  with  a flat  Emerie  stone  (where- 
with Glasiers  cut  glasse,  and  Cutlers  glase  blades)  tied  fast  to 
the  end  of  a little  sticke,  gently  he  striketh  upon  the  Minerall 
stone,  and  within  a stroke  or  two,  a sparke  falleth  upon  a piece 
of  Touchwood  (much  like  our  Spunge  in  England)  and  with  the 
least  sparke  he  maketh  a fire  presently.  We  had  also  of  their 
Flaxe,  wherewith  they  make  many  strings  and  cords,  but  it  is 
not  so  bright  of  colour  as  ours  in  England : I am  persuaded 
they  have  great  store  growing  upon  the  maine,  as  also  Mines 
and  many  other  rich  commodities,  which  we,  wanting  both 
time  and  meanes,  could  not  possibly  discover.  Thus  they 
continued  with  us  three  daies,  every  night  retiring  themselves 
to  the  furthermost  part  of  our  Island  two  or  three  miles  from 
our  fort : but  the  fourth  day  they  returned  to  the  maine,  point- 
ing five  or  six  times  to  the  Sun,  and  once  to  the  maine,  which 
we  understood,  that  within  five  or  six  daies  they  would  come 
from  the  maine  to  us  againe:  but  being  in  their  canowes  a 
little  from  the  shore,  they  made  huge  cries  and  shouts  of  joy 
unto  us ; and  we  with  our  trumpet  and  cornet,  and  casting  up 
our  cappes  into  the  aire,  made  them  the  best  farewell  we 
could:  yet  sixe  or  seven  of  them  remained  with  us  behinde, 
bearing  us  company  every  day  into  the  woods,  and  helpt  us 
to  cut  and  carie  our  Sassafras,  and  some  of  them  lay  aboord  our 
ship.  These  people,  as  they  are  exceeding  courteous,  gentle 
of  disposition,  and  well  conditioned,  excelling  all  others  that 
we  have  seene;  so  for  shape  of  bodie  and  lovely  favour,  I 
thinke  they  excell  all  the  people  of  America ; of  stature  much 
higher  than  we;  of  complexion  or  colour,  much  like  a darke 


1602]  BRERETON’S  BRIEFE  AND  TRUE  RELATION  339 


Olive;  their  eie-browes  and  haire  blacke,  which  they  weare 
long,  tied  up  behinde  in  knots,  whereon  they  pricke  feathers 
of  fowles,  in  fashion  of  a crownet:  some  of  them  are  blacke 
thin  bearded;  they  make  beards  of  the  haire  of  beasts:  and 
one  of  them  offered  a beard  of  their  making  to  one  of  our 
sailers,  for  his  that  grew  on  his  face,  which  because  it  was  of  a 
red  colour,  they  judged  to  be  none  of  his  owne.  They  are 
quicke  eied,  and  stedfast  in  their  looks,  fearlesse  of  others 
harmes,  as  intending  none  themselves;  some  of  the  meaner 
sort  given  to  filching,  which  the  very  name  of  Salvages  (not 
weighing  their  ignorance  in  good  or  evill)  may  easily  excuse: 
their  garments  are  of  Deere  skins,  and  some  of  them  weare 
Furres  round  and  close  about  their  necks.  They  pronounce  our 
language  with  great  facilitie ; for  one  of  them  one  day  sitting 
by  me,  upon  occasion  I spake  smiling  to  him  these  words: 
How  now  (sirha)  are  you  so  saucie  with  my  Tabacco  ? which 
words  (without  any  further  repetition)  he  suddenly  spake  so 
plaine  and  distinctly,  as  if  he  had  beene  a long  scholar  in  the 
language.  Many  other  such  trials  we  had,  which  are  here 
needlesse  to  repeat.  Their  women  (such  as  we  saw)  which 
were  but  three  in  all,  were  but  lowe  of  stature,  their  eie-browes, 
haire,  apparell,  and  maner  of  wearing,  like  to  the  men,  fat, 
and  very  well  favoured,  and  much  delighted  in  our  compane ; 
the  men  are  very  dutifull  towards  them.  And  truely,  the 
holsomnesse  and  temperature  of  this  Climat,  doth  not  onely 
argue  this  people  to  be  answerable  to  this  description,  but  also 
of  a perfect  constitution  of  body,  active,  strong,  healthfull, 
and  very  wittie,  as  the  sundry  toies  of  theirs  cunningly  wrought, 
may  easily  witnes.  For  the  agreeing  of  this  Climat  with  us 
(I  speake  of  my  selfe,  and  so  I may  justly  do  for  the  rest  of  our 
companie)  that  we  found  our  health  and  strength  all  the  while 
we  remained  there,  so  to  renew  and  increase,  as  notwithstanding 
our  diet  and  lodging  was  none  of  the  best,  yet  not  one  of  our 
company  (God  be  thanked)  felt  the  least  grudging  or  inclina- 
tion to  any  disease  or  sicknesse,  but  were  much  fatter  and  in 
better  health  than  when  we  went  out  of  England.  But  after 
our  barke  had  taken  in  so  much  Sassafras,  Cedar,  Furres, 


340 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1602 


Skinnes,  and  other  commodities,  as  were  thought  convenient; 
some  of  our  company  that  had  promised  captaine  Gosnold  to 
stay,1  having  nothing  but  a saving  voyage  in  their  minds, 
made  our  company  of  inhabitants  (which  was  small  enough 
before)  much  smaller;  so  as  captaine  Gosnold  seeing  his 
whole  strength  to  consist  but  of  twelve  men,  and  they  but 
meanly  provided,  determined  to  returne  for  England,  leaving 
this  Island  (which  he  called  Elizabeths  Island)  with  as  many 
true  sorrowfull  eies,  as  were  before  desirous  to  see  it.  So  the 
18  of  June,  being  Friday,  we  weighed,  and  with  indifferent 
faire  winde  and  weather  came  to  anker  the  23  of  July,  being 
also  Friday  (in  all,  bare  five  weeks)  before  Exmouth.2 

Your  Lordships  to  command, 
John  Brereton. 

1 Gosnold  seems  to  have  had  in  mind  a permanent  trading  post.  Archer 
says,  “ The  eighth  wee  divided  the  victuals,  viz.,  the  ships  store  for  England, 
and  that  of  the  Planters,  which  by  Captaine  Gilberts  allowance  could  be 
but  sixe  weekes  for  sixe  moneths,  whereby  there  fell  out  a controversie,  the 
rather,  for  that  some  seemed  secretly  to  understand  of  a purpose  Captaine 
Gilbert  had  not  to  returne  with  supphe  of  the  issue  those  goods  should  make 
by  him  to  be  carried  home.” 

2 A town  in  the  county  of  Devon  on  the  east  side  of  the  estuary  of  the 
Exe,  and  at  present  a celebrated  watering-place. 


A VOYAGE  SET  OUT  FROM  THE  CITIE  OF 
BRISTOLL,  1603,  BY  MARTIN  PRING 


INTRODUCTION 


Martin  PRiNGwas  only  twenty-three  years  of  age  when,  by 
“sundry  of  the  chief est  merchants  of  Bristol,”  he  was  placed 
in  command  of  an  expedition  to  the  American  coast.  In 
making  this  venture,  these  merchants  evidently  received  en- 
couragement from  the  reports  brought  back  to  England  by 
Gosnold  and  his  associates.  Two  vessels  were  employed  in 
the  expedition  — one  of  about  fifty  tons,  the  Speedwell,  com- 
manded by  Pring,  with  Edward  Jones  as  mate;  and  another 
of  twenty-six  tons,  the  Discoverer,  commanded  by  William 
Broune,  with  Samuel  Kirkland  as  mate,  Pring  being  “Master 
and  Chief  Commander.”  Robert  Salterne,  who  was  on  the 
American  coast  with  Gosnold  the  year  before,  was  chief  agent 
and  supercargo;  and  another  of  Gosnold’s  best  men,  John 
Angell,  accompanied  Pring.  The  mistake  of  Gosnold  and  Gil- 
bert the  year  before  was  not  made  by  Pring’s  promoters,  and 
permission  for  the  undertaking  was  secured  from  Sir  Walter 
Ralegh. 

Pring  made  a voyage  to  the  coast  of  Guiana  in  1604.  In 
1606  he  was  again  on  the  New  England  coast,  and  brought 
back  with  him  such  an  encouraging  report,  with  valuable 
information  concerning  the  coast  of  Maine,  that  the  Popham 
colony  followed  in  1607.  It  is  supposed  that  Pring  entered 
the  East  India  service  about  that  time,  though  no  mention  of 
him  is  found  in  that  relation  until  1614,  when  he  was  master 
of  a large  new  ship.  Purchas  makes  several  extracts  from 
manuscript  journals  of  two  voyages  to  the  East  Indies,  made 
by  him  between  1614  and  1621.  In  the  last  of  these  voyages 
Pring  commanded  a squadron  of  five  ships,  one  of  which  was  of 
more  than  one  thousand  tons.  In  1619,  on  the  death  of  Dale, 

343 


344 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


Pring  succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  whole  English  East 
India  squadron.  He  returned  to  England  in  1623.  It  is 
thought  that  he  may  have  gone  to  Virginia  two  or  three  years 
later.  If  so,  he  died  soon  after  his  return  to  England,  as  his 
monument  in  St.  Stephen’s  Church,  Bristol,  records  his  death 
in  1626. 

The  story  of  the  voyage  of  1603  was  secured  from  Pring  by 
Richard  Hakluyt,  but  this  of  course  was  after  the  publication 
of  Hakluyt’s  great  work.  Many  of  Hakluyt’s  papers,  however, 
after  his  death,  which  occurred  in  1616,  passed  into  the  hands 
of  Samuel  Purchas,  and  this  narrative  of  Pring’s  voyage  ap- 
peared in  Purchas’s  Pilgrimes,  fourth  volume,  published  in 
1625.  The  account  of  the  voyage,  though  ascribed  to  Pring 
by  Purchas,  seems  to  have  been  written  in  part  by  other 
hands,  as  in  the  last  paragraph,  where  mention  of  “our 
Captaine”  is  made.  A careful  reprint  of  the  “Relation” 
appears  in  Winship’s  Sailors’  Narratives  of  New  England  Voy- 
ages, pp.  53-63.  A biographical  account  of  Pring,  by  Pro- 
fessor Alfred  L.  P.  Dennis,  was  printed  by  the  Maine  Historical 
Society  in  1906,  in  its  Collections , third  series,  II.  1-50. 

H.  S.  B. 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  MARTIN  PRING,  1603 


A Voyage  set  out  from  the  Citie  of  Bristoll  at  the  charge  of  the 
chiefest  Merchants  and  inhabitants  of  the  said  Citie 
with  a small  Ship  and  a Barke  for  the  discoverie  of 
the  North  part  of  Virginia. 

We  set  saile  from  Milford  Haven  1 (where  the  winds  had 
stayed  us  a fortnight,  in  which  space  we  heard  of  Queen 
Elizabeths  death)  the  tenth  of  Aprill  1603.  In  our  course  we 
passed  by  the  lies  of  the  Agores,  had  first  sight  of  the  Pike,2 
and  afterward  of  the  Hand  of  Cuervo  3 and  Flores,  and  after 
we  had  runne  some  five  hundred  leagues,  we  fell  with  a multi- 
tude of  small  Hands  on  the  North  Coast  of  Virginia,  in  the 

latitude  of  43.  degrees,  the  of  June,  which  Hands  wee 

found  very  pleasant  to  behold,  adorned  with  goodly  grasse  and 
sundry  sorts  of  Trees,  as  Cedars,  Spruce,  Pine  and  Firre- trees. 
Heere  wee  found  an  excellent  fishing  for  Cod,  which  are  better 
then  those  of  New-found-land,  and  withall  we  saw  good  and 
Rockie  ground  fit  to  drie  them  upon : also  we  see  no  reason  to 
the  contrary,  but  that  Salt  may  bee  made  in  these  parts,  a 
matter  of  no  small  importance.  We  sayled  to  the  South- 
west end  of  these  Hands,  and  there  rode  with  our  ships  under 
one  of  the  greatest.  One  of  them  we  named  Foxe  Hand,4  be- 
cause we  found  those  kind  of  beasts  thereon.  So  passing 
through  the  rest  with  our  Boates  to  the  mayne  Land,  which 
lieth  for  a good  space  North-east  and  Southwest,  we 
found  very  safe  riding  among  them,  in  sixe,  seven,  eight,  ten 

1 A harbor  of  Pembrokeshire,  Wales.  It  was  from  this  port  that  John 
Cabot,  in  1497,  made  his  voyage  to  America. 

2 The  island  called  Pico,  a high  conical  mountain.  3 Or  Corvo. 

4 An  island  on  the  coast  of  Maine,  east  of  Penobscot  Bay.  The  group 
still  bears  the  name.  The  larger  islands  of  the  group  are  North  Haven  and 
Vinalhaven. 


345 


346 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1603 


and  twelve  fathomes.  At  length  comming  to  the  Mayne  in  the 
latitude  of  43.  degrees  and  a halfe,  we  ranged  the  same  to 
the  South-west.  In  which  course  we  found  foure  Inlets,  the 
most  Easterly  whereof  was  barred  at  the  mouth,1  but  having 
passed  over  the  barre,  wee  ranne  up  into  it  five  miles,  and  for 
a certaine  space  found  very  good  depth,  and  comming  out 
againe,  as  we  sailed  South-westward,  we  lighted  upon  two 
other  Inlets,  which  upon  our  search  we  found  to  pierce  not 
farre  into  the  land,  the  fourth  and  most  Westerly  was  the 
best,  which  we  rowed  up  ten  or  twelve  miles. 

In  all  these  places  we  found  no  people,2  but  signes  of  fires 
where  they  had  beene.  Howbeit  we  beheld  very  goodly 
Groves  and  Woods  replenished  with  tall  Okes,  Beeches,  Pine- 
trees,  Firre-trees,  Hasels,  Wich-hasels  and  Maples.  We  saw 
here  also  sundry  sorts  of  Beasts,  as  Stags,  Deere,  Beares, 
Wolves,  Foxes,  Lusernes,  and  Dogges  with  sharpe  noses.  But 
meeting  with  no  Sassafras,  we  left  these  places  with  all  the 
foresaid  Hands,  shaping  our  course  for  Savage  Rocke  discov- 
ered the  yeere  before  by  Captaine  Gosnold,  where  going  upon 
the  Mayne  we  found  people,  with  whom  we  had  no  long  con- 
versation, because  here  also  we  could  find  no  Sassafras.  De- 
parting hence  3 we  bare  into  that  great  Gulfe  which  Captaine 
Gosnold  over-shot  the  yeere  before,  coasting  and  finding  people 
on  the  North  side  thereof.  Not  yet  satisfied  in  our  expecta- 
tion, we  left  them  and  sailed  over,  and  came  to  an  Anchor  on 
the  South  side  in  the  latitude  of  41.  degrees  and  odde  minute: 
where  we  went  on  Land  in  a certaine  Bay,  which  we  called 
Whitson  Bay,4  by  the  name  of  the  Worshipfull  Master  John 
Whitson  then  Major  of  the  Citie  of  Bristoll,  and  one  of  the 

1 It  has  been  conjectured  that  this  was  the  Saco  River.  The  other  inlets, 
then,  would  be  the  Kennebunk,  York  and  Piscataqua  rivers. 

2 Probably  at  that  season  of  the  year  the  Indians  were  fishing  at  the  falls 
of  the  river. 

3 The  language  here  does  not  necessarily  locate  Savage  Rock  at  Cape 
Ann.  The  description  evidently  is  generals  not  particular. 

4 Bancroft,  following  Belknap,  identifies  Whitson’s  Bay  with  the  harbor 
of  Edgartown,  Martha’s  Vineyard,  which  is  in  the  latitude  of  41°  2.V.  The 
narrative  implies  that  Pring  passed  from  the  north  to  the  south  side  of  the 
“greate  Gulfe,”  and  Dr.  De  Costa  (Magazine  of  American  History,  VIII. 


1603] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  MARTIN  PRING 


347 


chiefe  Adventurers,  and  finding  a pleasant  Hill  thereunto 
adjoyning,  we  called  it  Mount  Aldworth,  for  Master  Robert 
Aldworths  1 sake  a chiefe  furtherer  of  the  Voyage,  as  well  with 
his  Purse  as  with  his  travell.2  Here  we  had  sufficient  quan- 
titie  of  Sassafras. 

At  our  going  on  shore,  upon  view  of  the  people  and  sight 
of  the  place,  wee  thought  it  convenient  to  make  a small 
baricado  to  keepe  diligent  watch  and  ward  in,  for  the  advertize- 
ment  and  succour  of  our  men,  while  they  should  worke  in  the 
Woods.  During  our  abode  on  shore,  the  people  of  the  Coun- 
trey came  to  our  men  sometimes  ten,  twentie,  fortie  or  three- 
score, and  at  one  time  one  hundred  and  twentie  at  once. 
We  used  them  kindly,  and  gave  them  divers  sorts  of  our  mean- 
est Merchandize.  They  did  eat  Pease  and  Beanes  with  our 
men.  Their  owne  victuals  were  most  of  fish. 

We  had  a youth  in  our  company  that  could  play  upon  a 
Gitterne,  in  whose  homely  Music  they  tooke  great  delight,  and 
would  give  him  many  things,  as  Tobacco,  Tobacco-pipes, 
Snakes  skinnes  of  sixe  foot  long,  which  they  use  for  Girdles, 
Fawnes  skinnes,  and  such  like,  and  danced  twentie  in  a Ring, 
and  the  Gitterne  in  the  middest  of  them,  using  many  Savage 
gestures,  singing  lo,  la,  lo,  la,  la,  lo : him  that  first  brake 
the  ring,  the  rest  would  knocke  and  cry  out  upon.  Some  few 
of  them  had  plates  of  Brasse  a foot  long,  and  halfe  a foote 
broad  before  their  breasts.  Their  Weapons  are  Bowes  of 
five  or  sixe  foot  long  of  Wich-hasell,  painted  blacke  and  yel- 
low, the  strings  of  three  twists  of  sinewes,  bigger  then  our  Bow- 
strings. Their  Arrowes  are  of  a yard  and  an  handfull  long 
not  made  of  Reeds,  but  of  a fine  light  wood  very  smooth 
and  round  with  three  long  and  deepe  blacke  feathers  of  some 
Eagle,  Vulture,  or  Kite,  as  closely  fastened  with  some  bind- 

807-819),  more  accurately,  it  would  seem,  identifies  Whitson’s  Bay  with 
Plymouth  harbor. 

1 Robert  Aldworth  was  a son  of  Thomas  Aldworth,  a prominent  mer- 
chant of  Bristol,  and  the  patron  of  Hakluyt.  He  died  in  1590.  His  son 
Robert  inherited  his  father’s  interest  in  western  discovery  and  colonization. 
With  Giles  Elbridge  he  obtained,  in  1631,  letters  patent  for  a grant  of  land 
at  Pemaquid,  He  died  in  1634.  2 1.e.,  travail. 


348 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1603 


ing  matter,  as  any  Fletcher  of  ours  can  glue  them  on.  Their 
Quivers  are  full  a yard  long,  and  made  of  long  dried  Rushes 
wrought  about  two  handfuls  broad  above,  and  one  handfull 
beneath  with  prettie  workes  and  compartiments,  Diamant  wise 
of  red  and  other  colours. 

We  carried  with  us  from  Bristoll  two  excellent  Mastives, 
of  whom  the  Indians  were  more  afraid,  then  of  twentie  of  our 
men.  One  of  these  Mastives  would  carrie  a halfe  Pike  in  his 
mouth.  And  one  Master  Thomas  Bridges  a Gentleman  of 
our  company  accompanied  only  with  one  of  these  Dogs,  and 
passed  sixe  miles  alone  in  the  Countrey  having  lost  his  fel- 
lowes,  and  returned  safely.  And  when  we  would  be  rid  of  the 
Savages  company  wee  would  let  loose  the  Mastives,  and  sud- 
denly with  out-cryes  they  would  flee  away.  These  people  in 
colour  are  inclined  to  a swart,  tawnie,  or  Chestnut  colour,  not 
by  nature  but  accidentally,  and  doe  weare  their  haire  brayded 
in  foure  parts,  and  trussed  up  about  their  heads  with  a small 
knot  behind : in  which  haire  of  theirs  they  sticke  many  feath- 
ers and  toyes  for  braverie  and  pleasure.  They  cover  their 
privities  only  with  a piece  of  leather  drawne  betwixt  then- 
twists  and  fastened  to  their  Girdles  behind  and  before : where- 
unto  they  hang  their  bags  of  Tobacco.  They  seeme  to  bee 
somewhat  jealous  of  their  women,  for  we  saw  not  past  two  of 
them,  who  weare  Aprons  of  Leather  skins  before  them  downe 
to  the  knees,  and  a Beares  skinne  like  an  Irish  Mantle  over 
one  shoulder.  The  men  are  of  stature  somewhat  taller  then 
our  ordinary  people,  strong,  swift,  well  proportioned,  and 
given  to  treacherie,  as  in  the  end  we  perceived. 

Their  Boats,  whereof  we  brought  one  to  Bristoll,  were  in 
proportion  like  a Wherrie  of  the  River  Thames,  seventeene 
foot  long  and  foure  foot  broad,  and  made  of  the  Barke  of  a 
Birch-tree,  farre  exceeding  in  bignesse  those  of  England:  it 
was  sowed  together  with  strong  and  tough  Oziers  or  twigs, 
and  the  seames  covered  over  with  Rozen  or  Turpentine  little 
inferiour  in  sweetnesse  to  Frankincense,  as  we  made  triall 
by  burning  a little  thereof  on  the  coales  at  sundry  times  after 
our  coming  home : it  was  also  open  like  a Wherrie,  and  sharpe 


1603] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  MARTIN  PRING 


349 


at  both  ends,  saving  that  the  beake  was  a little  bending  roundly 
upward.  And  though  it  carried  nine  men  standing  upright, 
yet  it  weighed  not  at  the  most  above  sixtie  pounds  in  weight, 
a thing  almost  incredible  in  regard  of  the  largenesse  and  capaci- 
ty thereof.  Their  Oares  were  flat  at  the  end  like  an  Oven 
peele,1  made  of  Ash  or  Maple  very  light  and  strong,  about  two 
yards  long,  wherewith  they  row  very  swiftly:  Passing  up  a 
River  we  saw  certaine  Cottages  together,  abandoned  by  the 
Savages,  and  not  farre  off  we  beheld  their  Gardens  and  one 
among  the  rest  of  an  Acre  of  ground,  and  in  the  same  was  sowne 
Tobacco,  pompions,  cowcumbers  and  such  like;  and  some  of 
the  people  had  Maiz  or  Indian  Wheate  among  them.  In  the 
fields  we  found  wild  Pease,  Strawberries  very  faire  and  bigge, 
Gooseberries,  Raspices,  Hurts,  and  other  wild  fruits. 

Having  spent  three  Weeks  upon  the  Coast  before  we  came 
to  this  place  where  we  meant  to  stay  and  take  in  our  lading, 
according  to  our  instructions  given  us  in  charge  before  our 
setting  forth,  we  pared  and  digged  up  the  Earth  with  shov- 
els, and  sowed  Wheate,  Barley,  Oates,  Pease,  and  sundry 
sorts  of  Garden  Seeds,  which  for  the  time  of  our  abode  there, 
being  about  seven  Weeks,  although  they  were  late  sowne, 
came  up  very  well,  giving  certaine  testimony  of  the  good- 
nesse  of  the  Climate  and  of  the  Soyle.  And  it  seemeth  that 
Oade,  Hempe,  Flaxe,  Rape-seed  and  such  like  which  require 
a rich  and  fat  ground,  would  prosper  excellently  in  these  parts. 
For  in  divers  places  here  we  found  grasse  above  knee  deepe. 

As  for  Trees  the  Country  yeeldeth  Sassafras  a plant  of 
sovereigne  vertue  for  the  French  Poxe,  and  as  some  of  late  have 
learnedly  written  good  against  the  Plague  and  many  other 
Maladies;  Vines,  Cedars,  Okes,  Ashes,  Beeches,  Birch  trees, 
Cherie  trees  bearing  fruit  whereof  wee  did  eate,  Hasels,  Wich- 
hasels,  the  best  wood  of  all  other  to  make  Sope-ashes  withall, 
Walnut-trees,  Maples,  holy  to  make  Bird-lime  with,  and  a 
kinde  of  tree  bearing  a fruit  like  a small  red  Peare-plum  with 
a crowne  or  knop  on  the  top  (a  plant  whereof  carefully  wrapped 


1 A baker’s  wooden  shovel. 


350 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1603 


up  in  earth,  Master  Robert  Salterne  brought  to  Bristol!.) 
We  found  also  low  trees  bearing  faire  Cheries.  There  were 
likewise  a white  kind  of  Plums  which  were  growne  to  their 
perfect  ripenesse.  With  divers  other  sorts  of  trees  to  us  un- 
knowne. 

The  Beasts  here  are  Stags,  fallow  Deere  in  abundance, 
Beares,  Wolves,  Foxes,  Lusernes,  and  (some  say)  Tygres, 
Porcupines,  and  Dogges  with  sharpe  and  long  noses,  with  many 
other  sorts  of  wild  beasts,  whose  Cases  and  Furres  being  here- 
after purchased  by  exchange  may  yeeld  no  smal  gaine  to  us. 
Since  as  we  are  certainly  informed,  the  Frenchmen  brought 
from  Canada  the  value  of  thirtie  thousand  Crownes  in  the  yeare 
1604.  Almost  in  Bevers  and  Otters  skinnes  only.  The  most 
usuall  Fowles  are  Eagles,  Vultures,  Hawkes,  Cranes,  Herons, 
Crowes,  Gulls,  and  great  store  of  other  River  and  Sea-fowles. 
And  as  the  Land  is  full  of  Gods  good  blessings,  so  is  the  Sea 
replenished  with  great  abundance  of  excellent  fish,  as  Cods 
sufficient  to  lade  many  ships,  which  we  found  upon  the  Coast 
in  the  moneth  of  June,  Seales  to  make  Oile  withall,  Mullets, 
Turbuts,  Mackerels,  Herrings,  Crabs,  Lobsters,  Creuises  and 
Muscles  with  ragged  Pearles  in  them. 

By  the  end  of  July  we  had  laded  our  small  Barke  called  the 
Discoverer,  with  as  much  Sassafras 1 as  we  thought  sufficient, 
and  sent  her  home  into  England  before,  to  give  some  speedie 
contentment  to  the  Adventurers ; who  arrived  safely  in  King- 
rode  2 above  a fortnight  before  us.  After  their  departure  we 
so  bestirred  our  selves,  that  our  shippe  also  had  gotten  in  her 
lading,  during  which  time  there  fell  out  this  accident.  On  a 
day  about  noone  tide  while  our  men  which  used  to  cut  down 
Sassafras  in  the  Woods  were  asleepe,  as  they  used  to  doe  for 
two  houres  in  the  heat  of  the  day,  there  came  downe  about 
seven  score  Savages  armed  with  their  Bowes  and  Arrowes, 
and  environed  our  House  or  Barricado,  wherein  were  foure  of 
our  men  alone  with  their  Muskets  to  keepe  Centinell,  whom  they 

1 Evidently  the  voyage  was  not  for  discovery,  but  for  this  marketable 
commodity. 

2 A channel  in  the  estuary  of  the  Severn,  near  Bristol. 


1603] 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  MARTIN  PRING 


351 


sought  to  have  come  downe  unto  them,  which  they  utterly 
refused,  and  stood  upon  their  guard.  Our  Master  likewise 
being  very  carefull  and  circumspect  having  not  past  two  with 
him  in  the  shippe  put  the  same  in  the  best  defence  he  could, 
lest  they  should  have  invaded  the  same,  and  caused  a piece  of 
great  Ordnance  to  bee  shot  off,  to  give  terrour  to  the  Indians, 
and  warning  to  our  men  which  were  fast  asleepe  in  the  Woods : 
at  the  noyse  of  which  Peece  they  were  a little  awaked,  and 
beganne  a little  to  call  for  Foole  and  Gallant,  their  great  and 
fearefull  Mastives,  and  full  quietly  laid  themselves  downe 
againe,  but  beeing  quickned  up  eftsoones  againe  with  a sec- 
ond shot  they  rowsed  up  themselves,  betooke  them  to  their 
weapons  and  with  their  Mastives,  great  Foole  with  an  halfe 
Pike  in  his  mouth  drew  downe  to  their  ship : whom  when  the 
Indians  beheld  afarre  off,  with  the  Mastive  which  they  most 
feared,  in  dissembling  manner  they  turned  all  to  a jest  and 
sport,  and  departed  away  in  friendly  manner:  yet  not  long 
after,  even  the  day  before  our  departure,  they  set  fire  on  the 
Woods  where  wee  wrought,  which  wee  did  behold  to  burne 
for  a mile  space,  and  the  very  same  day  that  wee  weighed 
Anchor,  they  came  downe  to  the  shoare  in  greater  number, 
to  wit,  very  neere  two  hundred  by  our  estimation,  and  some 
of  them  came  in  their  Boates  to  our  ship,  and  would  have  had 
us  come  in  againe : but  we  sent  them  backe,  and  would  none  of 
their  entertainment. 

About  the  eighth  or  ninth  of  August,  wee  left  this  excellent 
Haven  at  the  entrance  whereof  we  found  twentie  fathomes 
water,  and  rode  at  our  ease  in  seven  fathomes  being  Land- 
locked, the  Haven  winding  in  compasse  like  the  shell  of  a 
snaile,  and  it  is  in  latitude  of  one  and  forty  degrees  and  five 
and  twentie  minutes. 

This  by  the  way  is  not  to  be  forgotten,  that  our  Captaine 
fell  so  much  to  the  Northward  because  he  would  find  high 
grounds,  where  commonly  the  best  Havens  are:  which  also 
fell  out  to  his  expectation.  We  also  observed  that  we  could 
find  no  Sassafras  but  in  sandie  ground.  In  our  returne  we 
brought  our  selves  into  the  latitude  of  eight  and  thirtie  degrees 


352 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1603 


about  the  Agores  for  certaine  causes,  and  within  five  weekes 
space  came  from  our  Port  of  Virginia,  into  the  Soundings  of 
England,  but  there  being  long  encountred  with  Easterly 
winds,  we  came  at  length  into  Kingrode,  the  second  of  Octo- 
ber 1603.  The  Discoverer  was  out  five  moneths  and  an  halfe. 
The  Speedwell 1 was  out  sixe  moneths  upon  the  Voyage. 

1 A vessel  bearing  this  name  and  with  a like  tonnage  — also  from  the 
same  part  of  England  — was  in  Sir  Francis  Drake’s  fleet  in  1587.  In  the 
fight  with  the  Spanish  Armada  in  1588,  also,  Drake  had  a vessel  of  the  same 
name  and  about  the  same  tonnage  — probably  the  one  with  Drake  in  the 
preceding  year,  and  one  of  the  many  merchantmen  engaged  in  that  memo- 
rable contest.  The  Speedwell  of  Pring’s  voyage,  therefore,  may  have  been 
the  vessel  which  was  with  Drake  in  1587  and  1588. 


A TRUE  RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF 
CAPTAINE  GEORGE  WAYMOUTH,  1605, 
BY  JAMES  ROSIER 


INTRODUCTION 


George  Waymouth  was  a native  of  Cockington,  Devon. 
In  the  Introduction  to  “ The  Jewell  of  Artes,”  — a manu- 
script volume  by  Waymouth  in  the  King’s  Library,  British 
Museum,  — Waymouth  refers  to  the  education  he  received 
on  “four  prentize  shipps,”  and  the  volume  shows  in  various 
ways  that  he  was  an  accomplished  draughtsman,  mathematician, 
and  engineer,  and  not  merely  a brave  and  resourceful  sailor 
as  was  formerly  supposed.  In  1602,  under  the  auspices  of  “the 
Worshipful  Fellowship  of  the  Merchants  of  London  trading  into 
the  East  Indies  ” (East  India  Company),  Waymouth  made  a 
voyage  in  search  of  a northwest  passage  to  India,  but  met  with 
the  usual  insuperable  difficulties.  He  reached  Dartmouth 
Haven,  on  his  return,  August  5, 1602,  a few  days  after  Gosnold’s 
arrival  from  his  successful  New  England  voyage.  Waymouth’s 
next  venture  was  in  this  voyage  of  1605,  of  which  Henry 
Wriothesley,  Earl  of  Southampton,  and  Thomas  Arundell 
were  the  principal  promoters.  There  must  have  been  marked 
defects  in  Waymouth’s  character,  for  after  his  return  from 
this  successful  voyage  he  failed  to  obtain  the  advancement  he 
sought.  A small  government  pension  was  at  length  awarded 
to  him,  but  as  no  payment  is  recorded  after  1612,  it  may  be 
inferred  that  he  died  about  that  time.  Concerning  James 
Rosier,  the  author  of  the  Relation,  little  is  known  except  in  con- 
nection with  this  voyage.  A James  Rosier  was  in  Gosnold’s 
expedition  to  the  American  coast  in  1602  (Brown’s  Genesis  of 
the  United  States,  I.  26),  and  it  is  probable  that  he  is  to  be  iden- 
tified with  the  author  of  the  Relation  of  Waymouth’s  voyage. 
It  is  suggested  by  Baxter  (Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges ) that  Rosier 
may  have  been  a Catholic  priest.  The  Relation  was  printed 

356 


356 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


at  London  in  1605,  and  included  by  Purchas  in  his  Pilgrimes, 
1625.  A reprint  from  a copy  procured  in  England  by  Jared 
Sparks  appeared  in  Volume  VIII.  of  the  third  series  of  the 
Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  pp.  129- 
157,  and  this  copy  thus  obtained  was  reprinted  with  notes,  etc., 
at  Bath,  Maine,  in  1860,  by  Captain  George  Prince.  In  1887 
the  Gorges  Society,  of  Portland,  Maine,  reprinted  the  Relation 
from  an  original  printed  copy  of  1605,  in  the  John  Carter 
Brown  Library,  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  the  reprint  being 
accompanied  with  introductions,  notes,  etc.,  by  Henry  S.  Bur- 
rage,  D.D.  A careful  reprint,  also  from  the  copy  in  the 
John  Carter  Brown  Library,  will  be  found  in  Winship’s  Sailors’ 
Narratives  of  New  England  Voyages,  1906. 


H.  S.  B. 


TRUE  RELATION  OF  WAYMOUTH’S 
VOYAGE,  1605 


A True  Relation  of  the  most  prosperous  voyage  made  this  present 
yeere  1605,  by  Captaine  George  Way  mouth,  in  the 
Discovery  of  the  Land  of  Virginia: 

Where  he  discovered  60  miles  up  a most  excellent  River;  together 
with  a most  fertile  land. 

Written  by  James  Rosier,  a Gentleman  employed  in  the  voyage. 
Londini,  Impensis  Geor.  Bishop,  1605. 1 

TO  THE  READER 

Being  employed  in  this  Voyage  by  the  right  honourable 
Thomas  Arundell 2 Baron  of  Warder,  to  take  due  notice,  and 
make  true  report  of  the  discovery  therein  performed:  I 
became  very  diligent  to  observe  (as  much  as  I could)  whatso- 
ever was  materiall  or  of  consequence  in  the  businesse  which  I 
collected  into  this  briefe  summe,  intending  upon  our  returne 
to  publish  the  same.  But  he  soone  changed  the  course  of  his 
intendments;  and  long  before  our  arrivall  in  England  had  so 
farre  engaged  himself e with  the  Archduke,3  that  he  was  con- 
strained to  relinquish  this  action.  But  the  commodities 
and  profits  of  the  countrey,  together  with  the  fitnesse  of  plan- 
tation, being  by  some  honourable  Gentlemen  of  good  woorth 
and  qualitie,  and  Merchants  of  good  sufficiency  and  judgment 
duly  considered,  have  at  their  owne  charge  (intending  both 

1 This  italic  heading  is  copied  from  the  title-page  of  the  printed  book. 

2 Thomas  Arundell,  first  Lord  Arundell  of  Wardour,  was  elevated  to  the 
peerage  May  4,  1605. 

3 Meaning  the  Archduke  Albert,  who,  jointly  with  his  wife,  the  Infanta 
Isabella,  sister  of  Philip  III.  of  Spain,  was  regent  of  the  Spanish  Netherlands. 
In  August,  1605,  Arundell  was  appointed  colonel  of  one  of  the  Archduke’s 
English  regiments. 


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[1605 


their  private  and  the  common  benefit  of  their  countrey) 
undertaken  the  transporting  of  a Colony  for  the  plantation 
thereof;1  being  much  encouraged  thereunto  by  the  gracious 
favour  of  the  Kings  Majesty  himselfe,  and  divers  Lords  of  his 
Highnesse  most  Honourable  Privie  Councell.  After  these  pur- 
posed designes  were  concluded,  I was  animated  to  publish  this 
briefe  Relation,  and  not  before;  because  some  forrein  Nation 
(being  fully  assured  of  the  fruitfulnesse  of  the  countrie)  have 
hoped  hereby  to  gaine  some  knowledge  of  the  place,  seeing 
they  could  not  allure  our  Captaine  or  any  speciall  man  of  our 
Company  to  combine  with  them  for  their  direction,  nor  ob- 
taine  their  purpose,  in  conveying  away  our  Salvages,  which  was 
busily  in  practise.  And  this  is  the  cause  that  I have  neither 
written  of  the  latitude  or  variation  most  exactly  observed  by 
our  Captaine  with  sundrie  instruments,  which  together  with 
his  perfect  Geographicall  Map  of  the  countrey,  he  entendeth 
hereafter  to  set  forth.  I have  likewise  purposedly  omitted 
here  to  adde  a collection  of  many  words  in  their  language 
to  the  number  of  foure  or  five  hundred,  as  also  the  names  of 
divers  of  their  governours,  as  well  their  friends  as  their  enemies : 
being  reserved  to  be  made  knowen  for  the  benefit  of  those  that 
shal  goe  in  the  next  Voyage.  But  our  particular  proceedings 
in  the  whole  Discoverie,  the  commodious  situation  of  the 
River,  the  fertilitie  of  the  land,  with  the  profits  there  to  be 
had,  and  here  reported,  I refer  to  be  verified  by  the  whole  Com- 
pany, as  being  eye-witnesses  of  my  words,  and  most  of  them 
neere  inhabitants  upon  the  Thames.  So  with  my  prayers  to 

1 Prominent  among  them  were  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  Sir  John 
Popham,  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  England.  Sir  Ferdinando,  in  August  of  the 
following  year,  fitted  out  a vessel,  under  the  command  of  Henry  Challoung, 
to  renew  the  exploration.  Before  he  had  begun  this,  however,  the  vessel  was 
captured  and  confiscated  by  the  Spaniards.  Not  long  after  Challoung’s 
departure,  Sir  John  Popham  sent  out  another  vessel,  of  which  Thomas 
Hanham  was  commander  and  Martin  Pring  was  master.  They  made  “a 
perfect  discovery  of  all  those  rivers  and  harbors”  to  which  their  attention 
had  been  directed  by  Gorges,  and  then  returned  to  England.  The  report 
brought  back  by  them  made  such  an  impression  on  Sir  John  Popham, 
Gorges,  and  their  associates,  that  the  Popham  Colony  was  sent  out  in  the 
following  year. 


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HOSIER'S  TRUE  RELATION 


359 


God  for  the  conversion  of  so  ingenious  and  well-disposed  people, 
and  for  the  prosperous  successive  events  of  the  noble  intenders 
the  prosecution  thereof,  I rest 

Your  friend  J.  R. 

A TRUE  RELATION 

of  Captaine  George  Way  mouth  his  Voyage,  made  this  present 
yeere  1605 ; in  the  Discoverie  of  the  North  part  of 
Virginia. 

Upon  Tuesday  the  5 day  of  March,  about  ten  a clocke  afore 
noone,  we  set  saile  from  Ratcliff e,1  and  came  to  an  anker  that 
tide  about  two  a clocke  before  Gravesend.2 

From  thence  the  10  of  March  being  Sunday  at  night  we 
ankered  in  the  Downes : 3 and  there  rode  till  the  next  day 
about  three  a clocke  after  noone,  when  with  a scant  winde  we 
set  saile;  and  by  reason  the  winde  continued  Southwardly, 
we  were  beaten  up  and  doune:  but  on  Saturday  the  16  day 
about  foure  a clocke  after  noon  we  put  into  Dartmouth  Haven,4 
where  the  continuance  of  the  winde  at  South  and  Southwest 
constrained  us  to  ride  till  the  last  of  this  moneth.  There  we 
shipped  some  of  our  men  and  supplied  necessaries  for  our  Ship 
and  Voyage. 

Upon  Easter  day,  being  the  last  of  March,  the  winde  com- 
ming  at  North-North-East,  about  five  a clocke  after  noone  we 
wayed  anker,  and  put  to  sea,  In  the  name  of  God,  being  well 
victualled  and  furnished  with  munition  and  all  necessaries: 
Our  whole  Company  being  but  29  persons;  of  whom  I may 
boldly  say,  few  voyages  have  beene  manned  forth  with  better 
Sea-men  generally  in  respect  of  our  small  number. 

Munday  the  next  day,  being  the  first  of  Aprill,  by  sixe 
a clocke  in  the  morning  we  were  sixe  leagues  South-South-East 
from  the  Lizarde. 

1 A hamlet  on  the  Thames  below  London. 

2 Thirty  miles  below  London  on  the  Thames. 

3 North  of  Dover,  between  Goodwin  Sands  and  the  mainland. 

4 On  the  southern  coast  of  England,  two  hundred  and  twenty-nine  miles 
from  London. 


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[1606 


At  two  a clocke  in  the  afternoone  this  day,  the  weather 
being  very  faire,  our  Captaine  for  his  owne  experience  and 
others  with  him  sounded,  and  had  sixe  and  fiftie  fathoms  and 
a halfe.  The  sounding  was  some  small  blacke  perrie  sand,1 
some  reddish  sand,  a match  or  two,  with  small  shels  called 
Saint  James  his  Shels.2 

The  foureteenth  of  Aprill  being  Sunday,  betweene  nine  and 
ten  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning  our  Captaine  descried  the 
Hand  Cuervo:3  which  bare  South-west  and  by  West,  about 
seven  leagues  from  us:  by  eleven  of  the  clocke  we  descried 
Flores  to  the  Southward  of  Cuervo,  as  it  lieth:  by  foure  a 
clocke  in  the  afternoone  we  brought  Cuervo  due  South  from 
us  within  two  leagues  of  the  shore,  but  we  touched  not,  be- 
cause the  winde  was  faire,  and  we  thought  our  selves  suffi- 
ciently watered  and  wooded. 

Heere  our  Captaine  observed  the  Sunne,  and  found  himselfe 
in  the  latitude  of  40  degrees  and  7 minutes : so  he  judged  the 
North  part  of  Cuervo  to  be  in  40  degrees.  After  we  had  kept 
our  course  about  a hundred  leagues  from  the  Hands,  by  con- 
tinuall  Southerly  windes  we  were  forced  and  driven  from  the 
Southward,  whither  we  first  intended.  And  when  our  Cap- 
taine by  long  beating  saw  it  was  but  in  vaine  to  strive  with 
windes,  not  knowing  Gods  purposes  heerein  to  our  further 
blessing,  (which  after  by  his  especiall  direction  wee  found) 
he  thought  best  to  stand  as  nigh  as  he  could  by  the  winde  to 
recover  what  land  we  might  first  discover. 

Munday,  the  6 of  May,  being  in  the  latitude  of  39  and  a 
halfe  about  ten  a clocke  afore  noone,  we  came  to  a riplin,4 
which  we  discerned  a head  our  ship,  which  is  a breach  of  water 
caused  either  by  a fall,  or  by  some  meeting  of  currents,  which 
we  judged  this  to  be;  for  the  weather  being  very  faire,  and 
a small  gale  of  winde,  we  sounded  and  found  no  ground  in  a 
hundred  fathoms. 

1 Sand  mingled  with  grains  of  magnetic  iron  ore. 

2 The  association  of  the  name  St.  James  with  the  scallop,  here  Pecten 

opercularis,  owes  its  origin  to  a Spanish  legend.  3 Corvo. 

4 Well-marked  tide-rips  are  observed  off  Nantucket  during  the  flood  and 
ebb  tide,  resembling  breakers  in  shoal  water. 


1605] 


HOSIER’S  TRUE  RELATION 


361 


Munday,  the  13  of  May,  about  eleven  a clocke  afore  noone, 
our  Captaine,  judging  we  were  not  farre  from  land,  sounded, 
and  had  a soft  oaze  in  a hundred  and  sixty  fathomes.  At 
fowre  a clocke  after  noone  we  sounded  againe,  and  had  the  same 
oaze  in  a hundred  fathoms. 

From  ten  a clocke  that  night  till  three  a clocke  in  the  morn- 
ing, our  Captaine  tooke  in  all  sailes  and  lay  at  hull,  being  de- 
sirous to  fall  with  the  land  in  the  day  time,  because  it  was 
an  unknowen  coast,  which  it  pleased  God  in  his  mercy  to  grant 
us,  otherwise  we  had  run  our  ship  upon  the  hidden  rockes  and 
perished  all.  For  when  we  set  saile  we  sounded  in  100  fath- 
oms : and  by  eight  a clock,  having  not  made  above  five  or  six 
leagues,  our  Captaine  upon  a sudden  change  of  water  (sup- 
posing verily  he  saw  the  sand)  presently  sounded,  and  had 
but  five  fathoms.  Much  marvelling  because  we  saw  no  land, 
he  sent  one  to  the  top,  who  thence  descried  a whitish  sandy 
cliffe,1  which  bare  West-North- West  about  six  leagues  off 
from  us:  but  comming  neerer  within  three  or  fowre  leagues, 
we  saw  many  breaches  still  neerer  the  land : at  last  we  espied 
a great  breach  a head  us  al  along  the  shore,  into  which  before 
we  should  enter,  our  Captaine  thought  best  to  hoist  out  his 
ship  boate  and  sound  it.  Which  if  he  had  not  done,  we  had 
beene  in  great  danger : for  he  bare  up  the  ship,  as  neere  as  he 
durst  after  the  boate : untill  Thomas  Cam,  his  mate,  being  in 
the  boat,  called  to  him  to  tacke  about  and  stand  off,  for  in  this 
breach  he  had  very  showld  water,  two  fathoms  and  lesse  upon 
rockes,  and  sometime  they  supposed  they  saw  the  rocke  within 
three  or  fowre  foote,  whereon  the  sea  made  a very  strong 
breach : which  we  might  discerne  (from  the  top)  to  run  along 
as  we  sailed  by  it  6 or  7 leagues  to  the  Southward.  This  was 
in  the  latitude  of  41  degrees,  20  minuts:  wherefore  we  were 
constrained  to  put  backe  againe  from  the  land : and  sounding, 
(the  weather  being  very  faire  and  a small  winde)  we  found  our 
selves  embaied  with  continuall  showldes  and  rockes  in  a most 

1 Sankaty  Head,  the  eastern  extremity  of  Nantucket.  Waymouth 
approached  the  Great  Rip,  and  found  himself  on  what  is  now  known  as  Rose 
and  Crown  Shoal. 


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[1605 


uncertaine  ground,  from  five  or  sixe  fathoms,  at  the  next  cast 
of  the  lead  we  should  have  15  and  18  fathoms.  Over  many 
which  we  passed,  and  God  so  blessed  us,  that  we  had  wind  and 
weather  as  faire  as  poore  men  in  this  distresse  could  wish: 
whereby  we  both  perfectly  discerned  every  breach,  and  with 
the  winde  were  able  to  turne,  where  we  saw  most  hope  of 
safest  passage.  Thus  we  parted  from  the  land,  which  we  had 
not  so  much  before  desired,  and  at  the  first  sight  rejoiced, 
as  now  we  all  joifully  praised  God,  that  it  had  pleased  him  to 
deliver  us  from  so  imminent  danger. 

Heere  we  found  great  store  of  excellent  Cod  fish,  and  saw 
many  Whales,  as  we  had  done  two  or  three  daies  before. 

We  stood  off  all  that  night,  and  the  next  day  being 
Wednesday;  but  the  wind  still  continuing  between  the  points 
of  South-South- West,  and  West-South- West:  so  as  we  could 
not  make  any  way  to  the  Southward,  in  regard  of  our  great 
want  of  water  and  wood  (which  was  now  spent)  we  much  de- 
sired land  and  therefore  sought  for  it,  where  the  wind  would 
best  suffer  us  to  refresh  our  selves. 

Thursday,  the  16  of  May,  we  stood  in  directly  with  the 
land,  and  much  marvelled  we  descried  it  not,  wherein  we  found 
our  sea  charts  very  false,  putting  land  where  none  is. 

Friday  the  17  of  May,  about  sixe  a clocke  at  night  we  de- 
scried the  land,  which  bare  from  us  North-North-East;  but 
because  it  blew  a great  gale  of  winde,  the  sea  very  high  and 
neere  night,  not  fit  to  come  upon  an  unknowen  coast,  we  stood 
off  till  two  a clocke  in  the  morning,  being  Saturday:  then 
standing  in  with  it  againe,  we  descried  it  by  eight  a clocke  in  the 
morning,  bearing  North-East  from  us.  It  appeared  a meane 
high  land,  as  we  after  found  it,  being  but  an  Hand 1 of  some  six 
miles  in  compasse,  but  I hope  the  most  fortunate  ever  yet 
discovred.  About  twelve  a clocke  that  day,  we  came  to 
an  anker  on  the  North  side  of  this  Hand,  about  a league  from 
the  shore.  About  two  a clocke  our  Captaine  with  twelve 

1 Monhegan,  off  the  coast  of  Maine.  It  lies  northeast  and  southwest,  is 
a mile  and  a half  long,  high,  with  steep  rocky  or  sloping  shores.  Close  in 
with  the  western  shore  is  an  island  called  Manana,  forming  a small  harbor. 


1605] 


ROSTER’S  TRUE  RELATION 


363 


men  rowed  in  his  ship  boat  to  the  shore,  where  we  made  no 
long  stay,  but  laded  our  boat  with  dry  wood  of  olde  trees 
upon  the  shore  side,  and  returned  to  our  ship,  where  we  rode 
that  night. 

This  Hand  is  woody,  grouen  with  Firre,  Birch,  Oke  and 
Beech,  as  farre  as  we  saw  along  the  shore ; and  so  likely  to  be 
within.  On  the  verge  grow  Gooseberries,  Strawberries,  Wild 
pease,  and  Wild  rose  bushes.  The  water  issued  foorth  downe 
the  Rocky  cliff es  in  many  places : and  much  fowle  of  divers 
kinds  breed  upon  the  shore  and  rocks. 

While  we  were  at  shore,  our  men  aboord  with  a few  hooks 
got  above  thirty  great  Cods  and  Hadocks,  which  gave  us  a 
taste  of  the  great  plenty  of  fish  which  we  found  afterward 
wheresoever  we  went  upon  the  coast. 

From  hence  1 we  might  discerne  the  maine  land  from  the 
West-South-West  to  the  East-North-East,  and  a great  way 
(as  it  then  seemed,  and  as  we  after  found  it)  up  into  the  maine 
we  might  discerne  very  high  mountaines,2  though  the  maine 
seemed  but  low  land ; which  gave  us  a hope  it  would  please 
God  to  direct  us  to  the  disco verie  of  some  good ; although  wee 
were  driven  by  winds  farre  from  that  place,  whither  (both  by 
our  direction  and  desire)  we  ever  intended  to  shape  the  course 
of  our  voyage. 

The  next  day  being  Whit-Sunday;  because  we  rode  too 
much  open  to  the  sea  and  windes,  we  weyed  anker  about 
twelve  a clocke,  and  came  along  to  the  other  Hands  more  ad- 
joyning  to  the  maine,3  and  in  the  rode  directly  with  the  moun- 
taines, about  three  leagues  from  the  first  Hand  where  we  had 
ankered. 

1 Possibly  from  Monhegan,  but  naturally  from  the  deck  of  the  Archangel 
at  its  anchorage  north  of  the  island.  The  name  of  Waymouth’s  vessel  is 
not  given  by  Rosier,  but  is  mentioned  in  the  account  of  the  voyage  found 
in  Purchas  his  Pilgrimes. 

2 Union  and  Camden  mountains.  That  they  could  not  have  been  the 
White  Mountains,  as  formerly  maintained,  see  the  edition  of  Rosier’s  True 
Relation,  published  by  the  Gorges  Society,  pp.  96-100. 

3 The  St.  George’s  Islands,  sixteen  in  number,  are  in  the  direction  in- 
dicated. Rosier’s  distance  is  an  estimate,  and,  as  usual  with  the  estimates 
in  the  Relation,  is  in  excess  of  actual  measurements, 


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[1605 


When  we  came  neere  unto  them  (sounding  all  along  in  a 
good  depth)  our  Captaine  manned  his  ship-boat  and  sent  her 
before  with  Thomas  Cam  one  of  his  Mates,  whom  he  knew  to 
be  of  good  experience,  to  sound  and  search  betweene  the  Hands 
for  a place  safe  for  our  shippe  to  ride  in ; in  the  meanc  while 
we  kept  aloofe  at  sea,  having  given  them  in  the  boat  a token 
to  weffe  in  the  ship,  if  he  found  a convenient  Harbour ; which  it 
pleased  God  to  send  us,  farre  beyond  our  expectation,  in  a most 
safe  birth  defended  from  all  windes,  in  an  excellent  depth  of 
water  for  ships  of  any  burthen,  in  six,  seven,  eight,  nine  and 
ten  fathoms  upon  a clay  oaze  very  tough. 

We  all  with  great  joy  praised  God  for  his  unspeakable 
goodnesse,  who  had  from  so  apparent  danger  delivered  us, 
and  directed  us  upon  this  day  into  so  secure  an  Harbour : in 
remembrance  whereof  we  named  it  Pentecost  harbor,1  we 
arriving  there  that  day  out  of  our  last  Harbour  in  England, 
from  whence  we  set  saile  upon  Easterday. 

About  foure  a clocke,  after  we  were  ankered  and  well  mored, 
our  Captaine  with  halfe  a dozen  of  our  Company  went  on 
shore  2 to  seeke  fresh  watering,  and  a convenient  place  to 
set  together  a pinnesse,  which  we  brought  in  pieces  out  of 
England;  both  which  we  found  very  fitting. 

Upon  this  Hand,  as  also  upon  the  former,  we  found  (at 
our  first  comming  to  shore)  where  fire  had  beene  made:  and 
about  the  place  were  very  great  egge  shelles  bigger  than 
goose  egges,  fish  bones,  and  as  we  judged,  the  bones  of  some 
beast. 

Here  we  espied  Cranes  stalking  on  the  shore  of  a little 
Hand  adjoyning;3  where  we  after  saw  they  used  to 
breed. 

Whitsun-munday,  the  20  day  of  May,  very  early  in  the 
morning,  our  Captaine  caused  the  pieces  of  the  pinnesse  to  be 
carried  a shore,  where  while  some  were  busied  about  her, 

1 St.  George’s  Harbor,  which  fully  answers  the  requirements  of  the  Re- 

lation. 2 Allen’s  Island. 

3 Benner’s  Island,  which  is  separated  from  Allen’s  Island  by  a passage 
about  two  hundred  yards  wide. 


1605] 


HOSIER'S  TRUE  RELATION 


365 


others  digged  welles  to  receive  the  fresh  water,  which  we 
found  issuing  downe  out  of  the  land  in  many  places.  Heere  I 
cannot  omit  (for  foolish  feare  of  imputation  of  flattery)  the 
painfull  industry  of  our  Captaine,  who  as  at  sea  he  is  alwayes 
most  carefull  and  vigilant,  so  at  land  he  refuseth  no  paines; 
but  his  labour  was  ever  as  much  or  rather  more  than  any  mans : 
which  not  only  encourageth  others  with  better  content,  but  also 
effecteth  much  with  great  expedition. 

In  digging  we  found  excellent  clay  for  bricke  or  tile. 

The  next  day  we  finished  a well  of  good  and  holesome  cleere 
water  in  a great  empty  caske,  which  we  left  there.  We  cut 
yards,  waste  trees,  and  many  necessaries  for  our  ship,  while 
our  Carpenter  and  Cooper  laboured  to  fit  and  furnish  forth  the 
shallop. 

This  day  our  boat  went  out  about  a mile  from  our  ship, 
and  in  small  time  with  two  or  three  hooks  was  fished  suffi- 
ciently for  our  whole  Company  three  dayes,  with  great  Cod, 
Haddocke,  and  Thornebacke. 

And  towards  night  we  drew  with  a small  net  of  twenty 
fathoms  very  nigh  the  shore : we  got  about  thirty  very  good 
and  great  Lobsters,  many  Rockfish,  some  Plaise,  and  other 
small  fishes,  and  fishes  called  Lumpes,1  verie  pleasant  to  the 
taste:  and  we  generally  observed,  that  all  the  fish,  of  what 
kinde  soever  we  tooke,  were  well  fed,  fat,  and  sweet  in 
taste. 

Wednesday,  the  22  of  May,  we  felled  and  cut  wood  for  our 
ships  use,  cleansed  and  scoured  our  wels,  and  digged  a plot  of 
ground,  wherein,  amongst  some  garden  seeds,  we  sowed  peaze 
and  barley,  which  in  sixteen  dayes  grew  eight  inches  above 
ground ; and  so  continued  growing  every  day  halfe  an  inch, 
although  this  was  but  the  crust  of  the  ground,  and  much  in- 
ferior to  the  mould  we  after  found  in  the  maine. 

Friday,  the  24  of  May,  after  we  had  made  an  end  of  cutting 
wood,  and  carying  water  aboord  our  shippe,  with  fourteene 
Shot  and  Pikes  we  marched  about  and  thorow  part  of  two  of 

1 So  called  from  the  clumsiness  of  their  form.  They  are  still  occasionally 
found  in  these  waters. 


366 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1005 


the  Hands ; the  bigger  of  which  we  judged  to  be  foure  or  five 
miles  in  compasse,  and  a mile  broad.1 

The  profits  and  fruits  which  are  naturally  on  these  Hands 
are  these : 

” Rasberries. 

Gooseberries. 
Strawberries. 

- Roses. 

Currants. 

Wild-Vines. 

_ Angelica.2 

' Birch. 

Beech. 

Ash. 

Maple, 
i Spruce. 

Cherry-tree. 

Yew. 

Oke  very  great  and  good. 
vFirre-tree,  out  of  which 
issueth  Turpentine  in  so  marvellous  plenty,  and  so  sweet, 
as  our  Chirurgeon  and  others  affirmed  they  never  saw  so  good 
in  England.  We  pulled  off  much  Gumme  congealed  on  the 
outside  of  the  barke,  which  smelled  like  Frankincense.  This 
would  be  a great  benefit  for  making  Tarre  and  Pitch. 

We  stayed  the  longer  in  this  place,  not  only  because  of  our 
good  Harbour,  (which  is  an  excellent  comfort)  but  because 
every  day  we  did  more  and  more  discover  the  pleasant  fruit- 
fulnesse;  insomuch  as  many  of  our  Companie  wished  them- 
selves setled  heere,  not  expecting  any  further  hopes,  or  better 
discovery  to  be  made. 

Heere  our  men  found  abundance  of  great  muscels  among  the 

1 Monhegan  appeared  to  Rosier  to  be  “some  six  miles  in  compasse.” 
Allen’s  Island  is  longer  than  Monhegan,  but  not  so  wide. 

2 An  umbelliferous  plant,  so  called  because  of  its  supposed  angelic  vir- 
tues. 


All  along  the  shore  and  some 
space  within,  where  the  wood 
hindereth  not,  grow  plentifully 


Within  the  Hands  growe 
wood  of  sundry  sorts,  some  very 
great,  and  all  tall : 


1605] 


ROSIER’S  TRUE  RELATION 


367 


rocks;  and  in  some  of  them  many  small  Pearls:  and  in  one 
muscell  (which  we  drew  up  in  our  net)  was  found  foureteene 
Pearles,1  whereof  one  of  prety  bignesse  and  orient;  in  another 
above  fiftie  small  Pearles ; and  if  we  had  had  a Drag,  no  doubt 
we  had  found  some  of  great  valew,  seeing  these  did  certainly 
shew,  that  heere  they  were  bred : the  shels  all  glistering  with 
mother  of  Pearle. 

Wednesday,  the  29  day,  our  shallop  being  now  finished, 
and  our  Captaine  and  men  furnished  to  depart  with  hir  from 
the  ship  : we  set  up  a crosse2  on  the  shore  side  upon  the  rockes. 

Thursday,  the  30  of  May,  about  ten  a clock  afore  noon, 
our  Captaine  with  13  men  more,  in  the  name  of  God,  and  with 
all  our  praiers  for  their  prosperous  discoverie,  and  safe  returne, 
departed  in  the  shallop;  leaving  the  ship  in  a good  harbour, 
which  before  I mentioned,  well  mored,  and  manned  with  14 
men. 

This  day,  about  five  a clocke  in  the  afternoone,  we  in  the 
shippe  espied  three  Canoas  comming  towards  us,  which  went 
to  the  iland  adjoining,  where  they  went  a shore,  and  very 
quickly  had  made  a fire,  about  which  they  stood  beholding  our 
ships:  to  whom  we  made  signes  with  our  hands  and  hats, 
wefhng  unto  them  to  come  unto  us,  because  we  had  not  seene 
any  of  the  people  yet.  They  sent  one  Canoa  with  three  men, 
one  of  which,  when  they  came  neere  unto  us,  spake  in  his  lan- 
guage very  lowd  and  very  boldly : seeming  as  though  he  would 
know  why  we  were  there,  and  by  pointing  with  his  oare  towards 
the  sea,  we  conjectured  he  ment  we  should  be  gone.  But  when 


1 When  the  Pilgrims  anchored  the  Mayflower  in  Provincetown  harbor, 
they  found,  according  to  Mourt’s  Relation,  “great  Mussles  and  very  fat  and 
full  of  Sea  pearle.” 

2 This  is  the  only  cross  Rosier  mentions  as  set  up  by  Waymouth  on  any 
island,  and  Rosier  says,  farther  on  in  the  Relation,  that  no  crosses  were 
found  that  had  been  set  up  by  others.  The  Popham  colonists,  coming  to 
the  coast,  and  anchoring  in  Pentecost  harbor  two  years  later,  found  a cross 
on  one  of  the  islands  forming  the  harbor,  “ which  we  suppose,”  says  the  writer 
of  the  narrative  of  the  voyage,  “was  Sett  up  by  George  Wayman.”  In  com- 
memoration of  Waymouth ’s  erection  of  a cross  on  one  of  the  islands  enclosing 
Pentecost  harbor,  a stone  cross  was  erected  on  Allen’s  Island  in  the  summer 
of  1905,  the  tercentenary  of  Waymouth ’s  visit  to  the  coast  of  Maine. 


368 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1605 


we  shewed  them  knives  and  their  use,  by  cutting  of  stickes 
and  other  trifles,  as  combs  and  glasses,  they  came  close  aboard 
our  ship,  as  desirous  to  entertaine  our  friendship.  To  these 
we  gave  such  things  as  we  perceived  they  liked,  when  wee 
shewed  them  the  use:  bracelets,  rings,  peacocke  feathers, 
which  they  stucke  in  their  haire,  and  Tabacco  pipes.  After 
their  departure  to  their  company  on  the  shore,  presently  came 
foure  other  in  another  Canoa : to  whom  we  gave  as  to  the  for- 
mer, using  them  with  as  much  kindnes  as  we  could. 

The  shape  of  their  body  is  very  proportionable,  they  are 
wel  countenanced,  not  very  tal  nor  big,  but  in  stature  like  to 
us : they  paint  their  bodies  with  blacke,  their  faces,  some  with 
red,  some  with  blacke,  and  some  with  blew. 

Their  clothing  is  Beavers  skins,  or  Deares  skins,  cast  over 
them  like  a mantle,  and  hanging  downe  to  their  knees,  made 
fast  together  upon  the  shoulder  with  leather ; some  of  them  had 
sleeves,  most  had  none;  some  had  buskins  of  such  leather 
tewed:  they  have  besides  a peece  of  Beavers  skin  betweene 
their  legs,  made  fast  about  their  waste,  to  cover  their  privities. 

They  suffer  no  haire  to  grow  on  their  faces,  but  on  their 
head  very  long  and  very  blacke,  which  those  that  have 
wives,  binde  up  behinde  with  a leather  string,  in  a long  round 
knot. 

They  seemed  all  very  civill  and  merrie : shewing  tokens  of 
much  thankefulnesse,  for  those  things  we  gave  them.  We 
found  them  then  (as  after)  a people  of  exceeding  good  inven- 
tion, quicke  understanding  and  readie  capacitie. 

Their  Canoas  are  made  without  any  iron,  of  the  bark  of  a 
birch  tree,  strengthened  within  with  ribs  and  hoops  of  wood, 
in  so  good  fashion,  with  such  excellent  ingenious  art,  as  they 
are  able  to  beare  seven  or  eight  persons,  far  exceeding  any  in 
the  Indies. 

One  of  their  Canoas  came  not  to  us,  wherein  we  imagined 
their  women  were:  of  whom  they  are  (as  all  Salvages)  very 
jealous. 

When  I signed  unto  them  they  should  goe  sleepe,  because 
it  was  night,  they  understood  presently,  and  pointed  that  at 


1605] 


ROSTER'S  TRUE  RELATION 


369 


the  shore,  right  against  our  ship,  they  would  stay  all  night: 
as  they  did. 

The  next  morning  very  early,  came  one  Canoa  abord  us 
againe  with  three  Salvages,  whom  we  easily  then  enticed  into 
our  ship,  and  under  the  decke:  where  we  gave  them  porke, 
fish,  bread  and  pease,  all  which  they  did  eat ; and  this  I noted, 
they  would  eat  nothing  raw,  either  fish  or  flesh.  They  mar- 
velled much  and  much  looked  upon  the  making  of  our  canne 
and  kettle,  so  they  did  at  a head-peece  and  at  our  guns,  of 
which  they  are  most  fearefull,  and  would  fall  flat  downe  at  the 
report  of  them.  At  their  departure  I signed  unto  them, 
that  if  they  would  bring  me  such  skins  as  they  ware  I 
would  give  them  knives,  and  such  things  as  I saw  they  most 
liked,  which  the  chiefe  of  them  promised  to  do  by  that  time 
the  Sunne  should  be  beyond  the  middest  of  the  firmament ; 
this  I did  to  bring  them  to  an  understanding  of  exchange,  and 
that  they  might  conceive  the  intent  of  our  comming  to  them  to 
be  for  no  other  end. 

About  10  a clocke  this  day  we  descried  our  Shallop  return- 
ing toward  us,  which  so  soone  as  we  espied,  we  certainly 
conjectured  our  Captaine  had  found  some  unexpected  har- 
bour, further  up  1 towards  the  maine  to  bring  the  ship  into, 
or  some  river ; knowing  his  determination  and  resolution,  not 
so  suddenly  else  to  make  returne : which  when  they  came  neerer 
they  expressed  by  shooting  volleies  of  shot;  and  when  they 
were  come  within  Musket  shot,  they  gave  us  a volley  and  haled 
us,  then  we  in  the  shippe  gave  them  a great  peece  and  haled 
them. 

Thus  we  welcomed  them;  who  gladded  us  exceedingly 
with  their  joifull  relation  of  their  happie  disco verie,  which  shall 
appeare  in  the  sequele.  And  we  likewise  gave  them  cause  of 
mutuall  joy  with  us,  in  discoursing  of  the  kinde  civility  we 
found  in  a people,  where  we  little  expected  any  sparke  of  hu- 
manity. 

Our  Captaine  had  in  this  small  time  discovered  up  a great 

1 A natural  expression  from  the  position  of  the  Archangel  in  St.  George’s 
harbor. 


370 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1606 


river,  trending  alongst  into  the  maine  about  forty  miles.1 
The  pleasantnesse  whereof,  with  the  safety  of  harbour  for 
shipping,  together  with  the  fertility  of  ground  and  other  fruits, 
which  were  generally  by  his  whole  company  related,  I omit, 
till  I report  of  the  whole  discovery  therein  after  performed. 
For  by  the  breadth,  depth  and  strong  flood,  imagining  it  to 
run  far  up  into  the  land,  he  with  speed  returned,  intending  to 
flanke  his  light  horsman 2 for  arrowes,  least  it  might  happen 
that  the  further  part  of  the  river  should  be  narrow,  and  by 
that  meanes  subject  to  the  volley  of  Salvages  on  either  side 
out  of  the  woods. 

Untill  his  returne,  our  Captaine  left  on  shore  where  he 
landed  in  a path  (which  seemed  to  be  frequented)  a pipe,  a 
brooch  and  a knife,  thereby  to  know  if  the  Salvages  had  re- 
course that  way,  because  they  could  at  that  time  see  none  of 
them,  but  they  were  taken  away  before  our  returne  thither. 

I returne  now  to  our  Salvages,  who  according  to  their  ap- 
pointment about  one  a clocke,  came  with  4 Canoas  to  the 
shoare  of  the  iland  right  over  against  us,  where  they  had  lodged 
the  last  night,  and  sent  one  Canoa  to  us  with  two  of  those 
Salvages,  who  had  beene  a bord,  and  another,  who  then  seemed 
to  have  command  of  them;  for  though  we  perceived  their 
willingnesse,  yet  he  would  not  permit  them  to  come  abord; 
but  he  having  viewed  us  and  our  ship,  signed  that  he  would  go 
to  the  rest  of  the  company  and  returne  againe.  Presently 
after  their  departure  it  began  to  raine,  and  continued  all  that 
afternoone,  so  as  they  could  not  come  to  us  with  their  skins 
and  furs,  nor  we  go  to  them.  But  after  an  houre  or  there 
about,  the  three  which  had  beene  with  us  before  came  againe, 
whom  we  had  to  our  fire  and  covered  them  with  our  gownes. 

1 St.  George’s  River.  Some  have  conjectured  that  the  river  of  Way- 
mouth’s  discovery  was  the  Kennebec,  and  some  the  Penobscot ; but  neither 
of  these  rivers  meets  the  requirements  of  the  narrative.  Against  the  earlier 
views,  Captain  George  Prince,  in  his  reprint  of  Rosier’s  Relation,  in  1860, 
was  the  first  to  call  attention  to  the  claims  of  the  St.  George’s  River.  This 
river  is  indicated  on  the  Simancas  map  of  1610  (Brown,  Genesis,  I.  445)  un- 
der its  Indian  name,  Tahanock.  The  length  of  the  river,  as  given  by  Rosier, 
is  only  an  estimate. 

2 I.e.,  to  raise  its  gunwale. 


1605] 


HOSIER’S  TRUE  RELATION 


371 


Our  Captaine  bestowed  a shirt  upon  him,  whom  we  thought  to 
be  their  chiefe,  who  seemed  never  to  have  seene  any  before; 
we  gave  him  a brooch  to  hang  about  his  necke,  a great  knife, 
and  lesser  knives  to  the  two  other,  and  to  every  one  of  them  a 
combe  and  glasse,  the  use  whereof  we  shewed  them : whereat 
they  laughed  and  tooke  gladly ; we  victualled  them,  and  gave 
them  aqua  vitae,  which  they  tasted,  but  would  by  no  meanes 
drinke;  our  beveridge  they  liked  well,  we  gave  them  Sugar 
Candy,  which  after  they  had  tasted  they  liked  and  desired 
more,  and  raisons  which  were  given  them ; and  some  of  every 
thing  they  would  reserve  to  carry  to  their  company.  Where- 
fore we  pittying  their  being  in  the  raine,  and  therefore  not  able 
to  get  themselves  victuall  (as  we  thought)  we  gave  them 
bread  and  fish. 

Thus  because  we  found  the  land  a place  answereable  to  the 
intent  of  our  discovery,  viz.  fit  for  any  nation  to  inhabit,  we 
used  the  people  with  as  great  kindnes  as  we  could  devise,  or 
found  them  capable  of. 

The  next  day,  being  Saturday  and  the  first  of  June,  I 
traded  with  the  Salvages  all  the  fore  noone  upon  the  shore, 
where  were  eight  and  twenty  of  them:  and  because  our  ship 
rode  nigh,  we  wTere  but  five  or  sixe : where  for  knives,  glasses, 
combes  and  other  trifles  to  the  valew  of  foure  or  five  shillings, 
we  had  40  good  Beavers  skins,  Otters  skins,  Sables,  and  other 
small  skins,  which  we  knewe  not  how  to  call.  Our  trade  being 
ended,  many  of  them  came  abord  us,  and  did  eat  by  our  fire, 
and  would  be  verie  merrie  and  bold,  in  regard  of  our  kincle 
usage  of  them.  Towards  night  our  Captaine  went  on  shore, 
to  have  a draught  with  the  Sein  or  Net.  And  we  carried  two 
of  them  with  us,  who  marvelled  to  see  us  catch  fish  with  a net. 
Most  of  that  we  caught  we  gave  them  and  their  company. 
Then  on  the  shore  I learned  the  names  of  divers  things  of  them : 
and  when  they  perceived  me  to  note  them  downe,  they  would 
of  themselves,  fetch  fishes,  and  fruit  bushes,  and  stand  by 
me  to  see  me  write  their  names. 

Our  Captaine  shewed  them  a strange  thing  which  they 
woondred  at.  His  sword  and  mine  having  beene  touched 


372 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1605 


with  the  Loadstone,  tooke  up  a knife,  and  held  it  fast  when  they 
plucked  it  away,  made  the  knife  turne,  being  laid  on  a blocke, 
and  touching  it  with  his  sword,  made  that  take  up  a needle, 
whereat  they  much  marvelled.  This  we  did  to  cause  them  to 
imagine  some  great  power  in  us : and  for  that  to  love  and  feare 
us. 

When  we  went  on  shore  to  trade  with  them,  in  one  of  their 
Canoas  I saw  their  bowes  and  arrowes,  which  I tooke  up  and 
drew  an  arrow  in  one  of  them,  which  I found  to  be  of  strength 
able  to  carry  an  arrow  five  or  sixe  score  stronglie ; and  one  of 
them  tooke  it  and  drew  as  we  draw  our  bowes,  not  like  the 
Indians.1  Their  bow  is  made  of  Wich  Hazell,  and  some  of 
Beech  in  fashion  much  like  our  bowes,  but  they  want  nocks, 
onely  a string  of  leather  put  through  a hole  at  one  end,  and 
made  fast  with  a knot  at  the  other.  Their  arrowes  are  made  of 
the  same  wood,  some  of  Ash,  big  and  long,  with  three  feathers 
tied  on,  and  nocked  very  artificiallie : headed  with  the  long 
shanke  bone  of  a Deere,  made  very  sharpe  with  two  fangs  in 
manner  of  a harping  iron.  They  have  likewise  Darts,  headed 
with  like  bone,  one  of  which  I darted  among  the  rockes,  and 
it  brake  not.  These  they  use  very  cunningly,  to  kill  fish, 
fowle  and  beasts. 

Our  Captaine  had  two  of  them  at  supper  with  us  in  his 
cabbin  to  see  their  demeanure,  and  had  them  in  presence  at 
service:  who  behaved  themselves  very  civilly,  neither  laugh- 
ing nor  talking  all  the  time,  and  at  supper  fed  not  like  men  of 
rude  education,  neither  would  they  eat  or  drinke  more  than 
seemed  to  content  nature ; they  desired  pease  to  carry  a shore 
to  their  women,  which  we  gave  them,  with  fish  and  bread,  and 
lent  them  pewter  dishes,  which  they  carefully  brought  againe. 

In  the  evening  another  boat  came  to  them  on  the  shore, 
and  because  they  had  some  Tabacco,  which  they  brought  for 
their  owne  use,  the  other  came  for  us,  making  signe  what  they 

'Francis  Parkman  says,  “The  Indians  in  drawing  the  bow  did  not 
necessarily  hold  it  perpendicularly,  but  often  at  a slant,  and  drew  back  the 
right  hand,  not  to  the  level  of  the  right  ear,  but  to  that  of  the  shoulder,  or 
sometimes  below  it.” 


1605] 


ROSIER’S  TRUE  RELATION 


373 


had,  and  offered  to  carry  some  of  us  in  their  boat,  but  foure  or 
five  of  us  went  with  them  in  our  owne  boat : when  we  came  on 
shore  they  gave  us  the  best  welcome  they  could,  spreading 
fallow  Deeres  skins  for  us  to  sit  on  the  ground  by  their  fire, 
and  gave  us  of  their  Tabacco  in  our  pipes,  which  was  excellent, 
and  so  generally  commended  of  us  all  to  be  as  good  as  any  we 
ever  tooke,  being  the  simple  leafe  without  any  composition, 
strong,  and  of  sweet  taste ; they  gave  us  some  to  carry  to  our 
Captaine,  whom  they  called  our  Bashabes ; 1 neither  did  they 
require  any  thing  for  it,  but  we  would  not  receive  any  thing 
from  them  without  remuneration. 

Heere  we  saw  foure  of  their  women,  who  stood  behind  them, 
as  desirous  to  see  us,  but  not  willing  to  be  seene;  for  before, 
whensoever  we  came  on  shore,  they  retired  into  the  woods, 
whether  it  were  in  regard  of  their  owne  naturall  modestie, 
being  covered  only  as  the  men  with  the  foresaid  Beavers  skins, 
or  by  the  commanding  jealousy  of  their  husbands,  which  we 
rather  suspected,  because  it  is  an  inclination  much  noted  to  be 
in  Salvages ; wherefore  we  would  by  no  meanes  seeme  to  take 
any  speciall  notice  of  them.  They  were  very  well  favoured  in 
proportion  of  countenance,  though  coloured  blacke,  low  of 
stature,  and  fat,  bare  headed  as  the  men,  wearing  their  haire 
long : they  had  two  little  male  children  of  a yeere  and  half  old, 
as  we  judged,  very  fat  and  of  good  countenances,  which  they 
love  tenderly,  all  naked,  except  their  legs,  which  were  covered 
with  thin  leather  buskins  tewed,  fastened  with  strops  to  a 
girdle  about  their  waste,  which  they  girde  very  streight,  and  is 
decked  round  about  with  little  round  peeces  of  red  Copper ; to 
these  I gave  chaines  and  bracelets,  glasses,  and  other  trifles, 
which  the  Salvages  seemed  to  accept  in  great  kindnesse. 

At  our  comming  away,  we  would  have  had  those  two  that 
supped  with  us,  to  go  abord  and  sleepe,  as  they  had  promised ; 
but  it  appeared  their  company  would  not  suffer  them. 
Whereat  we  might  easily  perceive  they  were  much  greeved; 

1 A name,  not  a title  ( Maine  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  first  series,  VII.  96;  Cham- 
plain’s Voyages,  Prince  Society  edition,  II.  45;  and  Relations  des  Jesuites, 
I.,  ch.  3,  8).  His  seat  was  on  the  shores  of  the  Penobscot. 


374 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1605 


but  not  long  after  our  departure,  they  came  with  three  more 
to  our  ship,  signing  to  us,  that  if  one  of  our  company  would 
go  lie  on  shore  with  them,  they  would  stay  with  us.  Then 
Owen  Griffin  (one  of  the  two  we  were  to  leave  in  the  Country, 
if  we  had  thought  it  needfull  or  convenient)  went  with  them  in 
their  Canoa,  and  3 of  them  staied  aborde  us,  whom  our  whole 
company  very  kindly  used.  Our  Captaine  saw  their  lodging 
provided,  and  them  lodged  in  an  old  saile  upon  the  Orlop;1 
and  because  they  much  feared  our  dogs,  they  were  tied  up 
whensoever  any  of  them  came  abord  us. 

Owen  Griffin,  which  lay  on  the  shore,  reported  unto  me  their 
maner,  and  (as  I may  terme  them)  the  ceremonies  of  their 
idolatry;  which  they  performe  thus.  One  among  them  (the 
eldest  of  the  Company,  as  he  judged)  riseth  right  up,  the  other 
sitting  still,  and  looking  about,  suddenly  cried  with  a loud 
voice,  Baugh,  Waugh : 2 then  the  women  fall  downe,  and  lie 
upon  the  ground,  and  the  men  all  together  answering  the  same, 
fall  a stamping  round  about  the  fire  with  both  feet,  as  hard  as 
they  can,  making  the  ground  shake,  with  sundry  out-cries, 
and  change  of  voice  and  sound.  Many  take  the  fire-sticks 
and  thrust  them  into  the  earth,  and  then  rest  awhile:  of  a 
sudden  beginning  as  before,  they  continue  so  stamping,  till 
the  yonger  sort  fetched  from  the  shore  many  stones,  of  which 
every  man  tooke  one,  and  first  beat  upon  them  with  their  fire 
sticks,  then  with  the  stones  beat  the  earth  with  all  their  strength. 
And  in  this  maner  (as  he  reported)  they  continued  above  two 
houres. 

After  this  ended,  they  which  have  wives  take  them  apart, 
and  withdraw  themselves  severally  into  the  wood  all  night. 

The  next  morning,  assoone  as  they  saw  the  Sunne  rise, 
they  pointed  to  him  to  come  with  them  to  our  shippe : and 
having  received  their  men  from  us,  they  came  with 
five  or  sixe  of  their  Canoas  and  Company  hovering  about 

1 The  lowest  deck  in  a vessel  having  three  decks;  or,  sometimes,  a tem- 
porary deck. 

2 Powwow,  which  came  to  be  the  name  used  to  designate  such  cere- 
monies. 


1605] 


HOSIER’S  TRUE  RELATION 


375 


our  ship;  to  whom  (because  it  was  the  Sabbath  day)  I 
signed  they  should  depart,  and  at  the  next  Sun  rising  we  would 
goe  along  with  them  to  their  houses;  which  they  understood 
(as  we  thought)  and  departed,  some  of  their  Canoas  coursing 
about  the  Hand,  and  the  other  directly  towards  the  maine. 

This  day,  about  five  a clocke  after  noone,  came  three  other 
Canoas  from  the  maine,  of  which  some  had  beene  with  us  before ; 
and  they  came  aboord  us,  and  brought  us  Tabacco,  which  we 
tooke  with  them  in  their  pipes,  which  were  made  of  earth, 
very  strong,  blacke,  and  short,  containing  a great  quantity: 
some  Tabacco  they  gave  unto  our  Captaine,  and  some  to  me, 
in  very  civill  kind  maner.  We  requited  them  with  bread  and 
peaze,  which  they  caried  to  their  Company  on  shore,  seeming 
very  thankefull.  After  supper  they  returned  with  their 
Canoa  to  fetch  us  a shore  to  take  Tabacco  with  them  there: 
with  whom  six  or  seven  of  us  went,  and  caried  some  trifles,  if 
peradventure  they  had  any  trucke,  among  which  I caried 
some  few  biskets,  to  try  if  they  would  exchange  for  them,  see- 
ing they  so  well  liked  to  eat  them.  When  we  came  at  shore,  they 
most  kindly  entertained  us,  taking  us  by  the  hands,  as  they 
had  observed  we  did  to  them  aboord,  in  token  of  welcome, 
and  brought  us  to  sit  doune  by  their  fire,  where  sat  together 
thirteene  of  them.  They  filled  their  Tabacco  pipe,  which  was 
then  the  short  claw  of  a Lobster,  which  will  hold  ten  of  our 
pipes  full,  and  we  dranke  of  their  excellent  Tabacco  as  much 
as  we  would  with  them;  but  we  saw  not  any  great  quantity 
to  trucke  for ; and  it  seemed  they  had  not  much  left  of  old,  for 
they  spend  a great  quantity  yeerely  by  their  continuall  drink- 
ing : and  they  would  signe  unto  us  that  it  was  growen  yet  but 
a foot  above  ground,  and  would  be  above  a yard  high,  with  a 
leafe  as  broad  as  both  their  hands.  They  often  would  (by 
pointing  to  one  part  of  the  maine  Eastward)  signe  unto  us, 
that  their  Bashabes  (that  is,  their  King)  had  great  plenty  of 
Furres,  and  much  Tabacco.  When  we  had  sufficiently  taken 
Tabacco  with  them,  I shewed  some  of  our  trifles  for  trade; 
but  they  made  signe  that  they  had  there  nothing  to  exchange ; 
for  (as  I after  conceived)  they  had  beene  fishing  and  fowling, 


376 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1605 


and  so  came  thither  to  lodge  that  night  by  us:  for  when  we 
were  ready  to  come  away,  they  shewed  us  great  cups  made 
very  wittily  of  barke,  in  forme  almost  square,  full  of  a red 
berry  1 about  the  bignesse  of  a bullis,2  which  they  did  eat, 
and  gave  us  by  handfuls;  of  which  (though  I liked  not  the 
taste)  yet  I kept  some,  because  I would  by  no  meanes  but  ac- 
cept their  kindnesse.  They  shewed  me  likewise  a great  piece 
of  fish,  whereof  I tasted,  and  it  was  fat  like  Porpoise;  and 
another  kinde  of  great  scaly  fish,  broiled  on  the  coales,  much 
like  white  Salmon,  which  the  French-men  call  Aloza,3  for 
these  they  would  have  had  bread;  which  I refused,  because 
in  maner  of  exchange,  I would  alwayes  make  the  greatest 
esteeme  I could  of  our  commodities  whatsoever ; although  they 
saw  abooi'd  our  Captaine  was  liberall  to  give  them,  to  the  end 
we  might  allure  them  still  to  frequent  us.  Then  they  shewed 
me  foure  yoong  Goslings,  for  which  they  required  foure  bis- 
kets,  but  I offered  them  two;  which  they  tooke  and  were 
well  content. 

At  our  departure  they  made  signe,  that  if  any  of  us  would 
stay  there  on  shore,  some  of  them  would  go  lie  aboord  us : at 
which  motion  two  of  our  Company  stayed  with  them,  and 
three  of  the  Salvages  lodged  with  us  in  maner  as  the  night 
before. 

Early  the  next  morning,  being  Munday  the  third  of  June, 
when  they  had  brought  our  men  aboord,  they  came  about  our 
ship,  earnestly  by  signes  desiring  that  we  would  go  with  them 
along  to  the  maine,  for  that  there  they  had  Furres  and  Tabacco 
to  traffique  with  us.  Wherefore  our  Captaine  manned  the 
light-horseman  with  as  many  men  as  he  could  well,  which 
were  about  fifteene  with  rowers  and  all;  and  we  went  along 
with  them.  Two  of  their  Canoas  they  sent  away  before,  and 
they  which  lay  aboord  us  all  night,  kept  company  with  us  to 
direct  us. 

This  we  noted  as  we  went  along,  they  in  their  Canoa  with 
three  oares,  would  at  their  will  go  ahead  of  us  and  about  us, 

1 Not  the  checkerberry,  which  is  pleasant  to  the  taste.  Probably  the 
partridge-berry.  2 The  wild  plum.  3 The  American  shad. 


1605] 


HOSIER’S  TRUE  RELATION 


377 


when  we  rowed  with  eight  oares  strong;  such  was  their 
swiftnesse,  by  reason  of  the  lightnesse  and  artificiall  com- 
position of  their  Canoa  and  oares. 

When  we  came  neere  the  point 1 where  we  saw  their  fires, 
where  they  intended  to  land,  and  where  they  imagined  some 
few  of  us  would  come  on  shore  with  our  merchandize,  as  we 
had  accustomed  before;  when  they  had  often  numbered  our 
men  very  diligently,  they  scoured  away  to  their  Company, 
not  doubting  we  -would  have  followed  them.  But  when  we 
perceived  this,  and  knew  not  either  their  intents,  or  number 
of  Salvages  on  the  shore,  our  Captaine,  after  consultation, 
stood  off,  and  wefted  them  to  us,  determining  that  I should  go 
on  shore  first  to  take  a view  of  them  and  what  they  had  to 
trafhque : if  he,  whom  at  our  first  sight  of  them  seemed  to  be 
of  most  respect  among  them,  and  being  then  in  the  Canoa, 
would  stay  as  a pawne  for  me.  When  they  came  to  us  (not- 
withstanding all  our  former  courtesies)  he  utterly  refused; 
but  would  leave  a yoong  Salvage:  and  for  him  our  Captaine 
sent  Griffin  in  their  Canoa,  while  we  lay  hulling  a little  off. 
Griffin  at  his  returne  reported,  thay  had  there  assembled  to- 
gether, as  he  numbered  them,  two  hundred  eighty  three  Sal- 
vages, every  one  his  bowe  and  arrowes,  with  their  dogges,  and 
wolves  which  they  keepe  tame  at  command,  and  not  anything 
to  exchange  at  all ; but  would  have  drawen  us  further  up  into 
a little  narrow  nooke  2 of  a river,  for  their  Furres,  as  they 
pretended. 

These  things  considered,  we  began  to  joyne  them  in  the 
ranke  of  other  Salvages,  who  have  beene  by  travellers  in  most 
discoveries  found  very  trecherous ; never  attempting  mischief e, 
untill  by  some  remisnesse,  fit  opportunity  affoordeth  them 
certaine  ability  to  execute  the  same.  Wherefore  after  good 
advice  taken,  we  determined  so  soone  as  we  could  to  take  some 
of  them,  least  (being  suspitious  we  had  discovered  their  plots) 
they  should  absent  themselves  from  us. 

Tuesday,  the  fourth  of  June,  our  men  tooke  Cod  and  Had- 

1 Probably  the  entrance  to  New  Harbor,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Pema- 
quid  peninsula.  2 The  creek  at  New  Harbor. 


378 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1605 


ocke  with  hooks  by  our  ship  side,  and  Lobsters  very  great; 
which  before  we  had  not  tried. 

About  eight  a clocke  this  day  we  went  on  shore  with  our 
boats,  to  fetch  aboord  water  and  wood,  our  Captaine  leaving 
word  with  the  Gunner  in  the  shippe,  by  discharging  a musket, 
to  give  notice  if  they  espied  any  Canoa  comming ; which  they 
did  about  ten  a clocke.  He  therefore  being  carefull  they  should 
be  kindly  entreated,  requested  me  to  go  aboord,  intending 
with  dispatch  to  make  what  haste  after  he  possibly  could. 
When  I came  to  the  ship,  there  were  two  Canoas,  and  in  either 
of  them  three  Salvages ; of  whom  two  were  below  at  the  fire, 
the  other  staied  in  their  Canoas  about  the  ship ; and  because 
we  could  not  entice  them  abord,  we  gave  them  a Canne  of 
pease  and  bread,  which  they  carried  to  the  shore  to  eat.  But 
one  of  them  brought  backe  our  Canne  presently  and  staid  abord 
with  the  other  two ; for  he  being  yoong,  of  a ready  capacity, 
and  one  we  most  desired  to  bring  with  us  into  England,  had 
received  exceeding  kinde  usage  at  our  hands,  and  was  there- 
fore much  delighted  in  our  company.  When  our  Captaine 
was  come,  we  consulted  how  to  catch  the  other  three  at  shore 
which  we  performed  thus. 

We  manned  the  light  horseman  with  7 or  8 men,  one  stand- 
ing before  carried  our  box  of  Marchandise,  as  we  were  woont 
when  I went  to  traffique  with  them,  and  a platter  of  pease, 
which  meat  they  loved:  but  before  we  were  landed,  one  of 
them  (being  too  suspitiously  feareful  of  his  owne  good)  with- 
drew himself e into  the  wood.  The  other  two  met  us  on  the 
shore  side,  to  receive  the  pease,  with  whom  we  went  up  the 
Cliffe  to  their  fire  and  sate  downe  with  them,  and  whiles  we 
were  discussing  how  to  catch  the  third  man  who  was  gone,  I 
opened  the  box,  and  shewed  them  trifles  to  exchange,  thinking 
thereby  to  have  banisht  feare  from  the  other,  and  drawen 
him  to  returne:  but  when  we  could  not,  we  used  little  delay, 
but  suddenly  laid  hands  upon  them.  And  it  was  as  much  as 
five  or  sixe  of  us  could  doe  to  get  them  into  the  light  horseman. 
For  they  were  strong  and  so  naked  as  our  best  hold  was  by  their 
long  haire  on  their  heads;  and  we  would  have  beene  very 


1605] 


HOSIER'S  TRUE  RELATION 


379 


loath  to  have  done  them  any  hurt,  which  of  necessity  we  had 
beene  constrained  to  have  done  if  we  had  attempted  them  in 
a multitude,  which  we  must  and  would,  rather  than  have 
wanted  them,  being  a matter  of  great  importance  for  the  full 
accomplement  of  our  voyage. 

Thus  we  shipped  five  Salvages,  two  Canoas,  with  all  their 
bowes  and  arrowes. 

The  next  day  we  made  an  end  of  getting  our  wood  aboord, 
and  filled  our  empty  caske  with  water. 

Thursday,  the  6 of  June,  we  spent  in  bestowing  the  Canoas 
upon  the  orlop  safe  from  hurt,  because  they  were  subject  to 
breaking,  which  our  Captaine  was  carefull  to  prevent. 

Saturday  the  eight  of  June  (our  Captaine  being  desirous 
to  finish  all  businesse  about  this  harbour)  very  early  in  the 
morning,  with  the  light  horseman,  coasted  five  or  sixe  leagues 
about  the  Hands  adjoining,  and  sounded  all  along  whereso- 
ever we  went.  He  likewise  diligently  searched  the  mouth  of 
the  Harbour,  and  about  the  rocks  1 which  shew  themselves 
at  all  times,  and  are  an  excellent  breach  of  the  water,  so  as  no 
Sea  can  come  in  to  offend  the  Harbour.  This  he  did  to  in- 
struct himselfe,  and  thereby  able  to  direct  others  that  shall 
happen  to  come  to  this  place.  For  every  where  both  neere 
the  rocks,  and  in  all  soundings  about  the  Hands,  we  never 
found  lesse  water  than  foure  and  five  fathoms,  which  was  sel- 
dome ; but  seven,  eight,  nine  and  ten  fathoms  is  the  continuall 
sounding  by  the  shore.  In  some  places  much  deeper  upon  clay 
oaze  or  soft  sand : so  that  if  any  bound  for  this  place,  should 
be  either  driven  or  scanted  with  winds,  he  shall  be  able  (with 
his  directions)  to  recover  safely  his  harbour  most  securely  in 
water  enough  by  foure  2 severall  passages,  more  than  wThich  I 
thinke  no  man  of  judgement  will  desire  as  necessarie. 

1 The  Dry  Ledges  between  Allen’s  Island  and  Burnt  Island.  The  depth 
of  water,  as  recorded  on  the  Coast  Survey  chart,  corresponds  with  the  figures 
given  by  Rosier. 

2 St.  George’s  Harbor  has  four  entrances:  (1)  that  between  Allen’s 
and  Burnt  Islands ; (2)  that  between  Allen’s  and  Benner’s  Islands ; (3)  that 
between  Benner’s  and  Davis’s  Islands;  and  (4)  the  wide  passage  between 
Davis’s  and  Burnt  Islands.  In  all  four  there  is  water  enough  to  enter  safely. 


380 


EAELY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1605 


Upon  one  of  the  Hands  (because  it  had  a pleasant  sandy 
Cove  for  small  barks  to  ride  in)  we  landed,  and  found  hard  by 
the  shore  a pond  1 of  fresh  water,  which  flowed  over  the  banks, 
somewhat  over  growen  with  little  shrub  trees,  and  searching 
up  in  the  Hand,  we  saw  it  fed  with  a strong  run,  which  with 
small  labour,  and  little  time,  might  be  made  to  drive  a mill. 
In  this  Hand,  as  in  the  other,  were  spruce  trees  of  excellent 
timber  and  height,  able  to  mast  ships  of  great  burthen. 

While  we  thus  sounded  from  one  place  to  another  in  so 
good  deepes,  our  Captaine  to  make  some  triall  of  the  fishing 
himselfe,  caused  a hooke  or  two  to  be  cast  out  at  the  mouth  of 
the  harbour,  not  above  halfe  a league  from  our  ship,  where  in 
small  time  only,  with  the  baits  which  they  cut  from  the  fish 
and  three  hooks,  we  got  fish  enough  for  our  whole  Company 
(though  now  augmented)  for  three  daies.  Which  I omit  not  to 
report,  because  it  sheweth  how  great  a profit  the  fishing  would 
be,  they  being  so  plentifull,  so  great  and  so  good,  with  such 
convenient  drying  as  can  be  wished,  neere  at  hand  upon  the 
Hocks. 

This  day,  about  one  a clocke  after  noone,  came  from  the 
Eastward,2  two  Canoas  abord  us,  wherein  was  he  that  refused 
to  stay  with  us  for  a pawne,  and  with  him  six  other  Salvages 
which  we  had  not  seene  before,  who  had  beautified  themselves 
after  their  manner  very  gallantly,  though  their  clothing  was 
not  differing  from  the  former,  yet  they  had  newly  painted  their 
faces  very  deep,  some  all  blacke,  some  red,  with  stripes  of  ex- 
cellent blew  over  their  upper  lips,  nose  and  chin.  One  of  them 
ware  a kinde  of  Coronet  about  his  head,  made  very  cunningly,  of 
a substance  like  stiffe  haire  coloured  red,  broad,  and  more  than 
a handfull  in  depth,  which  we  imagined  to  be  some  ensigne  of 
superioritie ; for  he  so  much  esteemed  it  as  he  would  not  for 
anything  exchange  the  same.  Other  ware  the  white  feathered 
skins  of  some  fowle,  round  about  their  head,  jewels  in  their 


1 There  is  a pond  on  Allen’s  Island  fed  in  this  way. 

2 It  is  stated  farther  on  that  the  Indians  came  from  “the  Bashabes.” 
As  his  abode  was  on  the  Penobscot,  they  would  naturally  come  from  the  east- 
ward. 


1605] 


ROSIER’S  TRUE  RELATION 


381 


ears,  and  bracelets  of  little  white  round  bone,  fastened  together 
upon  a leather  string.  These  made  not  any  shew  that  they 
had  notice  of  the  other  before  taken,  but  we  understood  them 
by  their  speech  and  signes,  that  they  came  sent  from  the 
Bashabes,  and  that  his  desire  was  that  we  would  bring  up  our 
ship  (which  they  call  as  their  owne  boats,  a Quiden  *)  to  his 
house,  being,  as  they  pointed,  upon  the  main  towards  the  East, 
from  whence  they  came,  and  that  he  would  exchange  with  us 
for  Furres  and  Tabacco.  But  because  our  Company  was  but 
small,  and  now  our  desire  was  with  speed  to  discover  up  the 
river,  we  let  them  understand,  that  if  their  Bashabes  would 
come  to  us,  he  should  be  welcome,  but  we  would  not  remove 
to  him.  Which  when  they  understood  (receiving  of  us  bread 
and  fish,  and  every  of  them  a knife)  they  departed;  for  we 
had  then  no  will  to  stay  them  long  abord,  least  they  should 
discover  the  other  Salvages  which  we  had  stowed  below. 

Tuesday,  the  11  of  June,  we  passed  up 1  2 into  the  river  with 
our  ship,  about  six  and  twenty  miles.  Of  which  I had  rather 
not  write,  then  by  my  relation  to  detract  from  the  worthinesse 
thereof.  For  the  River,  besides  that  it  is  subject  by  shipping 
to  bring  in  all  traffiques  of  Marchandise,  a benefit  alwaies  ac- 
counted the  richest  treasury  to  any  land : for  which  cause  our 
Thames  hath  that  due  denomination,  and  France  by  her  navi- 
gable Rivers  receiveth  hir  greatest  wealth;  yet  this  place  of 
itselfe  from  God  and  nature  affoordeth  as  much  diversitie  of 
good  commodities,  as  any  reasonable  man  can  wish,  for  present 
habitation  and  planting. 

The  first  and  chiefest  thing  required,  is  a bold  coast  and 
faire  land  to  fall  with;  the  next,  a safe  harbour  for  ships  to 
ride  in. 

The  first  is  a speciall  attribute  to  this  shore,  being  most 
free  from  sands  or  dangerous  rocks  in  a continuall  good  depth, 
with  a most  excellent  land-fall,  which  is  the  first  Hand  we  fell 

1 Aquiden  is  the  Abnaki  word  for  canoe.  Rosier  inferred  that  “a”  was 
the  indefinite  article. 

2 An  accurate  statement  of  the  course  of  a vessel  passing  from  St.  George’s 
Harbor  into  the  St.  George’s  River. 


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with,  named  by  us,  Saint  Georges  Hand.1  For  the  second,  by 
judgement  of  our  Captaine,  who  knoweth  most  of  the  coast  of 
England,  and  most  of  other  Countries,  (having  beene  experienced 
by  imployments  in  discoveries  and  travels  from  his  childhood) 
and  by  opinion  of  others  of  good  judgement  in  our  shippe,  heere 
are  more  good  harbours  for  ships  of  all  burthens,  than  England 
can  affoord,  and  far  more  secure  from  all  winds  and  weathers 
than  any  in  England,  Scotland,  France  or  Spaine.  For  be- 
sides without  the  River  in  the  channell,  and  sounds  about  the 
ilands  adjoining  to  the  mouth  thereof,  no  better  riding  can  be 
desired  for  an  infinite  number  of  ships.  The  River  it  selfe 
as  it  runneth  up  into  the  main  very  nigh  forty  miles  toward 
the  great  mountaines,  beareth  in  bredtli  a mile,  sometime 
three  quarters,  and  halfe  a mile  is  the  narrowest,  where  you 
shall  never  have  under  4 and  5 fathoms  water  hard  by  the 
shore,  but  6,  7,  8,  9,  and  10  fathoms  2 all  along,  and  on  both 
sides  every  halfe  mile  very  gallant  Coves,  some  able  to  conteine 
almost  a hundred  saile,  where  the  ground  is  excellent  soft 
oaze  with  a tough  clay  under  for  anker  hold,  and  where  ships 
may  ly  without  either  Cable  or  Anker,  only  mored  to  the  shore 
with  a Hauser. 

It  floweth  by  their  judgement  eighteen  or  twenty  foot  at 
high  water.3 

Heere  are  made  by  nature  most  excellent  places,  as  Docks 
to  grave  or  Carine  ships  of  all  burthens;  secured  from  all 
windes,  which  is  such  a necessary  incomparable  benefit,  that 

1 The  first  island  Way  mouth  “fell  with”  was  Monhegan,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  St.  George.  There  is  no  evidence  that  Waymouth  set  up  a 
cross  at  Monhegan ; nor  does  the  narrative  of  the  Popham  colony  make  any 
mention  of  an  anchorage  at  Monhegan.  The  narrative  shows  that  there  was 
a definitely  appointed  rendezvous  in  case  of  separation,  namely,  Pentecost 
harbor,  to  which  both  of  Popham’s  ships  came.  The  island  on  which  the 
Popham  colonists  found  Waymouth’s  cross,  therefore,  was  not  Monhegan, 
but  one  of  the  St.  George’s  Islands. 

2 These  statements  with  reference  to  the  breadth  and  depth  of  the  river, 
also  concerning  the  character  of  its  bottom  and  the  boldness  of  its  shores, 
are  true  of  the  St.  George’s  River. 

3 An  erroneous  estimate.  The  mean  rise  and  fall  of  the  tide  in  the  St. 
George’s  River  is  nine  and  four-tenths  feet. 


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383 


in  few  places  in  England,  or  in  any  parts  of  Christendome,  art, 
with  great  charges,  can  make  the  like. 

Besides,  the  bordering  land  is  a most  rich  neighbour  trend- 
ing all  along  on  both  sides,  in  an  equall  plaine,  neither  moun- 
tainous nor  rocky,  but  verged  with  a greene  bordure  of  grasse, 
doth  make  tender  unto  the  beholder  of  hir  pleasant  fertility, 
if  by  clensing  away  the  woods  she  were  converted  into  meddow. 

The  wood  she  beareth  is  not  shrubbish  fit  only  for  fewell, 
but  goodly  tall  Firre,  Spruce,  Birch,  Beech,  Oke,  which  in 
many  places  is  not  so  thicke,  but  may  with  small  labour  be 
made  feeding  ground,  being  plentifull  like  the  outward  Hands 
with  fresh  water,  which  streameth  doune  in  many  places. 

As  we  passed  with  a gentle  winde  up  with  our  ship  in  this 
River,  any  man  may  conceive  with  what  admiration  we  all 
consented  in  joy.  Many  of  our  Company  who  had  beene 
travellers  in  sundry  countries,  and  in  the  most  famous  Rivers, 
yet  affirmed  them  not  comparable  to  this  they  now  beheld. 
Some  that  were  with  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  1 in  his  voyage  to 
Guiana,  in  the  discovery  of  the  River  Orenoque,  which  echoed 
fame  to  the  worlds  eares,  gave  reasons  why  it  was  not  to  be 
compared  with  this,  which  wanteth  the  dangers  of  many 
Shoules,  and  broken  ground,  wherewith  that  was  incombred. 
Others  before  that  notable  River  in  the  West  Indies  called 
Rio  Grande;  some  before  the  River  of  Loyer,2  the  River 
Seine,  and  of  Burdeaux  in  France,  which,  although  they  be 
great  and  goodly  Rivers,  yet  it  is  no  detraction  from  them  to 
be  accounted  inferiour  to  this,  which  not  only  yeeldeth  all  the 
foresaid  pleasant  profits,  but  also  appeared  infallibly  to  us 
free  from  all  inconveniences. 

I will  not  prefer  it  before  our  river  of  Thames,  because  it 
is  Englands  richest  treasure;  but  we  all  did  wish  those  ex- 
cellent Harbours,  good  deeps  in  a continuall  convenient  breadth 
and  small  tide-gates,  to  be  as  well  therein  for  our  countries 
good,  as  we  found  them  here  (beyond  our  hopes)  in  certaine, 
for  those  to  whom  it  shall  please  God  to  grant  this  land  for 


1 In  1595. 


2 Loire, 


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habitation;  which  if  it  had,  with  the  other  inseparable  ad- 
herent commodities  here  to  be  found;  then  I would  boldly 
affirme  it  to  be  the  most  rich,  beautifull,  large  and  secure 
harbouring  river  that  the  world  affoordeth.1 

Wednesday,  the  twelfth  of  June,  our  Captaine  manned 
his  light-horseman  with  17  men,  and  ranne  up  from  the  ship 
riding  2 in  the  river  up  to  the  codde  thereof,  where  we  landed, 
leaving  six  to  keepe  the  light-horseman  till  our  returne.  Ten 
of  us  with  our  shot,  and  some  armed,  with  a boy  to  carry  pow- 
der and  match,  marched  up  into  the  countrey  towards  the 
mountaines,  which  we  descried  at  our  first  falling  with  the 
land.3  Unto  some  of  them  the  river  brought  us  so  neere,  as 
we  judged  our  selves  when  we  landed  to  have  beene  within 
a league  of  them ; but  we  marched  up  about  foure  miles  in  the 
maine,  and  passed  over  three  hilles : and  because  the  weather 
was  parching  hot,  and  our  men  in  their  armour  not  able  to 
travel  farre  and  returne  that  night  to  our  ship,  we  resolved 
not  to  passe  any  further,  being  all  very  weary  of  so  tedious 
and  laboursom  a travell. 

In  this  march  we  passed  over  very  good  ground,  pleasant 
and  fertile,  fit  for  pasture,  for  the  space  of  some  three  miles, 
having  but  little  wood,  and  that  Oke  like  stands  left  in  our 
pastures  in  England,  good  and  great,  fit  timber  for  any  use. 
Some  small  Birch,  Hazle  and  Brake,  which  might  in  small 
time  with  few  men  be  cleansed  and  made  good  arable  land: 
but  as  it  now  is  will  feed  cattell  of  all  kindes  with  fodder  enough 
for  Summer  and  Winter.  The  soile  is  blacke,  bearing  sundry 
hearbs,  grasse,  and  strawberries  bigger  than  ours  in  England. 

1 This  is  evidently  the  language  of  contagious  enthusiasm ; yet  one  sail- 
ing up  the  St.  George’s  River  on  a beautiful  day  in  May  or  June,  at  full  tide, 
or  nearly  full  tide,  would  find  himself  in  entire  sympathy  with  Rosier  in  this 
description. 

2 Waymouth  anchored  his  vessel  near  the  present  ruins  of  Fort  St.  George. 
“The  codde”  is  said  to  mean  a bay  in  the  river.  Such  a “codde”  there  is  at 
Thomaston.  But  Winship,  Sailors’  Narratives  of  New  England  Voyages, 
gives  as  the  meaning  “a  bend  or  narrow  portion.” 

3 Such  mountains  are  the  Union  and  Camden  mountains.  The  White 
Mountains  are  not  visible  at  any  point  on  the  St.  George’s  River,  nor  are  they 
visible  from  the  deck  of  a vessel  ascending  the  Kennebec. 


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385 


In  many  places  are  lowe  Thicks  like  our  Copisses  of  small 
yoong  wood.  And  surely  it  did  all  resemble  a stately  Parke, 
wherein  appeare  some  old  trees  with  high  withered  tops,  and 
other  flourishing  with  living  greene  boughs.  Upon  the  hilles 
grow  notable  high  timber  trees,  masts  for  ships  of  400  tun: 
and  at  the  bottome  of  every  hill,  a little  run  of  fresh  water; 
but  the  furthest  and  last  we  passed,  ranne  with  a great  streame 
able  to  drive  a mill. 

We  might  see  in  some  places  where  fallow  Deere  and  Hares 
had  beene,  and  by  the  rooting  of  ground  we  supposed  wilde 
Hogs  had  ranged  there,  but  we  could  descrie  no  beast,  because 
our  noise  still  chased  them  from  us. 

We  were  no  sooner  come  aboord  our  light-horseman,  re- 
turning towards  our  ship,  but  we  espied  a Canoa  comming 
from  the  further  part  of  the  Cod  of  the  river  Eastward,  which 
hasted  to  us:  wherein,  with  two  others,  was  he  who  refused 
to  stay  for  a pawne:  and  his  comming  was  very  earnestly 
importing  to  have  one  of  our  men  to  go  lie  on  shore  with  their 
Bashabes  (who  was  there  on  shore,  as  they  signed)  and  then 
the  next  morning  he  would  come  to  our  ship  with  many  Furres 
and  Tabacco.  This  we  perceived  to  be  only  a meere  device 
to  get  possession  of  any  of  our  men,  to  ransome  all  those  which 
we  had  taken,  which  their  naturall  policy  could  not  so  shadow, 
but  we  did  easily  discover  and  prevent.  These  meanes  were 
by  this  Salvage  practised,  because  we  had  one  of  his  kinsemen 
prisoner,  as  we  judged  by  his  most  kinde  usage  of  him  being 
aboord  us  together. 

Thursday,  the  13  of  June,  by  two  a clocke  in  the  morning 
(because  our  Captaine  would  take  the  helpe  and  advantage 
of  the  tide)  in  the  light-horseman  with  our  Company  well 
provided  and  furnished  with  armour  and  shot  both  to  defend 
and  offend ; we  went  from  our  ship  up  to  that  part  of  the  river 
which  trended  westward  into  the  maine,1  to  search  that : and 

1 The  St.  George’s  River  makes  such  a trend  westward  at  Thomaston. 
In  recognition  of  the  tercentenary  of  Waymouth’s  voyage,  a memorial 
tablet  on  a large  boulder  was  unveiled  at  Thomaston,  July  6,  1905,  at  a 
celebration  under  the  auspices  of  the  citizens  of  Thomaston  and  the  Maine 
Historical  Society. 

2c 


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we  carried  with  us  a Crosse,  to  erect  at  that  point,  which  (be- 
cause it  was  not  daylight)  we  left  on  the  shore  untill  our  returne 
backe ; when  we  set  it  up  in  maner  as  the  former.1  For  this 
(by  the  way)  we  diligently  observed,  that  in  no  place,  either 
about  the  Hands,  or  up  in  the  maine,  or  alongst  the  river,  we 
could  discerne  any  token  or  signe,  that  ever  any  Christian  had 
beene  before;  of  which  either  by  cutting  wood,  digging  for 
water,  or  setting  up  Crosses  (a  thing  never  omitted  by  any 
Christian  travellers)  we  should  have  perceived  some  mention  left. 

But  to  returne  to  our  river,  further  up  into  which  we  then 
rowed  by  estimation  twenty  miles,  the  beauty  and  goodnesse 
whereof  I can  not  by  relation  sufficiently  demonstrate.  That 
which  I can  say  in  generall  is  this:  What  profit  or  pleasure 
soever  is  described  and  truly  verified  in  the  former  part  of 
the  river,  is  wholly  doubled  in  this ; for  the  bredth  and  depth 
is  such,  that  any  ship  drawing  17  or  18  foot  water,  might  have 
passed  as  farre  as  we  went  with  our  light-horsman,  and  by  all 
our  mens  judgement  much  further,  because  we  left  it  in  so  good 
depth  and  bredth ; which  is  so  much  the  more  to  be  esteemed 
of  greater  woorth,  by  how  much  it  trendeth  further  up  into 
the  maine : for  from  the  place  of  our  ships  riding  in  the  Har- 
bour at  the  entrance  into  the  Sound,  to  the  furthest  part  we 
were  in  this  river,  by  our  estimation  was  not  much  lesse  than 
threescore  miles. 

From  ech  banke  of  this  river  are  divers  branching  streames 
into  the  maine,  whereby  is  affoorded  an  unspeakable  profit 
by  the  conveniency  of  transportation  from  place  to  place, 
which  in  some  countries  is  both  chargeable;  and  not  so  fit, 
by  cariages  on  waine,  or  horse  backe. 

Heere  we  saw  great  store  of  fish,  some  great,  leaping  above 
water,  which  we  judged  to  be  Salmons.  All  along  is  an  ex- 
cellent mould  of  ground.  The  wood  in  most  places,  especially 
on  the  East  side,  very  thinne,  chiefly  oke  and  some  small 

1 On  the  Simancas  map  of  1610  there  is  at  this  point  the  mark  of  a 
cross.  What  was  it  intended  to  represent  if  not  the  cross  which 
Wavmouth  erected,  and  which  he  doubtless  marked  on  his  “perfect  geo- 
graphical! map  ” ? 


1605] 


HOSIER'S  TRUE  RELATION 


387 


young  birch,  bordering  low  upon  the  river;  all  fit  for  medow 
and  pasture  ground:  and  in  that  space  we  went,  we  had  on 
both  sides  the  river  many  plaine  plots  of  medow,  some  of  three 
or  foure  acres,  some  of  eight  or  nine : so  as  we  judged  in  the 
whole  to  be  betweene  thirty  and  forty  acres  of  good  grasse, 
and  where  the  armes  run  out  into  the  Maine,  there  likewise 
went  a space  on  both  sides  of  cleere  grasse,  how  far  we  know 
not,  in  many  places  we  might  see  paths  made  to  come  downe 
to  the  watering. 

The  excellencie  of  this  part  of  the  River,  for  his  good 
breadth,  depth,  and  fertile  bordering  ground,  did  so  ravish  us 
all  with  variety  of  pleasantnesse,  as  we  could  not  tell  what  to 
commend,  but  only  admired;  some  compared  it  to  the  River 
Severne,  (but  in  a higher  degree)  and  we  all  concluded  (as  I 
verily  thinke  we  might  rightly)  that  we  should  never  see  the 
like  River  in  every  degree  equall,  untill  it  pleased  God  we  be- 
held the  same  againe.  For  the  farther  we  went,  the  more 
pleasing  it  was  to  every  man,  alluring  us  still  with  expectation 
of  better,  so  as  our  men,  although  they  had  with  great  labour 
rowed  long  and  eat  nothing  (for  we  carried  with  us  no  victuall, 
but  a little  cheese  and  bread)  yet  they  were  so  refreshed  with 
the  pleasant  beholding  thereof,  and  so  loath  to  forsake  it,  as 
some  of  them  affirmed,  they  would  have  continued  willingly 
with  that  onely  fare  and  labour  2 daies ; but  the  tide  not  suffer- 
ing us  to  make  any  longer  stay  (because  we  were  to  come  backe 
with  the  tide)  and  our  Captaine  better  knowing  what  was  fit 
then  we,  and  better  what  they  in  labour  were  able  to  endure, 
being  verie  loath  to  make  any  desperate  hazard,  where  so  little 
necessitie  required,  thought  it  best  to  make  returne,  because 
whither  we  had  discovered  was  sufficient  to  conceive  that  the 
River  ran  very  far  into  the  land.  For  we  passed  six  or  seven 
miles,  altogether  fresh  water  (whereof  we  all  dranke)  forced  up 
by  the  flowing  of  the  Salt : which  after  a great  while  eb,  where 
we  left  it,  by  breadth  of  channell  and  depth  of  water  was  likely 
to  run  by  estimation  of  our  whole  company  an  unknowen  way 
farther : the  search  whereof  our  Captaine  hath  left  till  his  re- 
turne, if  it  shall  so  please  God  to  dispose  of  him  and  us. 


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For  we  having  now  by  the  direction  of  the  omnipotent 
disposer  of  all  good  intents  (far  beyond  the  period  of  our  hopes) 
fallen  with  so  bold  a coast,  found  so  excellent  and  secure  har- 
bour, for  as  many  ships  as  any  nation  professing  Christ  is 
able  to  set  forth  to  Sea,  discovered  a River,  which  the  All- 
creating  God,  with  his  most  liberall  hand,  hath  made  above 
report  notable  with  his  foresaid  blessings,  bordered  with  a 
land,  whose  pleasant  fertility  bewraieth  it  selfe  to  be  the  gar- 
den of  nature,  wherein  she  only  intended  to  delight  hir  selfe, 
having  hitherto  obscured  it  to  any,  except  to  a purblind  genera- 
tion, whose  understanding  it  hath  pleased  God  so  to  darken, 
as  they  can  neither  discerne,  use,  or  rightly  esteeme  the  un- 
valuable riches  in  middest  whereof  they  live  sensually  content 
with  the  barke  and  outward  rinds,  as  neither  knowing  the 
sweetnes  of  the  inward  marrow,  nor  acknowledging  the  Deity 
of  the  Almighty  giver:  having  I say  thus  far  proceeded,  and 
having  some  of  the  inhabitant  nation  (of  best  understanding 
we  saw  among  them)  who  (learning  our  language)  may  be 
able  to  give  us  further  instruction,  concerning  all  the  premised 
particulars,  as  also  of  their  governours,  and  government, 
situation  of  townes,  and  what  else  shall  be  convenient,  which 
by  no  meanes  otherwise  we  could  by  any  observation  of  our 
selves  learne  in  a long  time : our  Captaine  now  wholy  intended 
his  provision  for  speedy  returne.  For  although  the  time  of 
yeere  and  our  victuall  were  not  so  spent,  but  we  could  have 
made  a longer  voyage,  in  searching  farther  and  trading  for 
very  good  commodities,  yet  as  they  might  have  beene  much 
profitable,  so  (our  company  being  small)  much  more  preju- 
diciall  to  the  whole  state  of  our  voyage,  which  we  were  most 
regardfull  now  not  to  hazard.  For  we  supposing  not  a little 
present  private  profit,  but  a publique  good,  and  true  zeale  of 
promulgating  Gods  holy  Church,  by  planting  Christianity,  to 
be  the  sole  intent  of  the  Honourable  setters  foorth  of  this 
discovery ; 1 thought  it  generally  most  expedient,  by  our  speedy 
returne,  to  give  the  longer  space  of  time  to  make  provision 
for  so  weighty  an  enterprise. 

1 A like  purpose  was  expressed  by  the  Pilgrims  in  the  compact  signed  in 
the  cabin  of  the  Mayflower  in  the  harbor  of  Provincetown. 


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389 


Friday,  the  14  day  of  June,  early  by  foure  a clocke  in  the 
morning,  with  the  tide,  our  two  boats,  and  a little  helpe  of 
the  winde,  we  rowed  downe  to  the  rivers  mouth  and  there 
came  to  an  anker  about  eleven  a clocke.  Afterward  our  Cap- 
taine  in  the  light  horseman  searched  the  sounding  all  about 
the  mouth  and  comming  to  the  River,  for  his  certaine  instruc- 
tion of  a perfect  description. 

The  next  day,  being  Saturday,  we  wayed  anker,  and  with 
a briese  from  the  land,  we  sailed  up  to  our  watering  place,  and 
there  stopped,  went  on  shore  and  filled  all  our  empty  caske 
with  fresh  water. 

Our  Captaine  upon  the  Rocke  1 in  the  middest  of  the 
harbour  observed  the  height,  latitude,  and  variation  exactly 
upon  his  instruments. 

1 Astrolabe.  4 Crosse  Staff e. 

2 Semisphere.  5 And  an  excellent  compasse 

3 Ringe  instrument.  made  for  the  variation. 

The  certainty  whereof,  together  with  the  particularities  of 
every  depth  and  sounding,  as  well  at  our  falling  with  the 
land,  as  in  the  discovery,  and  at  our  departure  from  the  coast ; 
I refer  to  his  owne  relation  in  the  Map 2 of  his  Geographicall 
description,  which  for  the  benefit  of  others  he  intendeth  most 
exactly  to  publish. 

The  temperature  of  the  Climate  (albeit  a very  important 
matter)  I had  almost  passed  without  mentioning,  because  it 
affoorded  to  us  no  great  alteration  from  our  disposition  in 
England;  somewhat  hotter  up  into  the  Maine,  because  it 
lieth  open  to  the  South;  the  aire  so  wholesome,  as  I suppose 
not  any  of  us  found  our  selves  at  any  time  more  healthfull, 
more  able  to  labour,  nor  with  better  stomacks  to  such  good 
fare,  as  we  partly  brought,  and  partly  found. 

Sunday,  the  16  of  June,  the  winde  being  faire,  and  because 
we  had  set  out  of  England  upon  a Sunday,  made  the  Hands 

1 Such  a rock  is  Carey’s  Rock  in  St.  George’s  Harbor. 

2 This  map  has  disappeared,  but  evidently  the  Simancas  map  of  1610 
has  preserved  its  main  features. 


390 


EAKLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1606 


upon  a Sunday,  and  as  we  doubt  not  (by  Gods  appointment) 
happily  fell  into  our  harbour  upon  a Sunday;  so  now  (be- 
seeching him  still  with  like  prosperity  to  blesse  our  returne 
into  England  our  country,  and  from  thence  with  his  good 
will  and  pleasure  to  hasten  our  next  arrivall  there)  we  waied 
Anker  and  quit  the  Land  upon  a Sunday. 

Tuesday,  the  18  day,  being  not  run  above  30  leagues  from 
land,  and  our  Captaine  for  his  certaine  knowledge  how  to  fall 
with  the  coast,  having  sounded  every  watch,  and  from  40 
fathoms  had  come  into  good  deeping,  to  70,  and  so  to  an  hun- 
dred : this  day  the  weather  being  faire,  after  the  foure  a clocke 
watch,  when  we  supposed  not  to  have  found  ground  so  farre 
from  land,  and  before  sounded  in  about  100  fathoms,  we  had 
ground  in  24  fathomes.  Wherefore  our  sailes  being  downe, 
Thomas  King  boatswaine,  presently  cast  out  a hooke,  and 
before  he  judged  it  at  ground,  was  fished  and  haled  up  an 
exceeding  great  and  well  fed  Cod:  then  there  were  cast  out 
3 or  4 more,  and  the  fish  was  so  plentifull  and  so  great,  as 
when  our  Captaine  would  have  set  saile,  we  all  desired  him  to 
suffer  them  to  take  fish  a while,  because  we  were  so  delighted 
to  see  them  catch  so  great  fish,  so  fast  as  the  hooke  came 
down:  some  with  playing  with  the  hooke  they  tooke  by  the 
backe,  and  one  of  the  Mates  with  two  hookes  at  a lead  at  five 
draughts  together  haled  up  tenne  fishes;  all  were  generally 
very  great,  some  they  measured  to  be  five  foot  long,  and  three 
foot  about. 

This  caused  our  Captaine  not  to  marvell  at  the  shoulding 
for  he  perceived  it  was  a fish  banke,  which  (for  our  farewell 
from  the  land)  it  pleased  God  in  continuance  of  his  blessings 
to  give  us  knowledge  of : the  abundant  profit  whereof  should 
be  alone  sufficient  cause  to  draw  men  againe,  if  there  were  no 
other  good  both  in  present  certaine,  and  in  hope  probable  to 
be  discovered.  To  amplifie  this  with  words,  were  to  adde 
light  to  the  Sunne:  for  every  one  in  the  shippe  could  easily 
account  this  present  commodity;  much  more  those  of  judge- 
ment, which  knew  what  belonged  to  fishing,  would  warrant 
(by  the  helpe  of  God)  in  a short  voyage  with  few  good  fishers 


1606] 


HOSIER'S  TRUE  RELATION 


391 


to  make  a more  profitable  returne  from  hence  than  from  New- 
foundland : the  fish  being  so  much  greater,  better  fed,  and 
abundant  with  traine ; 1 of  which  some  they  desired,  and  did 
bring  into  England  to  bestow  among  their  friends,  and  to 
testifie  the  true  report. 

After,  we  kept  our  course  directly  for  England  and  with 
ordinary  winds,  and  sometime  calmes,  upon  Sunday  the  14 
of  July  about  sixe  a clocke  at  night,  we  were  come  into  sounding 
in  our  channell,  but  with  darke  weather  and  contrary  winds, 
we  were  constrained  to  beat  up  and  downe  till  Tuesday  the 
16  of  July,  when  by  five  a clocke  in  the  morning  we  made 
Sylly ; 2 from  whence,  hindered  with  calmes  and  small  winds, 
upon  Thursday  the  18  of  July  about  foure  a clocke  after  noone, 
we  came  into  Dartmouth:  which  Haven  happily  (with  Gods 
gracious  assistance)  we  made  our  last  and  first  harbour  in 
England. 

Further,  I have  thought  fit  here  to  adde  some  things  worthy 
to  be  regarded,  which  we  have  observed  from  the  Salvages 
since  we  tooke  them. 

First,  although  at  the  time  when  we  surprised  them,  they 
made  their  best  resistance,  not  knowing  our  purpose,  nor  what 
we  were,  nor  how  we  meant  to  use  them ; yet  after  perceiving 
by  their  kinde  usage  we  intended  them  no  harme,  they  have 
never  since  seemed  discontented  with  us,  but  very  tractable, 
loving,  and  willing  by  their  best  meanes  to  satisfie  us  in  any 
thing  we  demand  of  them,  by  words  or  signes  for  their  under- 
standing: neither  have  they  at  any  time  beene  at  the  least 
discord  among  themselves;  insomuch  as  we  have  not  seene 
them  angry  but  merry ; and  so  kinde,  as  if  you  give  any  thing 
to  one  of  them,  he  will  distribute  part  to  every  one  of  the 
rest. 

We  have  brought  them  to  understand  some  English,  and 
we  understand  much  of  their  language;  so  as  we  are  able  to 
aske  them  many  things.  . And  this  we  have  observed,  that  if 
we  shew  them  anything,  and  aske  them  if  they  have  it  in  their 


1 Oil  made  from  the  livers  of  cod. 


2 The  Scilly  Islands. 


392 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1605 


countrey,  they  will  tell  you  if  they  have  it,  and  the  use  of  it, 
the  difference  from  ours  in  bignesse,  colour,  or  forme;  but  if 
they  have  it  not,  be  it  a thing  never  so  precious,  they  wil 
denie  the  knowledge  of  it. 

They  have  names  for  many  starres,  which  they  will  shew 
in  the  firmament. 

They  shew  great  reverence  to  their  King,  and  are  in  great 
subjection  to  their  Governours:  and  they  will  shew  a great 
respect  to  any  we  tell  them  are  our  Commanders. 

They  shew  the  maner  how  they  make  bread  of  their  Indian 
wheat,  and  how  they  make  butter  and  cheese  of  the  milke 
they  have  of  the  Rain-Deere  and  Fallo-Deere,  which  they 
have  tame  as  we  have  Cowes. 

They  have  excellent  colours.  And  having  seene  our 
Indico,  they  make  shew  of  it,  or  of  some  other  like  thing 
which  maketh  as  good  a blew. 

One  especiall  thing  is  their  maner  of  killing  the  Whale, 
which  they  call  Powdawe;1  and  will  describe  his  forme; 
how  he  bloweth  up  the  water ; and  that  he  is  12  fathoms  long ; 
and  that  they  go  in  company  of  their  King  with  a multitude 
of  their  boats,  and  strike  him  with  a bone  made  in  fashion  of 
a harping  iron  fastened  to  a rope,  which  they  make  great  and 
strong  of  the  barke  of  trees,  which  they  veare  out  after  him ; 
then  all  their  boats  come  about  him,  and  as  he  riseth  above 
water,  with  their  arrowes  they  shoot  him  to  death;  when 
they  have  killed  him  and  dragged  him  to  shore,  they  call  all 
their  chiefe  lords  together,  and  sing  a song  of  joy:  and  those 
chiefe  lords,  whom  they  call  Sagamos,  divide  the  spoile,  and 
give  to  every  man  a share,  which  pieces  so  distributed  they 
hang  up  about  their  houses  for  provision : and  when  they  boile 
them,  they  blow  off  the  fat,  and  put  to  their  peaze,  maiz,  and 
other  pulse,  which  they  eat. 


1 Abnaki  for  “he  blows.” 


1605] 


HOSIER'S  TRUE  RELATION 


393 


A Briefe  Note  of  what  Profits  we  saw  the  Country  yeeld  in  the 
small  time  of  our  stay  there. 


Trees 

Oke  of  an  exellent  graine, 
strait,  and  great  timber. 
Elme. 

Beech. 

Birch,  very  tall  and  great ; 
of  whose  barke  they  make 
their  Canoas. 

Wich-Hazell. 

Hazell 

Alder. 

Cherry-tree. 

Ash. 

Maple. 

Yew. 

Spruce. 

Aspe. 

Firre. 

Many  fruit  trees,  which  we 
knew  not. 

Fowles 

Eagles. 

Hernshawes. 

Cranes. 

Ducks  great. 

Geese. 

Swannes. 

Penguins. 

Crowes. 

Sharks. 

Ravens. 

Mewes. 


Turtle-doves. 

Many  birds  of  sundrie  col- 
ours. 

Many  other  fowls  in  flocks, 
unknown. 

Beasts 

Reine-Deere. 

Stagges. 

Fallow-Deere. 

Beares. 

Wolves. 

Beaver. 

Otter. 

Hare. 

Cony. 

Hedge-Hoggs. 

Polcats. 

Wilde  great  Cats. 

Dogges ; some  like  Wolves, 
some  like  Spaniels. 

Fishes 

Whales 

Seales. 

Cod  very  great. 

Haddocke  great. 

Herring  great. 

Plaise. 

Thornebacke. 

Rockefish. 

Lobstar  great. 

Crabs. 


394 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1605 


Muscles  great,  with  pearles  Strawberries 


Tortoises. 

Oisters. 


Cunner-fish. 


Lumps. 

Whiting, 

Soales. 


Cookies. 

Wilks. 


in  them. 


Raspberries 

Gooseberries  k abundance. 

Hurtleberries 

Currant  trees  > 

Rose-bushes. 

Peaze. 

Ground-nuts. 

Angelica,  a most  soveraigne 


herbe. 

An  hearbe  that  spreadeth 


Fruits,  Plants 
and  Herbs 


the  ground  and  smelleth 
like  Sweet  Marjoram,  great 


plenty. 

Tobacco,  excellent  sweet  and  Very  good  Dies,  which  ap- 


peare  by  their  painting; 
which  they  carrie  with  them 
in  bladders. 


strong. 

Wild-Vines. 


The  names  of  the  five  Salvages  which  we  brought  home 
into  England,  which  are  all  yet  alive,  are  these. 

1.  Tahanedo,  a Sagamo  or  Commander. 

2.  Amoret  ) 

3.  Skicowaros  1-  Gentlemen. 

4.  Maneddo  J 

5.  Saffacomoit,  a servant.1 

1 Three  of  these  Indians  were  given  to  Gorges  when  Waymouth  reached 
England.  In  his  Briefe  Narration  their  names  are  Manida,  Skettwarroes. 
and  TasqnantiiTn.  The  first  two  are  found  in  Rosier ’s  list.  Tasquantam  is 
the  name  of  an  Indian  captured  by  Thomas  Hunt,  master  of  a vessel  with 
Captain  John  Smith,  in  1614,  and  it  is  erroneously  introduced  here  by  Gorges 
writing  many  years  afterward.  Tahanedo,  whom  Gorges  calls  Dehamda, 
returned  with  Pring  in  1606,  and  Skicowaros  accompanied  the  Popham  colo- 
nists. Sir  John  Popham  received  two  of  Waymouth’s  Indians.  Probably 
they  were  with  Challoung  in  1606,  when  he  set  out  for  the  Maine  coast,  and 
were  captured  by  the  Spaniards  with  Challoung  and  his  vessel.  Saffacomoit, 
one  of  the  two,  was  recovered,  and  possibly  the  other. 


A RELATION  OF  A VOYAGE  TO  SAGADA- 
HOC 1607-1608 


INTRODUCTION 


On  April  10,  1606,  James  I.  affixed  his  signature  to  a 
charter  for  two  colonies  in  America.  The  promoters  of  the 
northern  colony  — “knights,  gentlemen  and  merchants”  in 
the  west  of  England,  prominent  among  whom  were  Sir  Fer- 
dinando  Gorges  and  Sir  John  Popham,  Chief  Justice  of  Eng- 
land — sent  out  two  vessels  for  exploration  in  the  summer 
following  the  issuance  of  the  charter.  One  of  these  vessels, 
commanded  by  Captain  Henry  Challoung,  and  in  which  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges  was  especially  interested,  was  captured  by 
a Spanish  fleet.  The  other,  of  which  Thomas  Hanham  was 
the  nominal  commander,  with  Captain  Martin  Pring  as  navi- 
gator (Gorges,  in  his  account  of  the  voyage,  makes  no  men- 
tion of  Hanham),  reached  the  coast  of  Maine,  and  was  so 
successful  in  his  exploration  of  it  — his  report  bringing  to 
Gorges  and  others  full  and  satisfactory  information  — that  it 
was  decided  to  establish  the  northern  colony  there;  and  in 
May,  1607,  two  vessels,  the  Gift  of  God  and  the  Mary  and 
John,  were  despatched  to  the  coast  of  Maine  with  colonists. 
Prominent  in  the  expedition  were  George  Popham,  a nephew 
of  Sir  John  Popham,  and  Raleigh  Gilbert,  a son  of  Sir  Hum- 
phrey Gilbert.  The  manuscript  of  the  following  Relation  of 
a Voyage  to  Sagadahoc  was  discovered  in  1875  in  the  library 
of  Lambeth  Palace,  London,  by  the  late  Rev.  B.  F.  De  Costa, 
D.D.,  and  was  first  printed  in  1880  by  John  Wilson  and  Son, 
University  Press,  Cambridge,  Massachusetts,  being  reprinted  in 
advance  from  the  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  Vol.  XVIII.  (1880-1881).  In  1892,  under  title  The  Saga- 
dahoc Colony,  and  with  introductions,  notes,  and  appendices, 


398 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


by  Rev.  Henry  0.  Thayer,  A.M.,  it  was  reprinted  by  the 
Gorges  Society  of  Portland,  Maine,  from  an  exact  transcrip- 
tion of  the  Lambeth  Palace  manuscript.  The  manuscript 
does  not  give  its  author’s  name.  It  contains  statements,  how- 
ever, that  afford  strong  support  to  the  conjecture  that  it  was 
written  by  James  Davies,  probably  the  navigator  of  Gilbert’s 
vessel,  the  Mary  and  John  (Thayer’s  Sagadahoc  Colony,  pp. 
17-20). 

The  manuscript  ends  abruptly  at  the  foot  of  a page,  leav- 
ing the  narrative  unfinished.  But  it  happens  that  William 
Strachey,  when  writing  his  Historic  of  Travaile  into  Virginia 
Britannia,  used  this  narrative  before  it  was  mutilated ; and  as 
he  followed  it  closely  in  the  parts  of  it  which  have  been  pre- 
served, we  may  assume  that  he  did  the  same  in  the  parts  now 
lost.  Therefore  in  this  present  volume,  after  the  reprint  of 
the  Relation  (from  the  Gorges  Society’s  text),  Strachey ’s 
version  of  the  rest  of  the  story  is  added,  being  reprinted 
from  the  volume  of  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  which  it  was  first 
printed,  in  1849. 


H.  S.  B. 


RELATION  OF  A VOYAGE  TO  SAGADAHOC 

1607-1608 

In  the  nam  of  God,  Amen. 

The  Relation  of  a Voyage,  unto  New  England.  Began  from 
the  Lizard,  the  first  of  June  1607,  By  Captn.  Popham 
in  the  ship  the  Gift,  and  Captn.  Gilbert  in  the  Mary  and 
John: 

Written  by and  found  amongst  the  Papers  of  the 

truly  Worpfult : 1 Sr.  Ferdinando  Gorges,  Knt.  by  me 
William  Griffith .2 

Departed  from  the  Lyzard  the  firste  daye  of  June  Ano 
Domi3  1607, 4 beinge  Mundaye  about  6 of  the  Cloke  in  the 
afternoon  and  ytt  bore  of 5 me  then  Northeste  and  by  North 
eyght  Leags  of. 

from  thence  Directed  our  Course  for  the  Illands  of  flowers 
and  Corve6  in  the  wch  we  wear  24  dayes  attainynge  of  ytt. 
All  wch  time  we  still  kept  the  Sea  and  never  Saw  but  on  Saill 
beinge  a ship  of  Salcom7  bound  for  the  New  Foundland  whearin 
was  on8  tosser  of  Dartmoth  Mr.9  in  her. 

The  25th  daye  of  June  we  fell  wth  the  Illand  of  Gersea 10  on 
of  The  Illands  of  the  Assores  and  ytt  bore  of  us  then  South 
and  by  est  ten  Leags  of,  our  Mr.  and  his  matts  makinge  ytt  to 
be  flowers  but  my  Selffe  wth  stood  them  and  reprooved  them 

1 Worshipful. 

2 Gorges  died  in  1647,  and  the  manuscript  of  the  Relation  did  not  come 
into  Mr.  Griffith’s  hand  until  after  that  date  — possibly  not  until  many 
years  after. 

3 Anno  Domini. 

4 According  to  Gorges  the  vessels  left  the  harbor  of  Plymouth  the  day 

before.  s Off. 

6 Flores  and  Corvo,  islands  of  the  Azores  group. 

7 Salcombe,  a village  on  the  Devon  coast. 

8 One.  9 Master.  10  Terceira,  or  Graciosa? 


399 


400 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1607 


in  thear  errour  as  afterward  ytt  appeared  manyfestly  and 
then  stood  Roome  1 for  flowers. 

The  26th  of  June  we  had  Seight  of  flowers  and  Corvo  and 
the  27th  in  the  mornynge  early  we  wear  hard  abord  flowers 
and  stod  in  for  to  fynd  a good  rod  for  to  anker  Whearby  to 
take  in  wood  and  watter.  the  28th  we  Descryed  to  Sailles, 
standinge  in  for  flowers  Whearby  we  presently  Wayed  Anker 
and  stood  towards  the  rod  of  Sainta  Cruse  2 beinge  near  three 
Leags  from  the  place.  Whear  we  wattered.  thear  Cap4  pop- 
ham  ankered  to  take  in  wood  and  wattr  but  ytt  was  So  calme 
that  we  Could  nott  recover  or  gett  unto  hem  beffor  the  daye 
cam  on. 

The  29th  of  June  beinge  Mundaye  early  in  the  morning 
those  to  Sailles  we  had  seen  the  nyght  beffore  Wear  neare 
unto  us  and  beinge  Calme  they  Sent  thear  bots  beinge  full  of 
men  towards  us.  And  after  the  orders  of  the  Sea  they  hailled 
us  demandynge  us  of  whense  we  wear  the  wch  we  told  them : 
and  found  them  to  be  flemens  3 and  the  stats  shipes.4  on  of 
our  Company  named  John  Goyett  of  plymoth  knew  the  Cap4, 
of  on  of  the  shipes  for  that  he  had  ben  att  Sea  wth  hem.  havinge 
aquainted  Cap4.  Gilbert  of  this  and  beinge  all  frinds  he  desyered 
the  Cap4,  of  the  Dutch  to  com  near  and  take  a can  of  bear  the 
wch  hee  thankfully  excepted  we  still  keepinge  our  Selves  in  a 
redynesse  both  of  our  small  shott  and  greatt ; the  Dutch  Cap4, 
beinge  Com  to  our  ships  syde  Cap4.  Gilbert  desyered  hem  to 
com  abord  hem  and  entertand  hem  in  the  beste  Sort  he  Could, 
this  don  they  to  requytt  his  kind  entertainment  desyered  hem 
that  he  wold  go  abord  wth  them.  And  uppon  thear  earnest 
intreaty  he  went  w4h  them  takinge  three  or  4 gentell  w4h  hem, 
but  when  they  had  hem  abord  of  them  they  thear  kept  hem 
per  Forse  charginge  him  that  he  was  a pyratt  and  still  threat- 
nynge  hemselffe  and  his  gentellmen  wth  hem  to  throw  them  all 
overbord  and  to  take  our  ship  from  us.  in  this  Sort  they  kept 
them  from  ten  of  the  Clok  mornynge  untill  eyght  of  the  Clok 

1 An  old  nautical  term,  meaning  to  come  about  before  the  wind. 

2 A town  on  Flores.  3 People  of  Flanders. 

* Ships  of  the  States,  i.e.,  of  the  United  Provinces  of  the  Netherlands. 


1607] 


THE  VOYAGE  TO  SAGADAHOC 


401 


nyght  ussinge  Som  of  his  gent  in  most  wild  maner  as  Settinge 
Som  of  them  in  the  bibowes  1 and  buffettinge  of  others  and 
other  most  wyld  and  shamffull  abusses  but  in  the  end  havinge 
Seene  our  Comission  the  wch  was  proffered  unto  them  att  the 
ftrste  but  they  reffused  to  See  yt  and  the  greatest  Cause 
doutinge  of  the  Inglyshe  men  beinge  of  thear  owne  Company 
who  had  promist  Cap4.  Gilbert  that  yf  they  proffered  to  per- 
fform  that  wch  they  still  threatned  hem  that  then  they  all 
woold  Rysse  wth  hem  and  either  end  thear  Lyves  in  his  de- 
ffence  or  Suppresse  the  shipe,  the  wch  the  Dutch  perseavinge 
presently  Sett  them  att  Lyberty  and  Sent  them  abord  unto 
us  aggain  to  our  no  small  Joye.  Cap4,  popham  all  this  tyme 
beinge  in  the  Wind  of  us  never  woold  Com  roome  unto  us  not 
withstandinge  we  makinge  all  the  Seignes  that  possybell  we 
myght  by  strykinge  on  topsaill  and  hoissinge  ytt  aggain  three 
tymes  and  makinge  towards  hem  all  that  ever  we  possybell 
could,  so  hear  we  lost  Company  of  hem  beinge  the  29th  daye 
of  June  about  8 of  the  Clok  att  nyght  beinge  6 Leags  from 
flowers  West  norwest  wee  standinge  our  Course  for  Vyrgenia 
the  30th  wee  laye  in  Seight  of  the  Illancl. 

The  firste  Daye  of  Jully  beinge  Wesdaye  wee  depted 2 
from  the  Illand  of  flowers  beinge  ten  Leags  South  weste  from 
ytt. 

From  hence  we  allwayes  kept  our  Course  to  the  Westward 
as  much  as  wind  and  weather  woold  permytt  untill  the  27th 
daye  of  Jully  duringe  wch  time  wee  often  times  Sounded  but 
could  never  fynd  grounde.  this  27th  early  in  the  mornynge 
we  Sounded  and  had  ground  3 but  18  fetham  beinge  then  in 
the  Lattitud  of  43  degrees  and  § hear  w . . . fysht  three 
howers  and  tooke  near  to  hundred  of  Cods  very  great  and 
large  fyshe  bigger  and  larger  fyshe  then  that  wch  corns  from 
the  bancke  of  the  New  Found  Land,  hear  wee  myght  have 
lodden  our  shipe  in  Lesse  time  then  a moneth. 

From  hence  the  Wynd  beinge  att  South  west  wee  sett  our 
Saills  and  stood  by  the  wind  west  nor  west  towards  the  Land 

1 Bilboes  or  stocks.  2 Departed. 

3 Sable  Island  Bank,  about  twenty  miles  southwest  of  Sable  Island. 


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allwayes  Soundinge  for  our  better  knowledg  as  we  ran  towarde 
the  main  Land  from  this  bancke. 

From  this  bancke  we  kept  our  Course  west  nor  west  36 
Leags  wch  ys  from  the  27th  of  July  untill  the  30th  of  July  in  wch 
tyme  we  ran  36  L as  ys  beffore  sayed  and  then  we  Saw  the 
Land  1 about  10  of  the  Clok  in  the  mornynge  bearinge  nor- 
weste  from  us  About  10  Leags  and  then  we  Sounded  and  had 
a hundred  fethams  blacke  oze.  hear  as  we  Cam  in  towards  the 
Land  from  this  bancke  we  still  found  deepe  watth  the  deepest 
within  the  bancke  ys  160  fethams  and  in  100  fetham  you  shall 
See  the  Land  yf  ytt  be  Clear  weather  after  you  passe  the 
bancke  the  ground  ys  still  black  oze  untill  yo  Com  near  the 
shore,  this  daye  wee  stood  in  for  the  Land  but  Could  nott  re- 
cover ytt  beffor  the  night  tooke  us  so  we  stood  a Lyttell  from 
ytt  and  thear  strok  a hull 2 untill  the  next  daye  beinge  the 
Laste  of  July,  hear  Lyeinge  at  hull  we  tooke  great  stor  of  cod 
fyshes  the  bigeste  and  largest  that  I ever  Saw  or  any  man  in 
our  ship,  this  daye  beinge  the  Last  of  July  about  3 of  the 
Clok  in  the  after  noon  we  recovered  the  shor  and  cam  to  an 
anker  under  an  Illand  3 for  all  this  Cost  ys  full  of  Illands  and 
broken  Land  but  very  Sound  and  good  for  shipinge  to  go  by 
them  the  wattr  deepe.  18  and  20  fetham  hard  abord 
them. 

This  Illand  standeth  in  the  lattitud  of  44  d and  £ and  hear 
we  had  nott  ben  att  an  anker  past  to  howers  beffore  we  espyed 
a bisken  4 shallop  Cominge  towards  us  havinge  in  her  eyght 
Sallvages  and  a Lyttell  salvage  boye  they  cam  near  unto  us 
and  spoke  unto  us  in  thear  Language,  and  we  makinge  Seignes 
to  them  that  they  should  com  abord  of  us  showinge  unto  them 
knyves  glasses  beads  and  throwinge  into  thear  bott  Som  bisket 

1 Aspotogeon,  a conspicuous  mountain,  or  the  steep  cliffs  of  Cape  La 
Heve. 

2 Struck  a hull,  i.e.,  lay  to  with  all  sails  furled. 

3 Thayer  {The  Sagadahoc  Colony,  p.  42,  note)  says  that  while  Macnab 

Island,  at  the  entrance  of  Halifax  harbor,  Tancook  and  Green  Islands, 
guarding  Mahone  Bay,  and  Cross  Island,  at  Lunenburg  Bay,  clearly  meet 
the  requirements  of  latitude,  he  thinks  Ironbound  Island,  from  its  proximity 
to  the  harbor  of  La  Heve,  has  the  preference.  4 Biscayan. 


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but  for  all  this  they  wold  nott  com  abord  of  us  but  makinge 
show  to  go  from  us,  we  suffered  them.  So  when  they  wear  a 
Lyttell  from  us  and  Seeinge  we  proffered  them  no  wronge  of 
thear  owne  accord  retorned  and  cam  abord  of  us  and  three  of 
them  stayed  all  that  nyght  wth  us  the  rest  depted  in  the  shallope 
to  the  shore  makinge  Seignes  unto  us  that  they  wold  retorn 
unto  us  aggain  the  next  daye. 

The  next  daye  the  Sam  Salvages  wth  three  Salvage  wemen 
beinge  the  fryst  daye  of  Auguste  retorned  unto  us  bringinge 
wth  them  Som  feow  skines  of  bever  in  an  other  bisken  shallop 
and  propheringe  thear  skines  to  trook  wth  us  but  they  de- 
manded over  muche  for  them  and  we  Seemed  to  make  Lyght 
of  them  So  then  the  other  three  wch  had  stayed  wth  us  all  ngyht 
went  into  the  shallop  and  So  they  depted.  ytt  Seemth  that  the 
french  hath  trad  wth  them  for  they  use  many  french  words, 
the  Cheeff  Comander  of  these  pts  ys  called  Messamott  and  the 
ryver  or  harbor  ys  called  emannett.1  we  take  these  peopell 
to  be  the  tarentyns  2 and  these  peopell  as  we  have  Learned 
sence  do  make  wars  wth  Sasanoa  3 the  Cheeffe  Comander  to 
the  westward  whea  ...  we  have  planted  and  this  Somer  they 
kild  his  Sonne.  So  the  Salvages  depted  from  us  and  cam  no 
mor  unto  us.  After  they  wear  depted  from  us  we  hoyssed  out 
our  bot  whearin  my  Selffe  was  wth  12  others  and  rowed  to  the 
shore  and  landed  on  this  Illand  that  we  rod  under  the  wch  we 
found  to  be  a gallant  Illand  full  of  heigh  and  myghty  trees  of 
Sundry  Sorts,  hear  we  allso  found  aboundance  of  gusberyes, 
strawberyes,  rasberyes  and  whorts.  So  we  retorned  and  Cam 
abord. 

Sondaye  beinge  the  second  of  Auguste  after  dyner  our  bott 
went  to  the  shore  again  to  fille  freshe  wattr  whear  after  they 
had  filled  thear  wattr  thear  cam  fower  Salvages  unto  them 
havinge  thear  bowes  and  arowes  in  thear  hands  makinge 
show  unto  them  to  have  them  Com  to  the  shore  but  our 

1 Afterward  called  Cape  La  Heve,  from  a bluff  in  Normandy  which  bears 
that  name. 

2 An  Indian  tribe  occupying  the  country  east  of  the  Penobscot. 

3 A Kennebec  sachem. 


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Saillers  havinge  filled  thear  wattr  wold  nott  go  to  the  shore 
unto  them  but  retorned  and  cam  abord  beinge  about  5 of  the 
Clock  in  the  afternoon.  So  the  bott  went  presently  from  the 
ship  unto  a point  of  an  Xlland  and  thear  att  Lo  wattr  in  on 
hower  kild  near  . 50 . great  Lopsters.  you  shall  See  them  Whear 
they  Ly  in  shold1  Wattr  nott  past  a yeard  deep  and  wth  a great 
hooke  mad  faste  to  a staff e you  shall  hitch  them  up.  thear  ar 
great  store  of  them  you  may  near  Lad  a Ship  wth  them,  and 
they  are  of  greatt  bignesse.  I have  nott  Seen  the  Lyke  in  Ing- 
land. So  the  bott  retorned  a bord  and  wee  toke  our  bott  in  and 
about  myd  nyght  the  wynd  cam  faier  att  northest  we  Sett 
Saill  and  depted  from  thence  keepinge  our  Course  South  west 
for  So  the  Cost  Lyeth. 

Mundaye  being  the  third  of  Auguste  in  the  morninge  we 
wear  faier  by  the  shore  and  So  Sailled  alongste  the  Coste.  we 
Saw  many  Illands  all  alonge  the  Cost  and  great  Sounds, 
goinge  betwyxt  them,  but  We  could  make  prooffe  of  non  for 
want  of  a penyshe.2  hear  we  found  fyshe  still  all  alonge  the 
Cost  as  we  Sailled. 

Tusdaye  being  the  4th  of  Auguste  in  the  morninge  5 of  the 
Clok  we  wear  theawart  of  a Cape  or  head  Land  3 Lyeing  in 
the  Latitud  of  43  degrees  and  cam  very  near  unto  ytt.  ytt  ys 
very  Low  Land  showinge  Whytt  Lyke  sand  but  ytt  ys  Whytt 
Rocks  and  very  stronge  tides  goeth  hear  from  the  place  we 
stopt  att  beinge  in  44  de  and  untill  this  Cape  or  head  land 
ytt  ys  all  broken  Land  and  full  of  Illands  and  Large  Sounds 
betwixt  them  and  hear  we  found  fyshe  aboundance  so  large 
and  great  as  I never  Saw  the  Lyke  Cods  beffor  nether  any 
man  in  our  shipe. 

After  we  paste  this  Cape  or  head  Land  the  Land  falleth 
awaye  and  Lyeth  in  norwest  and  by  north  into  a greatt  deep 
baye.4  We  kept  our  course  from  this  head  Land  West  and 
Weste  and  by  South  7 Leags  and  cam  to  thre  Illands 5 whear 
cominge  near  unto  them  we  found  on  the  Southest  Syd  of 

1 Shoal.  2 A pinnace.  3 Cape  Sable.  4 Bay  of  Fundy. 

6 Seal  Island  and  Mud  Islands,  five  in  all,  but  appearing,  from  the  posi- 

tion of  the  observer,  as  one. 


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them  a great  Leadge  of  Rocks  Lyeinge  near  a Leage  into  the 
Sea  the  wch  we  perseavinge  tackt  our  ship  and  the  wynde 
being  Large  att  northest  Cleared  our  Selves  of  them  kepinge 
still  our  course  to  the  westward  west  and  by  South  and  west 
Southwest  untill  mydnyght.  then  after  we  hald  in  more 
northerly. 

Wensdaye  being  the  5th  of  Auguste  from  after  mydnyght 
we  hald  in  West  norwest  untill  3 of  the  Clok  afternoon  of  the 
Sam  and  then  we  Saw  the  Land  aggain  bearinge  from  us  north 
weste  and  by  north  and  ytt  Risseth  in  this  forme  hear  under.1 
ten  or  12  Leags  from  yo  they  ar  three  heigh  mountains  2 that 
Lye  in  upon  the  main  Land  near  unto  the  ryver  of  penobskot 
in  wch  ryver  the  bashabe  makes  his  abod  the  cheeffe  Comander 
of  those  pts  and  streatcheth  unto  the  ryver  of  Sagadehock  3 
under  his  Comand.  yo  shall  see  theise  heigh  mountains  when  yo 
shall  not  perseave  the  main  Land  under  ytt  they  ar  of  sliutch 
an  exceedinge  heygts : And  note,  that  from  the  Cape  or  head 
Land  beffor  spoken  of  untill  these  heigh  mountains  we  never 
Saw  any  Land  except  those  three  Illands  also  beffor  mensyoned. 
We  stood  in  Right  wth  these  mountains  untill  the  next  daye. 

Thursdaye  beinge  the  6th  of  Auguste  we  stood  in  wth  this 
heigh  Land  untill  12  of  the  Cloke  noon  and  then  I found  the 
shipe  to  be  in  43  d and  J by  my  observatio4  from  thence  we 
Sett  our  Course  and  stood  awaye  dew  weste  and  Saw  three 
other  Illands 5 Lyenge  together  beinge  Lo  and  flatt  by  the 
wattr  showinge  whytt  as  yff  ytt  wear  Sand  but  ytt  ys  whytt 
Rocks  makinge  show  a far  of  allmoste  Lyke  unto  Dover 
Cleeves6  and  these  three  Illands  Lye  dew  est  and  west  on 
of  the  other,  so  we  Cam  faier  by  them  and  as  we  Cam  to  the 
Westward  the  heygh  Land  beffor  spoken  of  shewed  ytt  selffe 
in  this  form  as  followith.7 

1 The  reference  is  to  sketches  in  the  manuscript. 

2 The  Camden  Hills.  3 Kennebec. 

4 An  indication  of  the  official  position  of  the  writer  of  the  Relation.  He 
was  the  pilot  of  the  vessel. 

6 Ragged,  Wooden  Ball  and  Seal  Islands  of  the  Matinicus  group.  Matini- 
cus  itself  was  hidden  from  view  by  the  islands  mentioned. 

8 Cliffs.  7 Sketches  in  the  manuscript. 


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From  hence  we  kept  still  our  Course  West  and  Weste  by 
North  towards  three  other  Illands  1 that  we  Sawe  Lyenge 
from  these  Illands  beffor  spoken  of  8 Leags  and  about  ten  of 
the  Clok  att  nyght  we  recovered  them  and  havinge  Sent  in  our 
bott  beffor  nyght  to  vew  ytt  for  that  ytt  was  Calme  a[nd]  to 
Sound  ytt  and  See  whatt  good  ankoringe  was  under  ytt  we 
bor  in  wth  on  of  them  the  wch  as  we  cam  in  by  we  still  sounded 
and  founde  very  deep  wattr  40  fetham  hard  abord  of  yt.  So 
we  stood  in  into  a Cove  In  ytt  and  had  12  fetham  wattr  and 
thear  we  ankored  untill  the  mornynge.  And  when  the  daye 
appeared  We  Saw  we  weare  environed  Round  about  with 
Illands.  yo  myght  have  told  neare  thirty  Illands  round  about 
us  from  abord  our  shipe.  this  Illand  we  Call  Sl.  Georges  Illand 
for  that  we  hear  found  a Crosse  Sett  up  the  wch  we  Suposse 
was  Sett  up  by  George  Way  man. 2 

Frydaye  beinge  the  7th  of  Auguste  we  wayed  our  Ankor 
whereby  to  bringe  our  shipe  in  mor  bettr  Safty  how  Soever  the 
wynd  should  happen  to  blow  and  about  ten  of  the  Cloke  in 
the  mornynge  as  we  weare  standinge  of  a Lyttell  from  the 
Illand  we  descried  a saill  standinge  in  towards  this  Illand  and 
we  presently  mad  towards  her  and  found  ytt  to  be  the  gyfte 
our  Consort  So  beinge  all  Joye  full  of  our  happy  meetinge  we 
both  stood  in  again  for  the  Illand  we  ryd  under  beffor  and 
theare  anchored  both  together.3 

This  night  followinge  about  myd  nyght  Cap1.  Gilbert 
caussed  his  ships  bott  to  be  maned  and  took  to  hemselffe  13 
other  my  Selffe  beinge  on,  beinge  14  persons  in  all,  and  tooke 
the  Indyan  skidwarres  wth  us  4 the  weather  beinge  faier  and 

1 Of  the  St.  George’s  group. 

2 Probably  Allen’s  Island.  Waymouth,  when  on  the  coast  in  1605, 
gave  the  name  St.  George  to  Monhegan.  Finding  here,  on  one  of  the  islands 
forming  Pentecost  Harbor,  Waymouth ’s  cross,  the  Popham  colonists  trans- 
ferred to  the  island  on  which  the  cross  was  erected  the  name  St.  George,  and 
so  we  find  in  the  Relation  the  words,  “We  Call  St.  Georges  Illand.” 

3 Evidently  here  was  the  rendezvous  that  had  been  agreed  upon  before 
leaving  England.  The  Mary  and  John  preceded  the  Gift  only  about  twelve 
hours. 

4 Skicowaros  (so  Rosier  wrote  the  name),  one  of  the  Indians  captured 
by  Waymouth. 


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the  wynd  Calme  we  rowed  to  the  Weste  in  amongst  many 
gallant  Illands  and  found  the  ryver  of  pemaquyd  to  be  but  4 
Leags  weste  from  the  Illand  we  Call  S\  Georges  whear  our 
ships  remained  still  att  anchor,  hear  we  Landed  in  a Lyttell 
Cove  1 by  skyd  warres  Direction  and  marched  over  a necke 
of  the  Land  near  three  mills.  So  the  Indyan  skidwarres  brought 
us  to  the  Salvages  housses  whear  they  did  inhabitt  although 
much  against  his  will  for  that  he  told  us  that  they  wear  all 
removed  and  gon  from  the  place  they  wear  wont  to  inhabitt. 
but  we  answered  hem  again  that  we  wold  nott  retorn  backe 
untill  shutch  time  as  we  had  spoken  with  Som  of  them.  At 
Length  he  brought  us  whear  they  did  inhabytt  whear  we  found 
near  a hundreth  of  them  men  wernen  and  Children.  And  the 
Cheeffe  Comander  of  them  ys  Nahanada.2  att  our  fryste 
Seight  of  them  uppon  a howlinge  or  Cry  that  they  mad  they 
all  presently  Isued  forth  towards  us  wth  thear  bowes  and 
arrows  and  we  presently  mad  a stand  and  Suffered  them  to 
Com  near  unto  us.  then  our  Indyan  skidwarres  spoke  unto 
them  in  thear  language  showinge  them  what  we  wear  wch 
when  nahanada  thear  Comander  perseaved  what  we  wear  he 
Caussed  them  all  to  laye  assyd  thear  bowes  and  arrowes  and 
cam  unto  us  and  imbrassed  us  and  we  did  the  lyke  to  them 
aggain.  So  we  remained  wth  them  near  to  howers  and  wear 
in  thear  housses.  Then  we  tooke  our  Leave  of  them  and  re- 
torned  wth  our  Indyan  skidwarres  wth  us  towards  our  ships 
the  8th  Daye  of  August  being  Satterdaye  in  the  after  noon. 

Sondaye  being  the  9th  of  Auguste  in  the  morninge  the  most 
p1  of  our  holl  company  of  both  our  shipes  Landed  on  this 
Illand  the  wch  we  call  S‘.  Georges  Illand  whear  the  Crosse 
standeth  and  thear  we  heard  a Sermon  delyvred  unto  us  by 
our  preacher  3 gyvinge  god  thanks  for  our  happy  metinge  and 
Saffe  aryvall  into  the  Contry  and  So  retorned  abord  aggain. 

1 The  landing  was  probably  at  New  Harbor. 

2 Another  of  the  Indians  captured  by  Waymouth.  He  returned  the 
previous  year  with  Pring.  Rosier  says,  “Tahanedo,  a Sagamo  or  Com- 
mander.” 

3 Rev.  Richard  Seymour.  Bishop  Burgess  identifies  him  as  a great- 
grandson  of  the  Protector  Somerset. 


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Mundaye  beinge  the  Xth  of  Auguste  early  in  the  morninge 
Cap1,  popham  in  his  shallope  wth  thirty  others  and  Cap4. 
Gilbert  in  his  ships  bott  w,h  twenty  others  Acompanede  Depted 
from  thear  shipes  and  sailled  towards  the  ryver  of  pemaquyd1 
and  Caryed  wth  us  the  Indyan  skidwarres  and  Cam  to  the 
ryver  ryght  beffore  thear  housses  whear  they  no  Sooner  espyed 
us  but  presently  Nahanada  wth  all  his  Indians  wth  thear  bowes 
and  arrows  in  thear  hands  Cam  forth  upon  the  Sands.  So  we 
Caussed  skidwarres  to  speak  unto  hem  and  we  our  Selves  spok 
unto  hem  in  Inglyshe  givinge  hem  to  understand  our  Cominge 
tended  to  no  yvell  towards  hem  Selffe  nor  any  of  his  peopell. 
he  told  us  again  he  wold  nott  thatt  all  our  peopell  should  Land. 
So  beccause  we  woold  in  no  sort  offend  them,  hearuppon  Som 
ten  or  twelffe  of  the  Cheeff  gent  Landed  and  had  Some  parle 
together  and  then  afterward  they  wear  well  contented  that  all 
should  Land.  So  all  landed  we  ussinge  them  with  all  the 
kindnesse  that  possibell  we  Could,  neverthelesse  after  an  hower 
or  to  they  all  Soddainly  withdrew  them  Selves  from  us  into 
the  woods  and  Lefte  us.  we  perseavinge  this  presently  imbarked 
our  Selves  all  except  skidwarres  who  was  nott  Desyerous  to 
retorn  with  us.  We  Seeinge  this  woold  in  no  Sort  proffer  any 
Violence  unto  hem  by  drawing  hem  perfforce  Suffered  hem  to 
remain,  and  staye  behinde  us,  he  promyssinge  to  retorn  unto 
us  the  next  Daye  followinge  but  he  heald  not  his  promysse. 
So  we  imbarked  our  Selves  and  went  unto  the  other  Syd  of 
the  ryver  and  thear  remained  uppon  the  shore  the  nyght 
followinge. 

Tuesday e beinge  the  xith  of  Auguste  we  retorned  and  cam 
to  our  ships  whear  they  still  remained  att  ankor  under  the 
Illand  we  call  S\  Georges. 

Wensdaye  being  the  xiith  of  Auguste  we  wayed  our  anckors 
and  Sett  our  saills  to  go  for  the  ryver  of  Sagadehock.  we  kept 
our  Course  from  thence  dew  Weste  until  12  of  the  Clok  myd- 
nyght  of  the  Sam.  then  we  stroke  our  Saills  and  layed  a hull 
untill  the  mornynge  Doutinge  for  to  over  shoot  ytt. 


1 The  boats  passed  around  Pemaquid  Point. 


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Thursdaye  in  the  mornynge  breacke  of  the  daye  beinge  the 
xiiith  of  Auguste  the  Illand  of  Sutquin  1 bore  north  of  us  nott 
past  halff  a leage  from  us  and  ytt  rysseth  in  this  form  hear 
under  followinge  2 the  weh  Illand  Lyeth  ryght  beffore  the  mouth 
of  the  ryver  of  Sagadehocke  South  from  ytt  near  2 Leags  but 
we  did  not  make  ytt  to  be  Sutquin  so  we  Sett  our  saills  and 
stood  to  the  westward  for  to  Seeke  ytt  2 Leags  farther  and 
nott  fyndinge  the  ryver  of  Sagadehocke  we  knew  that  we  had 
overshott  the  place,  then  we  wold  have  returned  but  Could  nott 
and  the  nyght  in  hand  the  gifte  Sent  in  her  shallop  and  mad 
ytt  and  went  into  the  ryver  this  nyght  but  we  wear  constrained 
to  remain  att  Sea  all  this  nyght  and  about  mydnight  thear 
arosse  a great  storme  and  tempest  uppon  us  the  wch  putt  us 
in  great  daunger  and  hassard  of  castinge  awaye  of  our  ship 
and  our  Lyves  by  reason  we  wear  so  near  the  shore,  the  wynd 
blew  very  hard  att  South  right  in  uppon  the  shore  so  that  by 
no  means  we  could  nott  gett  of.  hear  we  sought  all  means  and 
did  what  possybell  was  to  be  don  for  that  our  Lyves  depended 
on  ytt.  hear  we  plyed  ytt  wth  our  ship  of  and  on  all  the  nyght 
often  times  espyeinge  many  soonken  rocks  and  breatches  hard 
by  us  enforsynge  us  to  put  our  ship  about  and  stand  from 
them  bearinge  saill  when  ytt  was  mor  fytter  to  have  taken  ytt 
in  but  that  ytt  stood  uppon  our  Lyves  to  do  ytt  and  our  bott 
Soonk  att  our  stern  yet  woold  we  nott  cut  her  from  us  in  hope 
of  the  appearinge  of  the  daye.  thus  we  Contynued  untill  the 
daye  cam.  then  we  perseaved  our  Selves  to  be  hard  abord 
the  Lee  shore  and  no  waye  to  escape  ytt  but  by  Seekinge  the 
Shore,  then  we  espyed  2 Lyttell  Illands  3 Lyeinge  under  our 
lee.  So  we  bore  up  the  healme  and  steerd  in  our  shipe  in 
betwyxt  them  whear  the  Lord  be  praised  for  ytt  we  found 
good  and  sauffe  ankkoringe  and  thear  anchored  the  storme 
still  contynuinge  untill  the  next  daye  followynge. 

1 Seguin.  It  was  known  on  the  Mary  and  John  that  Seguin  was  opposite 
the  entrance  to  the  river.  But  as  the  Kennebec  is  not  discernible  from  the 
ocean,  the  officers  of  the  Gift,  who  evidently  had  not  been  on  the  coast  before, 
sought  the  entrance  to  the  river  farther  to  the  westward. 

3 Sketches  in  the  manuscript. 

3 Cape  Small  Point  (which  from  the  vessel  seemed  to  be  an  island)  and 
Seal  Island. 


410 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1607 


Frydaye  beinge  the  xiiiith  of  August  that  we  anckored  under 
these  Illands  thear  we  repaired  our  bott  being  very  muche 
torren  and  spoilled.  then  after  we  Landed  on  this  Illand  and 
found  4 salvages  and  an  old  woman,  this  Illand  ys  full  of  pyne 
trees  and  ocke  and  abundance  of  whorts  of  fower  Sorts  of  them. 

Satterdaye  beinge  the  15th  of  Auguste  the  storme  ended 
and  the  wind  Cam  faier  for  us  to  go  for  Sagadehock.  so  we 
wayed  our  anckors  and  Sett  Saill  and  stood  to  the  estward  and 
cam  to  the  Illand  of  Sutquin  wch  was  2 Leags  from  those 
Illands  we  rod  att  anker  beffor,  and  hear  we  anckored  under 
the  Illand  of  Sutqin  in  the  estersyd  of  ytt  for  that  the  wynd 
was  of  the  shore  that  wee  could  no  gett  into  the  ryver  of 
Sagadehock  and  hear  Cap4.  pophams  ships  bott  cam  abord  of 
us  and  gave  us  xx  freshe  Cods  that  they  had  taken  beinge 
Sent  out  a fyshinge. 

Sondaye  beinge  the  16th  of  Auguste  Cap4,  popham  Sent  his 
Shallop  unto  us  for  to  healp  us  in.  So  we  wayed  our  anckors 
and  beinge  Calme  we  towed  in  our  ship  and  Cam  into  the 
Ryver  of  Sagadehocke  and  anckored  by  the  gyfts  Syd  about  xi 
of  the  Cloke  the  Same  daye. 

Mundaye  beinge  the  17th  Auguste  Cap4,  popham  in  his 
shallop  wth  30  others  and  Cap4.  Gilbert  in  his  shipes  bott  ac- 
companed  w4h  18  other  persons  depted  early  in  the  morninge 
from  thear  ships  and  sailled  up  the  Ryver  of  Sagadehock  for 
to  vew  the  Ryver  and  allso  to  See  whear  they  myght  fynd  the 
most  Convenyent  place  for  thear  plantation  my  Selffe  beinge 
wth  Cap4.  Gilbert.  So  we  Sailled  up  into  this  ryver  near  14 
Leags  and  found  ytt  to  be  a most  gallant  ryver  very  brod  and 
of  a good  depth,  we  never  had  Lesse  Wattr  then  3 fetham  when 
we  had  Least  and  abundance  of  greatt  fyshe  1 in  ytt  Leaping 
above  the  Wattr  on  eatch  Syd  of  us  as  we  Sailled.  So  the 
nyght  aprochinge  after  a whill  we  had  refreshed  our  Selves 
uppon  the  shore  about  9 of  the  Cloke  we  sett  backward  to  re- 
torn and  Cam  abourd  our  shipes  the  next  day  followinge  about 
2 of  the  Clok  in  the  afternoon.  We  fynd  this  ryver  to  be  very 


1 Sturgeon. 


1607] 


THE  VOYAGE  TO  SAGADAHOC 


411 


pleasant  wth  many  goodly  Illands  in  ytt  and  to  be  both  Large 
and  deepe  Wattr  havinge  many  branches  in  ytt.  that  wch  we 
tooke  bendeth  ytt  Selffe  towards  the  northest. 

Tuesdaye  beinge  the  18th  after  our  retorn  we  all  went  to 
the  shore  and  thear  mad  Choies  of  a place  for  our  plantation 1 
whch  ys  at  the  very  mouth  or  entry  of  the  Ryver  of  Sagadehocke 
on  the  West  Syd  of  the  Ryver  beinge  almoste  an  Illand  of  a 
good  bygness.  whylst  we  wear  uppon  the  shore  thear  Cam  in 
three  Cannoos  by  us  but  they  wold  not  Com  near  us  but  rowed 
up  the  Ryver  and  so  past  away. 

Wensday  beinge  the  19th  Auguste  we  all  went  to  the  shore 
whear  we  mad  Choise  for  our  plantation  and  thear  we  had  a 
Sermon  delyvred  unto  us  by  our  precher  and  after  the  Sermon 
our  pattent  was  red  wth  the  orders  and  Lawes  thearin  pre- 
scry bed  and  then  we  retorned  abord  our  ships  again. 

Thursdaye  beinge  the  20th  of  Auguste  all  our  Companyes 
Landed  and  thear  began  to  fortefye.  ourpresedentCapb  pop- 
ham  Sett  the  fryst  spytt  of  ground  unto  ytt  and  after  hem  all 
the  rest  followed  and  Labored  hard  in  the  trenches  about  ytt. 

Frydaye  the  21th  of  Auguste  all  hands  Labored  hard  about 
the  fort  Som  in  the  trentch  Som  for  fagetts  and  our  ship 
Carpenters  about  the  buildinge  of  a small  penis  2 or  shallop. 

Satterdaye  the  22th  Auguste  Caph  popham  early  in  the 
morninge  depted  in  his  shallop  to  go  for  the  ryver  of  paship- 
skoke.3  thear  they  had  parle  wth  the  Salvages  again  who 
delyvred  unto  them  that  they  had  ben  att  wars  wth  Sasanoa 
and  had  slain  his  Soone  in  fyght.  skidwares  and  Dehanada 
wear  in  this  fyght. 

Sondaye  the  23th  our  presedent  Cap‘.  popham  retorned  unto 
us  from  the  ryver  of  pashipscoke. 

The  24th  all  Labored  about  the  fort. 

1 Strachey  gives  the  Indian  name  of  the  place  as  Sabino.  A plan  of  the 
fort  erected  by  the  Popham  colonists  (discovered  in  the  royal  archives  of 
Spain  at  Simancas,  by  the  Hon.  J.  L.  M.  Curry,  United  States  Minister  to 
Spain,  and  reproduced  in  Brown’s  Genesis  of  the  United  States,  I.  190)  makes 
the  location  of  the  fort  certain.  A better  copy  of  the  plan  will  be  found  in 
Thayer’s  Sagadahoc  Colony,  p.  186.  It  is  reproduced  in  the  present  volume. 

2 Pinnace.  3 The  Pejepscot  or  Androscoggin. 


412 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1607 


Tuesdaye  the  25th  Cap1.  Gilbert  imbarked  hem  Selffe  wth 
15  other  wth  hem  to  go  to  the  Westward  uppon  Som  Discovery 
but  the  Wynd  was  contrary  and  forsed  hem  backe  again  the 
Sam  daye. 

The  26th  and  27th  all  Labored  hard  about  the  fort. 

Frydaye  the  28th  Cap1.  Gilbert  wth  14  others  my  Selffe  beinge 
on  Imbarked  hem  to  go  to  the  westward  again.  So  the  wynd 
Servinge  we  Sailled  by  many  gallant  Illands  1 and  towards 
nyght  the  winde  Cam  Contrary  against  us  So  that  we  wear 
Constrained  to  remain  that  nyght  under  the  head  Land  called 
Semeamis  2 whear  we  found  the  Land  to  be  most  fertill.  the 
trees  growinge  thear  doth  exceed  for  goodnesse  and  Length 
being  the  most  p1  of  them  ocke  and  wallnutt  growinge  a greatt 
space  assoonder  on  from  the  other  as  our  parks  in  Ingland  and 
no  thickett  growinge  under  them,  hear  wee  also  found  a gallant 
place  to  fortefye  whom  Nattuer  ytt  Selffe  hath  already  framed 
wth  out  the  hand  of  man  wth  a runynge  stream  of  wattr  hard 
adjoyninge  under  the  foott  of  ytt. 

Satterdaye  the  29th  Auguste  early  in  the  mornynge  we 
depted  from  thence  and  rowed  to  the  westward  for  that  the 
wind  was  againste  us.  but  the  wynd  blew  so  hard  that  forsed 
us  to  remain  under  an  Illand  3 2 Leags  from  the  place  we 
remayned  the  night  beffore.  whilst  we  remayned  under  this 
Illand  thear  passed  to  Cannoos  by  us  but  they  wold  nott  Com 
neare  us.  after  mydnyght  we  put  from  this  Illand  in  hope  to 
have  gotten  the  place  we  dessyered  but  the  wind  arose  and 
blew  so  hard  at  Southwest  Contrary  for  us  that  forsed  us  to 
retorn. 

Sondaye  beinge  the  30th  Auguste  retornynge  beffore  the 
wynd  we  sailled  by  many  goo[d]ly  Illands  for  betwixt  this  head 
Land  called  Semeamis  and  the  ryver  of  Sagadehock  ys  a great 
baye  in  the  wch  Lyeth  So  many  Illands  and  so  thicke  and  neare 
together  that  yo  Cannott  well  desern  to  Nomber  them,  yet 
may  yo  go  in  betwixt  them  in  a good  ship  for  yo  shall  have 
never  Lesse  Wattr  the[n]  8 fethams.  these  Illands  ar  all  over- 

1 Islands  of  Casco  Bay.  3 Richmond’s  Island. 

2 Evidently  some  headland  on  Cape  Elizabeth. 


Plan  of  St.  George’s  Fort,  < 


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n the  Ken  . of  ^ orjgjnai  jn  the  Spanish  archives  at  Simancas. 


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1607] 


THE  VOYAGE  TO  SAGADAHOC 


413 


growen  wth  woods  very  thicke  as  ocks  wallnut  pyne  trees  and 
many  other  things  growinge  as  Sarsaperilla  hassell  nuts  and 
whorts  in  aboundance.  So  this  day  we  retorned  to  our  fort  att 
Sagadehock. 

Munday  being  the  Last  of  Auguste  nothinge  hapened  but 
all  Labored  for  the  buildinge  of  the  fort  and  for  the  storhouse 
to  resea ve  our  vyttuall. 

Tuesday  the  first  of  September  thear  Cam  a Canooa  unto 
us  in  the  wch  was  2 greatt  kettells  of  brasse.  Som  of  our  Com- 
pany did  parle  wth  them  but  they  did  rest  very  doutfull  of 
us  and  wold  nott  Suffer  mor  then  on  att  a tyme  to  Com  near 
unto  them.  So  he  depted.  The  Second  daye  third  and  4th 
nothinge  hapened  worth  the  wryttinge  but  that  eatch  man 
did  his  beste  endevour  for  the  buildinge  of  the  fort. 

Satterdaye  beinge  the  5th  of  Septembr  thear  Cam  into  the 
entraunce  of  the  ryver  of  Sagadehocke  nine  Canoos  in  the  weh 
was  Dehanada  and  skidwarres  wth  many  others  in  the  wholl 
near  fortye  persons  men  women  and  Children,  they  Cam  and 
parled  wth  us  and  we  aggain  ussed  them  in  all  frindly  maner 
We  Could  and  gave  them  vyttaills  for  to  eatt.  So  skidwarres 
and  on  more  of  them  stayed  wth  us  untill  nyght  the  rest  of 
them  withdrew  them  in  thear  Canooas  to  the  farther  Syd  of 
the  ryver.  but  when  nyght  Cam  for  that  skidwares  woold 
needs  go  to  the  rest  of  his  Company  Cap1.  Gilbert  acompaned 
wth  James  Davis  and  Cap1,  ellis  best  took  them  into  our  bott 
and  Caryed  them  to  thear  Company  on  the  farther  syd  the 
ryver  and  thear  remained  amongst  them  all  the  nyght  and 
early  in  the  mornynge  the  Sallvages  depted  in  thear  Canooas 
for  the  ryver  of  pemaquid  promyssinge  Cap1.  Gilbert  to  accom- 
pany hem  in  thear  Canooas  to  the  ryver  of  penobskott  whear 
the  bashabe  remayneth. 

The  6th  nothinge  happened,  the  7th  our  ship  the  Mary  ana 
John  began  to  discharge  her  vyttualls. 

Tuesday  beinge  the  8th  Septembr  Cap1.  Gilbert  acompaned 
wth  xxii  others  my  Selffe  beinge  on  of  them  depted  from  the 
fort  to  go  for  the  ryver  of  penobskott  takinge  wth  hem  divers 
Sorts  of  MThandise  for  to  trad  wth  the  Bashabe  who  ys  the 


414 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1607 


Cheeffe  Comander  of  those  pts  but  the  wind  was  Contrary 
againste  hem  so  that  he  could  nott  Com  to  dehanada  and  skid- 
wares  at  the  time  apointed  for  ytt  was  the  xith  daye  beffor 
he  Could  gett  to  the  ryver  of  pemaquid  Whear  they  do  make 
thear  abbod. 

Frydaye  beinge  the  xith  in  the  mornynge  early  we  Cam 
into  the  ryver  of  pemaquyd  thear  to  Call  nahanada  and  skid- 
wares  as  we  had  promyste  them,  but  beinge  thear  aryved  we 
found  no  Lyvinge  Creatuer.  they  all  wear  gon  from  thence, 
the  wch  we  perseavinge  presently  depted  towards  the  ryver  of 
penobskott  Saillinge  all  this  daye  and  the  xiith  and  xiiith  the 
Lyke  yett  by  no  means  Could  we  fynd  ytt.  So  our  vitall 
beinge  spent  we  hasted  to  retorn.  So  the  wynd  Cam  faier  for 
us  and  we  Sailled  all  the  14th  and  15th  dayes  in  retornynge  the 
Wind  blowinge  very  hard  att  north  and  this  mornynge  the 
15th  daye  we  pseaved  1 a biassing  star  in  the  northest  of  us. 

The  16th  17th  18th  19th  20th  21th  22th  nothinge  hapened  but 
all  Labored  hard  about  the  fort  and  the  store  house  for  to 
Land  our  wyttaills. 

The  23th  beinge  Wensdaye  Cap1.  Gilbert  acompaned  wth 
19  others  my  Selffe  on  of  them  depted  from  the  fort  to  go  for 
the  head  of  the  ryver  of  Sagadehock.  we  Sailled  all  this  daye. 
So  did  we  the  Lyke  the  24th  untill  the  evenynge.  then  we 
Landed  thear  to  remain  that  Nyght.  hear  we  found  a gallant 
Champion  Land  and  exceeddinge  fertill.  So  hear  we  remayned 
all  nyght. 

The  25th  beinge  frydaye  early  in  the  mornynge  we  depted 
from  hence  and  sailled  up  the  ryver  about  eyght  Leags  farther 
untill  we  Cam  unto  an  Illand 2 beinge  Lo  Land  and  flatt.  att 
this  Illand  ys  a great  down  Fall  of  wattr  the  wch  runeth  by  both 
Sydes  of  this  Illand  very  swyfte  and  shallow,  in  this  Illand  we 
found  greatt  store  of  grapes  exceedinge  good  and  sweett  of  to 
Sorts  both  red  butt  the  on  of  them  ys  a mervellous  deepe  red. 

1 Perceived. 

1 At  Augusta.  There  was  formerly  an  island,  near  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  river  just  below  the  falls,  known  as  Cushnoc  Island.  This  island  is  so 
marked  on  the  1750  survey  of  the  Plymouth  Company.  It  was  just  below 
the  present  dam. 


1607] 


THE  VOYAGE  TO  SAGADAHOC 


415 


by  both  the  syds  of  this  ryver  the  grapes  grow  in  aboundance 
and  allso  very  good  Hoppes  and  also  Chebolls 1 and  garleck. 
and  for  the  goodnesse  of  the  Land  ytt  doth  so  far  abound  that 
I Cannott  allmost  expresse  the  Sam.  hear  we  all  went  ashore 
and  wth  a stronge  Rope  made  fast  to  our  bott  and  on  man  in 
her  to  gyde  her  aggainst  the  Swyfte  stream  we  pluckt  her  up 
thro  we  ytt  pforce.2  after  we  had  past  this  down-Fall  we  all 
went  into  our  bott  again  and  rowed  near  a Leage  farther  up 
into  the  ryver  and  nyght  beinge  att  hand  we  hear  stayed  all 
nyght,  and  in  the  fryst  of  the  night  about  ten  of  the  Cloke 
thear  Cam  on  the  farther  syd  of  the  ryver  sartain  Salvages 
Callinge  unto  us  in  broken  inglyshe.  we  answered  them  aggain. 
So  for  this  time  they  depted. 

The  26th  beinge  Satterdaye  thear  Cam  a Canooa  unto  us 
and  in  hear  fower  salvages  those  that  had  spoken  unto  us  in 
the  nyght  beffore.  his  name  that  Came  unto  us  ys  Sabenoa. 
he  macks  hemselffe  unto  us  to  be  Lord  of  the  ryver  of  Sagade- 
hock. 


End : The  relation  of  Whole  Voyage  to  Virginia, 
New  England, 

1607 .3 


[The  remainder  of  the  narration  is  taken  from  Chapter  X. 
of  the  “Historie  of  Travaile  into  Virginia,”  by  William  Stra- 
chey.\ 

They  entertayned  him  friendly,  and  tooke  him  into  their 
boat  and  presented  him  with  some  triffling  things,  which  he 
accepted;  howbeyt,  he  desired  some  one  of  our  men  to  be 
put  into  his  canoa  as  a pawne  of  his  safety,  whereupon  Captain 
Gilbert  sent  in  a man  of  his,  when  presently  the  canoa  rowed 
away  from  them  with  all  the  speed  they  could  make  up  the 

1 Onions.  2 Perforce. 

3 This  subscription  must  have  been  added  at  the  end  of  the  manuscript 
by  a later  hand,  perhaps  by  Griffith,  who  wrote  the  title. 


416 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1607 


river.  They  followed  with  the  shallop,  having  great  care  that 
the  Sagamo  should  not  leape  overbourd.  The  canoa  quickly 
rowed  from  them  and  landed,  and  the  men  made  to  their 
howses,  being  neere  a league  on  the  land  from  the  river’s  side, 
and  carried  our  man  with  them.  The  shallop  making  good 
waye,  at  length  came  to  another  downefall,1  which  was  so 
shallowe  and  soe  swift,  that  by  noe  meanes  they  could  passe 
any  further,  for  which,  Captain  Gilbert,  with  nine  others, 
landed  and  tooke  their  fare,  the  salvadge  Sagamo,  with  them, 
and  went  in  search  after  those  other  salvages,  whose  howses, 
the  Sagamo  told  Captain  Gilbert,  were  not  farr  off ; and  after 
a good  tedious  march,  they  came  indeed  at  length  unto  those 
salvages’  howses  wheere  found  neere  fifty  able  men  very  strong 
and  tall,  such  as  their  like  before  they  had  not  seene;  all 
newly  painted  and  armed  with  their  bowes  and  arrowes. 
Howbeyt,  after  that  the  Sagamo  had  talked  with  them,  they 
delivered  back  again  the  man,  and  used  all  the  rest  very 
friendly,  as  did  ours  the  like  by  them,  who  shewed  them  their 
comodities  of  beads,  knives,  and  some  copper,  of  which  they 
seemed  very  fond;  and  by  waye  of  trade,  made  shew  that 
they  would  come  downe  to  the  boat  and  there  bring  such 
things  as  they  had  to  exchange  them  for  ours.  Soe  Captain 
Gilbert  departed  from  them,  and  within  half  an  howre  after 
he  had  gotten  to  his  boat,  there  came  three  canoas  down  unto 
them,  and  in  them  some  sixteen  salvages,  and  brought  with 
them  some  tobacco  and  certayne  small  skynes,  which  where 
of  no  value ; which  Captain  Gilbert  perceaving,  and  that  they 
had  nothing  ells  wherewith  to  trade,  he  caused  all  his  men  to 
come  abourd,  and  as  he  would  have  putt  from  the  shore;  the 
salvadges  perceiving  so  much,  subtilely  devised  how  they 
might  put  out  the  her  in  the  shallop,  by  which  meanes  they 
sawe  they  should  be  free  from  the  danger  of  our  men’s  pieces, 
and  to  performe  the  same,  one  of  the  salvadges  came  into  the 
shallop  and  taking  the  her  brand  which  one  of  our  company 
held  in  his  hand  thereby  to  light  the  matches,  as  if  he  would 


1 Bacon’s  Rips,  five  miles  above  Cushnoc, 


1607] 


THE  VOYAGE  TO  SAGADAHOC 


417 


light  a pipe  of  tobacco,  as  sone  as  he  had  gotten  yt  into  his 
hand  he  presently  threw  it  into  the  water  and  leapt  out  of  the 
shallop.  Captain  Gilbert  seeing  that,  suddenly  commanded 
his  men  to  betake  them  to  their  musketts  and  the  targettiers 
too,  from  the  head  of  the  boat,  and  bad  one  of  the  men  before, 
with  his  targett  on  his  arme,  to  stepp  on  the  shore  for  more 
her;  the  salvages  resisted  him  and  would  not  suffer  him  to 
take  any,  and  some  others  holding  fast  the  boat  roap  that  the 
shallop  could  not  pott  off.  Captain  Gilbert  caused  the  mus- 
quettiers  to  present  their  peeces,  the  which,  the  salvages  seeing, 
presently  let  go  the  boatroap  and  betooke  them  to  their  bowes 
and  arrowes,  and  ran  into  the  bushes,  nocking  their  arrowes,1 
but  did  not  shoot,  neither  did  ours  at  them.  So  the  shallop 
departed  from  them  to  the  further  side  of  the  river,  where 
one  of  the  canoas  came  unto  them,  and  would  have  excused 
the  fault  of  the  others.  Captain  Gilbert  made  shew  as  if 
he  were  still  friends,  and  entertayned  them  kindlye  and  soe 
left  them,  returning  to  the  place  where  he  had  lodged  the 
night  before,  and  there  came  to  an  anchor  for  that  night. 
The  head  of  the  river  standeth  in  45  degrees  and  odd 
mynutts.  Upon  the  continent  they  found  aboundance  of 
spruse  trees  such  as  are  able  to  maast  the  greatest  ship  his 
majestie  hath,  and  many  other  trees,  oake,  walnutt,  pine- 
aple ; 2 fish,  aboundance ; great  store  of  grapes,  hopps,  chiballs, 
also  they  found  certaine  codds  3 in  which  they  supposed  the 
cotton  wooll  to  grow,  and  also  upon  the  bancks  many  shells 
of  pearle. 

27.  Here  they  sett  up  a crosse  and  then  returned  home- 
ward, in  the  way  seeking  the  by  river  of  some  note  called 
Sasanoa.4  This  daye  and  the  next  they  sought  yt,  when  the 
weather  turned  fowle  and  full  of  fog  and  raine,  they  made  all 
hast  to  the  fort  before  which,  the  29th,  they  arrived. 

30.  and  1 and  2 of  October,  all  busye  about  the  fort. 


1 I.e.,  laying  the  arrow  to  the  bowstring. 

2 A variety  of  pine  with  cones.  3 Pods. 

4 The  tidal  river  opening  from  the  Kennebec  opposite  Bath,  and  con- 

necting the  waters  of  the  Kennebec  with  those  of  Sheepscot  Bay. 


418 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES 


[1607 


3.  There  came  a canoa  unto  some  of  the  people  of  the  fort 
as  they  were  fishing  on  the  sand,  in  which  was  Skidwares,  who 
badd  them  tell  their  president  that  Nahanada,  with  the  Basha- 
baes  brother,  and  others,  were  on  the  further  side  of  the  river, 
and  the  next  daie  would  come  and  visitt  him. 

4.  There  came  two  canoas  to  the  fort,  in  which  were 
Nahanada  and  his  wife,  and  Skidwares,  and  the  Basshabaes 
brother,  and  one  other  called  Amenquin,  a Sagamo ; all  whome 
the  president  feasted  and  entertayned  with  all  kindnes,  both 
that  day  and  the  next,  which  being  Sondaye,  the  president 
carried  them  with  him  to  the  place  of  publike  prayers,  which 
they  were  at  both  morning  and  evening,  attending  yt  with 
great  reverence  and  silence. 

6.  The  salvadges  departed  all  except  Amenquin  the 
Sagamo,  who  would  needes  staye  amongst  our  people  a longer 
tyme.  Upon  the  departure  of  the  others,  the  president  gave 
unto  every  one  of  them  copper  beades,  or  knives,  which  con- 
tented them  not  a little,  as  also  delivered  a present  unto  the 
Basshabae’s  brother,  and  another  for  his  wife,  giving  him  to 
understand  that  he  would  come  unto  his  court  in  the  river  of 
Penobscot,  and  see  him  very  shortly,  bringing  many  such  like 
of  his  country  commodityes  with  him. 

You  maie  please  to  understand  how,  whilst  this  busines 
was  thus  followed  here,  soone  after  their  first  arrivall,  that 
had  dispatch’t  away  Capt.  Robert  Davies,  in  the  Mary  and 
John,1  to  advertise  of  their  safe  arrival  and  forwardness  of 
their  plantacion  within  this  river  of  Sachadehoc,  with  letters 
to  the  Lord  Chief  Justice,  ymportuninge  a supply  for  the  most 
necessary  wants  to  the  subsisting  of  a colony,  to  be  sent  unto 
them  betymes  the  next  yeare. 

After  Capt.  Davies’  departure  they  fully  finished  the  fort, 
trencht  and  fortefied  yt  with  twelve  pieces  of  ordinaunce,  and 
built  fifty  howses,2  therein,  besides  a church  and  a storehowse ; 
and  the  carpenters  framed  a pretty  Pynnace  of  about  some 


1 A letter  written  by  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  records  the  sailing  of  one  of 
the  vessels  in  October.  This  would  indicate  that  the  first  vessel  to  return 

was  the  Mary  and  John.  2 Evidently  an  error. 


1608] 


THE  VOYAGE  TO  SAGADAHOC 


419 


thirty  tonne,  which  they  called  the  Virginia;  the  chief  ship 
wright  beinge  one  Digby  of  London. 

Many  discoveries  likewise  had  been  made  both  to  the 
mayne  and  unto  the  neghbour  rivers,  and  the  frontier  nations 
fully  discovered  by  the  diligence  of  Capt.  Gilbert,  had  not  the 
wynter  proved  soe  extreame  unseasonable  and  frosty ; for  yt 
being  in  the  yeare  1607,  when  the  extraordinary  frost  was  felt 
in  most  parts  of  Europe,  yt  was  here  likewise  as  vehement,  by 
which  noe  boat  could  stir  upon  any  busines.  Howbeyt,  as 
tyme  and  occasyon  gave  leave,  there  was  nothing  omitted 
which  could  add  unto  the  benefitt  or  knowledg  of  the  planters, 
for  which  when  Capt.  Davies  arrived  there  in  the  yeare  follow- 
ing (sett  out  from  Topsam,  the  port  towne  of  Exciter,1  with  a 
shipp  laden  full  of  vitualls,  armes,  instruments  and  tooles, 
etc.,)  albeyt  he  found  Mr.  George  Popham,  the  president,  and 
some  other  dead,  yet  he  found  all  things  in  good  forwardness, 
and  many  kinds  of  furrs  obteyned  from  the  Indians  by  way  of 
trade;  good  store  of  sarsaparilla  gathered,2  and  the  new 
pynnace  all  finished.  But  by  reason  that  Capt.  Gilbert  re- 
ceived letters  that  his  brother  was  newly  dead,3  and  a faire 
portion  of  land  fallen  unto  his  share,  which  required  his  re- 
paier  home,  and  noe  mynes  discovered,  nor  hope  thereof, 
being  the  mayne  intended  benefit  expected  to  uphold  the 
charge  of  this  plantacion,  and  the  feare  that  all  other  wynters 
would  prove  like  the  first,  the  company  by  no  means  would 
stay  any  longer  in  the  country,  especyally  Capt.  Gilbert  being 
to  leave  them,  and  Mr.  Popham,  as  aforesaid,  dead;  where- 
fore they  all  4 ymbarqued  in  this  new  arrived  shipp,  and  in 
the  new  pynnace,  the  Virginia,  and  sett  saile  for  England.5 
And  this  was  the  end  of  that  northerne  colony  uppon  the  river 
Sachadehoc. 

1 Exeter.  2 For  medicinal  uses. 

3 Sir  John  Gilbert,  who  died  July  8,  1608. 

4 None  of  the  colonists  were  left  behind.  It  has  erroneously  been 
claimed  that  some  of  them  remained  on  the  coast. 

5 The  Virginia  was  built  by  the  colonists.  In  the  following  year  this 
vessel  was  in  the  fleet  that  sailed  from  England  for  Virginia.  A letter  from 
Jamestown,  Virginia,  written  August  31,  1609,  says,  “In  the  boat  of  Sir 
George  Somers,  called  the  Virginia,  which  was  built  in  the  North  Colony, 
went  one  Captain  Davies  and  one  Master  Davies.” 


INDEX 


Acorns,  used  by  French  in  Florida 
for  food,  123. 

Adhothuis,  71. 

Africa,  William  Hawkins  brings  slaves 
from,  113;  John  Hawkins  obtains 
slaves  from,  135. 

Agona,  ruler  of  Canada,  visits  Cartier, 
95-96;  inquires  about  Donnacona, 
96;  makes  presents  to  Cartier,  96; 
dissimulation,  96;  ruler  of  Hoche- 
lay  seeks  conference  with,  102. 

Agouhanna,  name  applied  to  Donna- 
cona, 46;  meaning,  61. 

Agouhanna.  of  Hochelaga,  appearance, 
61 ; greets  Cartier,  62. 

Aguatulco,  see  Guatulco. 

Alanson,  Ferdinando  promises  he  will 
try  to  obtain  cattle  from,  286;  re- 
ported to  have  been  called  to  Spain 
by  the  king,  286. 

Albemarle  Sound,  and  name  Occam, 
237  n.;  Lane  passes  through,  248 
n. ; same  as  the  broad  Sound  of 
Weapomeiok,  251  n. 

Albert,  Archduke,  Thomas  Arundell’s 
connection  with,  357. 

Albion,  name  given  by  Drake  to  Cali- 
fornia, 171. 

Aldworth,  Robert,  347;  obtained, 
with  Giles  Elbridge,  letters  patent 
for  a grant  of  land  at  Pemaquid, 
347  n. 

Aldworth,  Thomas,  347  n. 

Alegranza,  one  of  the  Canaries,  307. 

Alezai,  named  by  Cartier,  15. 

Aligato  Bay,  310. 

Allen’s  Island,  364  n.;  size,  366  n.; 
stone  cross  in  commemoration  of 
Waymouth’s  visit  erected  on,  367  n. ; 
mentioned,  379  n.;  has  pond  like 
that  seen  on  island  by  Rosier,  380  n. ; 
Waymouth’s  cross  probably  found 
on,  406  n. 


Alligator  River,  237  n. 

Amadas,  sent  out  by  Ralegh,  227,  240; 
goes  ashore  on  island,  230;  in  Gren- 
ville’s voyage  of  1585,  245;  men- 
tioned, 262  n.,  277  n.;  White  finds 
trench  made  by,  318. 

Amenquin,  Indian  ruler,  visits  fort 
of  Popham  colonists,  418. 

Amitie,  arrives  at  Flores,  322. 

Amoret,  Indian,  brought  to  England 
by  Waymouth,  394. 

Andacon,  appointed  to  kill  Lane,  263. 

Andrewes,  William,  in  command  of 
the  Squirrel,  192;  return  to  Eng- 
land, 192  n.,  207. 

Androscoggin  River,  411  n. 

Angell,  John,  in  Pring’s  expedition, 
343. 

Anghiera,  Pietro  Martire  d’,  119  n., 
182  n. 

Angolesme,  lake  of,  55  n.,  72  n. 

Anticosti,  26  n.,  27  n.,  28  n.,  40  n.; 
named  the  island  of  the  Assump- 
tion, 41. 

Aporath,  name  given  by  Cartier  to 
bird  seen  at  Isle  of  Birds,  5. 

Apponatz,  13. 

Aquascogoc,  Indian  town,  visited  by 
Grenville,  247  n.;  White  sends  offer 
of  friendship  to  natives  of,  290; 
men  left  by  Grenville  reported  to 
have  been  attacked  by  natives  of, 
290;  no  reply  received  by  White 
from  natives  of,  291. 

Aquiden,  381  n. 

Archangel,  name  of  Waymouth’s  ves- 
sel, 363  n.;  in  St.  George’s  Harbor, 
369  n. 

Archer,  Gabriel,  account  of  voyage  of 
Gosnold  and  Gilbert,  328;  quoted, 
329  n.,  330  n.,  331  n.,  333  n„  334  n.- 
335  n„  340  n. 

Arundell,  Thomas,  a promoter  of 


421 


422 


INDEX 


Waymouth’s  voyage,  355,  357;  and 
the  Archduke  Albert,  357 ; first 
Lord  Arundell  of  Wardour,  357  n. 

Asia,  New  France  supposed  to  be  part 
of,  91. 

Aspotogeon,  mountain,  402  n. 

Assumption,  island  of  the,  named, 
41;  mentioned,  43,  69. 

Atinas,  Martin,  Hawkins’s  pilot,  120  n. 

Augusta,  Me.,  414  n. 

Auk,  possible  identity  with  Cartier’s 
“ Aporath,”  5 n. 

Avezac,  M.  d’,  edited  Brief  Recit,  35. 

Ayraste,  Indian  town,  70. 

Azores,  218;  Sir  Richard  Grenville’s 
encounter  with  Spanish  fleet  off, 
245;  Grenville’s  depredations  at, 
278;  White  near,  320 ; English  ships 
at,  321-322;  Gosnold  and  Gilbert 
near,  330;  passed  by  Pring,  345; 
Popham  colonists  at,  399-401. 

Baccalaos,  Roberval  viceroy  of,  91 ; 
name  applied  to  what  is  now  Bac- 
calieu  Island,  195;  application  of 
term,  200. 

Baccalieu  Island,  origin  of  name,  195  n. 

Bacchus  Island,  described,  48. 

Bacon’s  Rips,  416  n. 

Bahama,  channel  of,  Hawkins  passes 
through,  147 ; White  passes  through, 
313. 

Baie  Royal,  7 n. 

Baltimore,  in  Ireland,  191. 

Bancroft,  George,  346  n. 

Baque  Island,  see  Vieques. 

Barbary  coast,  sighted  by  White,  307. 

Barlowe,  Captain  Arthur,  narrative  of 
voyage,  225,  227-241;  departure 
from  England,  227 ; at  Canaries, 
227;  at  West  Indies,  227-228; 
along  coast  of  North  Carolina,  228; 
with  Amadas,  takes  possession  of 
land,  228;  rows  ashore  to  see 
Indian,  230;  evidence  that  narra- 
tive was  written  by,  230  n.  ; trade 
with  Indians,  232;  visits  Indian 
village  at  Roanoke  Island,  235-236; 
return  to  England,  240;  his  com- 
panions, 241;  Ralegh  encouraged 
by  report  of,  245;  Grenville  aided 
in  sending  out  Amadas  and,  245, 
277  n.;  mentioned,  262  n. 


Bashabes,  Indian  king,  373  n.;  re- 
ported to  have  quantity  of  furs  and 
tobacco,  375;  Indians  sent  to  visit 
Waymouth  by,  380  n.,  381 ; abode 
on  Penobscot,  380  n.,  405  ; offers  to 
exchange  furs  and  tobacco  with 
Waymouth  and  his  men,  381,  385; 
Waymouth  and  his  men  refuse  to 
go  to  see,  381 ; Captain  Gilbert 
brings  merchandise  to  trade  with, 
413;  brother  of,  comes  to  fort  of 
Popham  colonists,  418. 

Basque  fishermen,  along  Maine  coast, 
330  n. 

Bath,  Earl  of,  some  survivors  of  Hore’s 
expedition  visit,  110. 

Bath,  Me.,  417  n. 

Baxter,  James  P.,  3,  35,  40  n.,  66  n.,  95 
n.,  355. 

Bay  of  Asaphi,  307. 

Bay  of  Castles,  see  Chateau  Bay. 

Bay  of  Chaleur,  18  n. ; Cartier  at, 
20-22;  described,  21;  natives,  21; 
named,  22;  mentioned,  85. 

Bay  of  Fundy,  404  n. 

Bay  of  Heat,  see  Bay  of  Chaleur. 

Bay  of  Islands,  11  n. 

Bay  of  Placentia,  208,  330  n. 

Bay  of  Portugal,  Fernando  deserted 
fly-boat  in,  283,  288. 

Bay  of  St.  Julian,  11. 

Beake,  see  Vieques. 

Bear  Haven,  in  Ireland,  191. 

Bears,  at  Island  of  Birds,  6;  on  Brion’s 
Island,  14;  killed  by  Indians,  69; 
on  Penguin  Island,  107. 

Beaupre,  Viscount  of,  on  Cartier’s 
third  voyage,  95,  99. 

Belknap,  Jeremy,  346  n. 

Belle  Isle,  7 n.,  91. 

Belle  Isle,  Strait  of,  6 n. 

Benner’s  Island,  364  n.,  379  n. 

Best,  Captain  Ellis,  accompanies  Gil- 
bert in  visit  to  Indians,  413. 

Bevis,  Thomas,  drowned,  316. 

Bibliotheque  Nationale,  manuscript  re- 
lation of  Cartier’s  first  voyage  dis- 
covered in,  3. 

Bic  Islands,  43  n. 

Bird  Rocks,  13  n. 

Biron,  Mr.,  accompanies  Hore,  106. 

Blackland  Point,  17  n. 

Blanc  Sablon,  see  White  Sands. 


INDEX 


423 


Blanca,  island,  308  ; probable  identity 
of,  308  n. 

Blount  Bay,  237  n. 

Bluff  Head,  11  n. 

Bohier,  Bishop,  of  St.  Malo,  blesses 
Cartier  and  his  men,  37  n. 

Bolivar,  state  of,  139  n. 

Bonavista  Bay,  Cartier  at,  4 n. 

Bonne  Bay,  11  n. 

Bonner,  bark,  offered  to  Lane  by 
Drake,  269-270. 

Bradore  Bay,  8 n. 

Brazil,  William  Hawkins  sells  slaves 
in,  113. 

Bread,  made  of  corn  by  Indians,  57,  59; 
method  used  by  Indians  in  making, 
59-60;  called  Carraconny,  59. 

Brereton,  John,  325;  goes  ashore  on 
“a  white  sandie  and  very  bolde 
shore,”  331;  goes  ashore  on  an 
island,  332;  communicates  with 
Indians,  336-337 ; found  climate 
healthful,  339. 

Brereton,  John,  Briefe  and  true  re- 
lation of  the  discover ie  of  the  North 
Part  of  Virginia  in  1602,  325-340; 
states  that  voyage  was  undertaken 
with  Ralegh’s  permission,  327 ; the 
earliest  English  book  relating  to 
New  England,  328;  editions,  178, 
328. 

Bridges,  Thomas,  on  Pring’s  voyage, 
348. 

Brion,  Sieur  de,  see  Chabot,  Philippe  de. 

Brion’s  Island,  Cartier  at,  13—14 ; 
named,  14;  described,  14;  products, 
14;  mentioned,  15;  Cartier  visits 
on  second  voyage,  85. 

Bristol,  Cabot  and  merchants  of, 
180  n. ; mentioned,  192,  344,  346, 
348,  350;  Pring  and  merchants  of, 
343,  345. 

Briton,  William,  on  Cartier’s  second 
voyage,  57. 

Brittany,  Cartier  returns  to,  30; 
ships  of,  at  St.  Pierre,  86  n.;  Don- 
nacona  in,  93;  mentioned,  95,  99, 
323  n. 

Broune,  William,  in  Pring’s  expedi- 
tion, 343. 

Browewich,  James,  in  expedition  of 
Amadas  and  Barlowe,  241. 

Brown,  Alexander,  355,  370  n.,  411  n. 


Brown,  Richard,  in  Hawkins’s  voyage 
of  1568,  146  n. 

Browne,  Maurice,  in  command  of  the 
Swallow,  192;  of  honest  and  re- 
ligious character,  195,  212;  per- 
mitted crew  to  board  fishing  vessel, 
196;  appointed  captain  of  the 
Delight,  207;  fate,  192  n.,  212. 

Burnt  Island,  379  n. 

Burrage,  Henry  S.,  356. 

Butler,  Captain,  of  bark  Raleigh,  in 
Gilbert’s  second  expedition,  192; 
fell  sick,  193. 

Buts,  Thomas,  accompanies  Hore,  106; 
entertained  by  Sir  Thomas  Luttrell, 
110;  changed  by  voyage,  110. 

Buts,  Sir  William,  106,  110. 

Byron  Island,  14  n. 

Cabo  de  la  Vela,  139. 

Cabot,  John,  landfall,  4 n. ; discoveries, 
180,  182,  327 ; set  sail  from  Milford 
Haven  in  1497,  345  n. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  sailed  down  coast 
of  America,  131  n. ; accompanied 
father  in  voyage  of  1498,  180  n.; 
in  service  of  Spain,  180  n. ; return  to 
England,  180  n. ; extent  of  dis- 
coveries in  America,  182  n. 

Cade,  master  of  the  Squirrel,  192. 

California,  Drake  on  coast  of,  153,  173; 
climate,  156-158;  natives,  159-173; 
named  Albion  by  Drake,  171; 
Drake  sets  up  monument  in,  171; 
foundation  of  English  claim  to 
sovereignty  of,  171  n. 

Cam,  Thomas,  361;  sent  in  boat  to 
sound  among  islands,  364. 

Camden  Hills,  363  n.,  384  n.,  405  n. 

Canada,  voyage  of  Cartier  to,  37 ; 
Indians  tell  Cartier  way  to  reach,  41 ; 
Cartier  seeks,  44 ; beginning  of  land 
of,  45;  Donnacona,  lord  of,  46,  93; 
Cartier  twenty-five  leagues  from,  54. 
Indian  lord  came  to  visit  Cartier 
in,  55;  natives  of,  travel  out  of  their 
country,  60;  Cartier  sails  towards, 
64;  Cartier  invited  by  Donnacona 
to  see,  65;  natives  of,  65-69,  81-83, 
95—96;  animals  of,  69,  71;  de- 
scribed, 70;  language  of  natives, 
86-88 ; natives  of,  report  land  where 
cinnamon  grows,  88;  Roberval 


424 


INDEX 


viceroy  of,  91;  reports  of  Cartier 
about,  93 ; Roberval  ‘ ‘ Lieutenant 
and  Governor”  of,  93;  Cartier  de- 
layed in  reaching,  95;  Cartier’s  ar- 
rival, 95 ; Cartier  greeted  by  natives 
of,  95-96;  mentioned,  99,  185,  201 ; 
journey  of  ruler  of  Hochelay  to,  102. 

Canaries,  Hawkins  at,  137 ; Amadas 
and  Barlowe  at,  227 ; White  at, 
307-308. 

Cannibalism,  reported  among  Hore’s 
men,  108-109. 

Cannon,  Indians  frightened  by,  51. 

Cap  d’Esperance,  18. 

Cape  Anguille,  13  n. 

Cape  Ann,  331  n.,  346  n. 

Cape  Breton  Island,  Cartier’s  con- 
jecture of  passage  between  New- 
foundland and,  14  n.;  mentioned, 
85  n.,  187,  188,  191;  Hore  near, 
107;  origin  of  name,  107  n.;  Gil- 
bert seeks,  208;  reckonings  of 
course  of  Hind  from  Cape  Race  to, 
209;  Delight  wrecked  near,  211  n. 

Cape  Cantyn,  307. 

Cape  Cod,  discovered  by  Gosnold  and 
Gilbert,  331  n. 

Cape  Degrad,  6,  7;  identified  with 
northern  extremity  of  Quirpon,  6 n. 

Cape  des  Monts,  41  n. 

Cape  Dolphin,  13;  named,  14;  iden- 
tified with  North  Point,  14  n. 

Cape  Elizabeth,  in  Maine,  412  n. 

Cape  Fear,  White  and  his  company 
in  danger  off,  287;  origin  of  name, 
287  n. 

Cape  Finisterre,  137. 

Cape  Hatteras,  182  n. 

Cape  Kildare,  16  n. 

Cape  La  Hhve,  402  n.,  403  n. 

Cape  Loreine,  same  as  Cape  St.  Law- 
rence, 85. 

Cape  Memorancie,  27;  identified  with 
Table  Head,  27  n. 

Cape  Neddock,  330  n. 

Cape  of  Bonavista,  4,  5. 

Cape  of  Good  Hope,  105;  Drake  re- 
turns by  way  of,  151. 

Cape  of  Hope,  named,  18. 

Cape  of  Milk,  10;  named,  12;  same 
as  Cape  St.  George,  12  n. 

Cape  of  Prato,  22;  same  as  White 
Head,  22  n. ; mentioned,  85. 


Cape  Orleans,  15,  16;  identified  with 
Cape  Kildare,  16  n. 

Cape  Porpoise,  330  n. 

Cape  Prat,  see  Cape  of  Prato. 

Cape  Rabast,  Cartier  approaches,  40; 
identified  with  Cow  Point,  40  n. 

Cape  Race,  Cartier  at,  86;  mentioned, 
188,  201,  216;  appointed  as  meeting- 
place  for  Gilbert’s  ships,  190,  191; 
climate,  202;  Gilbert  at,  207;  dis- 
tance to  Cape  Breton,  208;  reckon- 
ings of  course  of  Golden  Hind  to 
Cape  Breton  from,  209;  Gilbert’s 
ships  pass,  215. 

Cape  Razo,  6;  same  as  Cape  Rouge, 
6 n. 

Cape  Rouge,  6 n. 

Cape  Rouge  River,  Cartier  in,  96  n.; 
described,  97-98. 

Cape  Royal,  10;  named  by  Cartier, 
11;  Cartier  leaves,  12;  mentioned, 
13. 

Cape  Sable,  404  n. 

Cape  St.  Alvise,  named,  26;  identifi- 
cation of,  26  n.;  mentioned,  27. 

Cape  St.  Anthony,  see  Cape  San  An- 
tonio. 

Cape  St.  Francis,  195,  196. 

Cape  St.  George,  12  n. 

Cape  St.  John,  named,  13;  same  as 
Cape  Anguille,  13  n. 

Cape  St.  Lawrence,  85  n. 

Cape  St.  Loys,  26  n. 

Cape  San  Antonio,  mentioned,  114  n., 
309  n.;  Moonlight  and  her  pinnaces 
found  waiting  at,  312;  the  John 
met  ships  from  Mexico  near,  321. 

Cape  San  Francisco,  Drake  at,  151. 

Cape  Small  Point,  409  n. 

Cape  Thiennot,  see  Cape  Tiennot. 

Cape  Tiburon,  309;  English  ships 
meet  at,  310;  human  bones  found 
at,  310;  White  at,  310-311;  Span- 
ish frigate  captured  at,  311;  Ed- 
ward Spicer  arrives  at,  311. 

Cape  Tiennot,  28 ; natives,  29 ; named 
by  Cartier,  29;  identity  of,  29  n., 
39  n. ; Cartier  sights,  on  second 
voyage,  39;  mentioned,  40. 

Cape  Tyburon,  see  Cape  Tiburon. 

Cape  Verde,  Hawkins  at,  137. 

Cape  Verde  Islands,  Ralegh  has  fight 
off,  225. 


INDEX 


425 


Cape  Whittle  Islands,  39  n. 

Capo  de  la  Vela,  see  Cabo  de  la  Vela. 

Carey’s  Rock,  in  St.  George’s  Harbor, 
389  n. 

Caribbean  Sea,  Hawkins  in,  139  n. 

Carpunt,  5;  Cartier  at,  6;  mentioned, 
7;  Roberval  viceroy  of,  91;  Car- 
tier’s ships  meet  at,  95. 

Carrell,  Denice,  left  at  Musketos  Bay, 
285. 

Cartagena,  139;  Hawkins  forbidden  to 
sell  slaves  at,  140;  Drake  returns 
from,  249  n.,  276;  mentioned, 

321. 

Carter,  Mr.,  accompanies  Hore,  106. 

Cartier,  Jacques,  early  years,  3 ; letter 
to  Philippe  de  Chabot,  3;  sails  from 
St.  Malo,  3,  4;  accounts  of  first 
voyage,  3;  The  First  Relation  of, 

4— 31 ; reaches  Newfoundland,  4; 
at  Bonavista,  4;  enters  St.  Kath- 
erine’s Haven,  4;  at  Island  of  Birds, 

5- 6;  at  Carpunt,  6;  names  St.  Kath- 
erine’s Island,  7;  enters  Port  of 
Brest,  8 ; names  St.  Antony’s  Port, 
9;  sets  up  cross  at  St.  Servans, 
9;  meets  French  ship  in  St.  James 
River,  9;  leaves  Brest,  10;  near 
Bay  of  Islands,  11;  goes  towards 
Cape  Royal,  12;  strikes  out  into 
the  sea,  12;  sees  Cape  St.  John,  13; 
at  Islands  of  Margaulx,  13;  at 
Brion’s  Island,  14;  at  Alezai,  15; 
at  St.  Peter’s  Cape,  15;  sees  Cape 
Orleans,  16;  enters  River  of  Boats, 
16;  sees  savage  at  Wild  Men’s  Cape, 
16;  names  S.  Lunarios  Bay,  17; 
at  Cape  of  Hope  and  St.  Martin’s 
Creek,  18-19;  encounter  with  na- 
tives, 19;  in  Bay  of  Chaleur,  20-22; 
trades  with  natives,  21;  near  Cape 
of  Prato,  22;  gives  presents  to 
natives,  23,  24;  sets  up  cross,  24; 
nears  island  of  Anticosti,  26;  names 
Cape  S.  Alvise,  26;  along  coast  of 
Anticosti,  26-27;  decides  to  return 
home,  28;  names  Cape  Tiennot, 
29;  approaches  Newfoundland,  29; 
leaves  Newfoundland,  30;  arrival 
at  St.  Malo,  30,  35;  report  to  king, 
35;  receives  new  commission,  35; 
accounts  of  second  voyage,  35-36; 
narrative  of  second  voyage,  37-88; 


receives  sacrament,  37;  sails  from 
St.  Malo,  37 ; encounters  storms,  38 ; 
his  ships  are  separated,  38;  arrival 
in  Newfoundland,  38;  at  Island  of 
Birds,  38;  meets  other  ships  in 
Bay  of  Castles,  38 ; names  St. 
Martha’s  Islands,  39 ; passes  St. 
German’s  Islands,  39;  passes  Cape 
Tiennot,  39;  sets  up  cross  at  St. 
Nicolas  Haven,  40;  names  Bay  of 
St.  Lawrence,  40;  approaches  Anti- 
costi, 40;  near  Anticosti,  41;  search 
of  northwest  passage,  42;  reaches 
Round  Islands,  42;  at  St.  John’s 
Islets,  43;  seeks  Canada,  44;  at 
Island  of  Filberts,  45;  anchors  near 
Isle  of  Orleans,  46  n.;  visited  by 
natives  of  Isle  of  Orleans,  46-47; 
visited  by  natives  of  Stadacona, 
46-49;  names  Bacchus  Island, 
48;  arrives  at  place  of  the  Holy 
Cross,  48;  brings  ships  to  river  of 
the  Holy  Cross,  48-49;  desires  to 
reach  Hochelaga,  49,  50;  talks  with 
Donnacona,  49 ; urges  Taignoagny  to 
go  to  Hochelaga,  50;  receives  present 
of  Indian  children,  51 ; makes  present 
to  Donnacona,  51;  orders  cannon 
fired,  51 ; trick  of  Indians  to  hinder, 
from  going  to  Hochelaga,  52-53;  at 
Hochelay,  54-55;  Indian  lord  gives 
child  to,  55;  anchors  at  lake,  55; 
prepares  to  go  to  Hochelaga,  56-58; 
welcomed  by  Indians  of  Hochelaga, 
58-59;  meets  a lord  of  Hochelaga, 
58-59;  reads  service  to  Indians,  62; 
gives  presents  to  Indians,  62;  goes 
back  to  boat,  62;  on  top  of  Mont 
Royal,  63;  leaves  Hochelaga,  64; 
reaches  port  of  the  Holy  Cross,  65; 
visited  by  Indians  of  Stadacona,  65; 
visits  Stadacona,  65;  intercourse 
with  Indians,  71;  his  men  catch 
disease  from  Indians,  73;  orders 
service  of  prayer,  73 ; makes  promise 
of  pilgrimage,  73;  effort  to  prevent 
Indians  from  learning  weakness  of 
his  men,  74;  sees  natives  coming 
from  Stadacona,  75;  learns  from 
Domagaia  cure  for  pestilence,  76; 
suspects  Donnacona  of  treachery, 
77,  78;  sends  men  to  investigate, 
78;  hears  of  assembling  of  Indians 


426 


INDEX 


at  Stadacona,  79;  plans  to  capture 
Indians,  79;  asks  Taignoagny  to 
visit  him,  79;  refuses  Taignoagny’s 
request  that  he  capture  an  Ind- 
ian, 80;  desires  visit  from  Donna- 
cona,  80;  capture  of  Donnacona 
and  other  Indians,  80-81;  prom- 
ises safe  return  to  Donnacona,  82, 
83 ; gives  present  to  Donnacona,  82 ; 
leaves  port  of  St.  Croix,  84;  ex- 
changes gifts  with  Donnacona’s 
subjects,  84;  comes  to  Island  of 
Filberts,  84;  sails  to  Honguedo,  84; 
at  Brion’s  Island,  85;  at  Cape 
Loreine,  85;  along  Cape  Breton 
Island,  85  n.;  meets  French  ships 
at  St.  Peter’s  Islands,  86;  at  Cape 
Race,  86;  arrival  in  St.  Malo,  86; 
third  voyage,  91-102;  account  of 
third  voyage,  92;  discovery  of 
St.  Lawrence,  91;  sufferings  at  St. 
Croix,  91 ; desire  to  take  possession 
of  land  discovered,  91;  sails  from 
St.  Malo,  91;  winters  at  Charles- 
bourg  Royal,  92 ; decides  to  return, 
92;  finds  Indians  unfriendly,  92; 
meets  Roberval  in  harbor  of  St. 
John’s,  92;  supposed  by  some  to 
have  led  expedition  to  relief  of 
Roberval,  92;  death,  92;  reports 
to  king,  93;  authorized  by  Rober- 
val to  sail  in  advance  of  him,  94; 
date  of  departure,  95  n.;  his  ships 
are  separated,  95;  meets  his  other 
ships  at  Carpunt,  95;  in  Newfound- 
land, 95;  arrives  at  St.  Croix,  95; 
Indians  visit,  95-96;  in  Cape 
Rouge  River,  96  n.,  98  n. ; sends 
back  letters  to  king,  97,  99;  builds 
fort,  98,  99;  leaves  Charlesbourg 
Royal  for  exploring  trip,  99-102; 
visits  ruler  of  Hochelay,  99-100; 
arrives  at  Lachine  Rapids,  100  n.; 
reaches  Courant  de  Ste.  Marie,  100  n. ; 
leaves  boats,  100;  reaches  Indian 
villages,  100;  guided  by  Indians, 
100;  learns  that  river  is  not  navi- 
gable to  Saguenay,  101;  returns  to 
boats,  101;  welcomed  by  Indians, 
101;  gives  presents,  101;  hears  of 
departure  of  lord  of  Hochelay,  101- 
102;  returns  to  fort,  102;  finds 
Indians  unfriendly,  102;  prepares 


for  defence,  102;  discoveries  of, 
reported  in  England,  105. 

Cartier,  Jacques,  Brief  Ricit  et  Sut- 
cincte  Narration,  35. 

Casco  Bay,  412  n. 

Castles,  The,  strait,  18. 

Catalina,  4 n. 

Causand,  Gilbert’s  ships  at,  186; 
Gilbert’s  departure  from,  191,  192. 

Caycos,  White  and  his  company  at, 
286-287. 

Chabot,  Philippe  de,  Sieur  de  Brion, 
Cartier’s  letter  to,  3;  island  named 
for,  14  n. 

Challoung,  Henry,  in  command  of 
vessels  sent  out  by  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  358  n.;  captured  by  Span- 
iards, 394  n.,  397. 

Chanoists,  see  Chaonists. 

Chanter,  John  R. , Sketches  of  the  Liter- 
ary History  of  Barnstaple,  277  n. 

Chaonists,  warned  against  Lane  by 
Pemisapan,  252;  part  of  Lane’s 
company  reported  to  have  been 
killed  by,  260;  feared  by  other 
Indians,  260;  Lane  proposes  to 
rely  on,  264. 

Charles  I.,  of  Spain,  91. 

Charlesbourg  Royal,  Cartier  spends 
winter  at,  92;  Roberval  locates 
colony  at,  92;  Cartier  leaves,  for 
exploring  trip,  99. 

Chateau  Bay,  7 n.,  38. 

Chatham,  England,  Hawkins  founded 
hospital  at,  136. 

Chaunis  Temoatan,  Indian  reports  of, 
254—255;  Lane  prevented  from 
searching  for  mine  of,  257 ; method 
proposed  for  reaching,  258. 

Chawanoac,  Indian  town,  237  n. ; 
English  colonists  visit,  248;  men- 
tioned, 249;  king  of,  promises  to 
give  guides  to  Lane,  250;  assembly 
of  Weroances  at,  252;  country  of 
Chaunis  Temoatan  known  to  natives 
of,  254 ; distance  to  country  of 
Mangoaks  from,  255,  258. 

Chawanook,  see  Chawanoac. 

Chawanook,  river  of,  mentioned,  248, 
249,  250,  258;  same  as  Chowan 
River,  248  n.;  shows  no  current, 
251. 

Chepanoc,  see  Chepanum. 


INDEX 


427 


Chepanum,  Indian  town,  248  n.; 
Lane  hopes  to  obtain  food  at,  253; 
Lane  arrives  at,  257. 

Chesapeake  Bay,  Roanoke  colonists 
to  go  to,  230  n. ; mentioned,  247  n., 
249  n.;  White  to  find  location  for 
colony  on,  281,  287;  Bartholomew 
Gilbert  thought  by  some  to  have 
lost  his  life  in,  327. 

Chesepians,  247,  263,  266. 

Chesepiook,  see  Chesapeake  Bay. 

Chester,  John,  in  voyage  of  John 
Hawkins  in  1565,  132. 

Cheticamp,  85  n. 

Chipanum,  see  Chepanum. 

Chypanum,  see  Chepanum. 

Choanists,  see  Chaonists. 

Chowan  River,  248  n. 

Christianity,  need  of  its  introduction 
into  New  World,  181;  Waymouth  s 
purpose  to  establish,  in  America, 
388. 

Cipo  River,  237. 

Clarke,  Richard,  192;  in  wreck  of 
Delight,  213. 

Cockington,  Devon,  Waymouth  a na- 
tive of,  355. 

Codde,  meaning,  384  n. 

Coleman,  Robert,  drowned,  316. 

Colombia,  139  n. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  discovery  of 
West  Indies,  182. 

Conception  Bay,  Gilbert’s  ships  at,  195. 

Concord,  The,  in  expedition  of  Gosnold 
and  Gilbert,  329. 

Consolacion  del  Norte,  116  n. 

Cooke,  Captain,  joins  White  in  search 
for  Roanoke  colonists,  315-318. 

Cooper,  Christopher,  agrees  to  go  to 
England  as  factor,  293 ; changes 
his  mind,  293;  in  list  of  colonists 
who  accompanied  John  White,  298. 

Copper,  72,  263,  264;  mines  reported 
to  be  in  Florida,  127;  Indians  wore, 
232,  337-338. 

Corbett,  Julian  S.,  Drake  and  the  Tudor 
Navy,  cited,  135,  152,  155  n. 

Cornibotz,  river,  wampum  found  in, 
60. 

Cornwall,  arrival  of  Hore’s  expedition 
in,  110;  Hawkins’s  arrival  in,  131; 
Hawkins  at,  147 ; White  lands  in, 
297;  Ralegh  lieutenant  of,  329. 


Cortereal,  Gaspar,  landfall,  4 n. 

Corvo,  White  at,  296,  320,  321; 

sighted  by  Pring,  345;  Waymouth 
near,  360;  Popham  colonists  direct 
course  for,  399,  400. 

Cossine,  accompanies  Lane  on  explor- 
ing expedition,  260. 

Cotesa,  Sir  Richard  Grenville  at, 
284  n. 

Courant  de  Ste.  Marie,  Cartier  reaches, 
100  n. 

Cow  Head,  11  n. 

Cow  Point,  40  n. 

Cowes,  White  anchors  at,  282. 

Cox,  William,  master  of  Golden  Hind, 
192;  reckonings  of  course  from 
Cape  Race  to  Cape  Breton  kept  by, 
209;  objects  to  keeping  course  near 
land,  210;  unwilling  to  return  to 
England,  214 ; assigned  by  Gilbert  to 
south  discovery,  217 ; urges  Gilbert 
not  to  return  to  frigate,  218. 

Craney  Island,  249  n. 

Croatoan,  Manteo  a native  of,  241  n.; 
Captain  Stafford  sent  to,  264;  Lane 
announces  intention  of  going  to, 
266;  mainland  of  Virginia  mistaken 
for,  287;  Captain  Stafford  goes  to, 
289;  natives  of,  289-292;  destruc- 
tion of  men  left  by  Grenville  re- 
ported by  natives  of,  290-291; 
White  hears  that  Roanoke  colonists 
removed  to,  303;  White  at  anchor 
off,  314;  White  believes  colonists 
to  be  at,  318;  White  plans  to  go  to, 
319. 

Cross  Island,  402  n. 

Cuba,  Hawkins  reaches,  114;  Haw- 
kins sails  towards,  115;  Hawkins 
passes  by,  140;  mentioned,  309  n.; 
captured  Spaniards  landed  on,  312. 

Cudruaigny,  Indian  god,  52,  53,  66,  67. 

Cuervo,  see  Corvo. 

Culebra,  308  n. 

Cumberland  Bay,  9 n. 

Currituck  Sound,  235  n. 

Curry,  J.  L.  M.,  discovered,  in  archives 
at  Simancas,  plan  of  fort  erected  by 
the  Popham  colonists,  411  n. 

Cushnoc  Island,  414  n.,  416  n. 

Cuttyhunk,  first  English  settlement 
in  New  England  at,  327;  Gosnold 
and  Gilbert  at,  333;  called  by  Gos- 


428 


INDEX 


nold  Elizabeth’s  Island,  333  n., 
340;  described,  334-335;  Indians 
come  to,  336-339;  stone  tower 
erected  at,  336  n. ; climate,  339. 

Daniel,  of  Buda,  claims  to  have  found 
silver,  205;  death,  212;  mentioned, 
216. 

Dare,  Ananias,  293,  298. 

Dare,  Elenor,  daughter  of  Governor 
John  White,  293,  299. 

Dare,  Virginia,  born  at  Roanoke,  293, 
300. 

Dartmouth,  Edward  Hayes  lands  at, 
219;  mentioned,  329,  399;  Way- 
mouth  at,  359;  Waymouth’s  re- 
turn to,  355,  391. 

Dasamonguepeuk,  Manteo  made  lord 
of,  241  n.,  293;  plan  to  gather 
Indians  at,  263;  Pemisapan  caused 
Indians  to  sow  ground  in,  262; 
Pemisapan  goes  to,  264,  265 ; Lane 
orders  his  men  to  capture  canoes 
going  to,  266;  Lane  goes  to,  267; 
men  left  in  1586  by  Grenville  re- 
ported to  have  been  attacked  by 
natives  of,  290-291,  292;  White 
receives  no  reply  to  message  sent 
to  natives  of,  291;  natives  of,  sus- 
pected of  despoiling  property  of 
Roanoke  colonists,  318. 

Davidson,  George,  quoted,  155  n. 

Davies,  James,  probable  author  of 
Relation  of  a Voyage  to  Sagadahoc, 
398. 

Davies,  Captain  Robert,  returns  to 
England  from  river  of  Sagadahoc, 
418;  returns  to  fort,  419;  brings 
back  ship  laden  with  supplies,  419. 

Davis,  James,  accompanies  Gilbert  in 
visit  to  Indians,  413. 

Davis,  Robert,  in  Gilbert’s  voyage  of 
1583,  192. 

Davis’s  Island,  mentioned,  379  n. 

Dawbeney,  Oliver,  accompanies  Hore, 
107 ; gives  information  concerning 
Hore’s  voyage,  107-108;  reported 
that  men  killed  companions  for 
food,  108. 

Deadman  s Island,  15  n. 

Deane,  Charles,  editor  Hakluyt’s 
Discourse,  226. 

De  Costa,  B.  F.,  346  n.,  397. 


Dehamda,  see  Tahanedo. 

Dehanada,  see  Tahanedo. 

Degrad,  harbor,  6. 

Delight,  ship  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert, 
192;  loss  of,  205  n.,  208,  210-213; 
return  of  captain  of,  to  England, 
207 ; Maurice  Browne  made  captain 
of,  207;  music  aboard,  210;  wrecked, 
211;  fate  of  survivors  of,  213;  grief 
of  Gilbert  for  loss  of,  216. 

Dennis,  Alfred,  biographical  account 
of  Pring,  cited,  344. 

Diamonds,  Cartier  thinks  he  has  found, 
98,  99. 

Digby,  shipwright,  and  building  of 
pinnace  Virginia,  419. 

Dingen  a Cushe,  297. 

Dingle,  Governor  White  at,  297  n. 

Discoverer,  in  Pring’ s expedition,  343; 
loaded  with  sassafras,  350;  sent 
ahead  to  England,  350;  duration  of 
voyage,  352. 

Domagaia,  26  n.;  greeted  by  natives 
of  Isle  of  Orleans,  46;  talks  with 
Donnacona,  46;  refuses  to  come  to 
Cartier’s  ship,  48-49;  comes  aboard 
ship,  50;  agrees  to  go  to  Hochelaga, 
51;  quarrel  with  Taignoagny,  51; 
in  ruse  to  hinder  Cartier’s  journey 
to  Hochelaga,  53;  visits  Cartier, 
65;  desires  baptism,  67;  illness  of, 
75;  remedy  used  by,  76;  announces 
approach  of  Donnacona,  78;  Car- 
tier’s  plan  to  recapture,  79;  speaks 
with  Cartier,  80;  reports  unfriend- 
liness of  Taignoagny,  81 ; taken 
prisoner,  81;  reports  capture  of 
Donnacona  to  his  subjects,  84; 
mentioned,  100. 

Dominica,  Hawkins  near,  139;  White 
reaches,  283 ; Englishmen  trade 
with  natives  of,  308;  men  on  the 
John  capture  two  natives  of,  310. 

Donnacona,  visits  Cartier,  46;  village 
of,  47,  70;  welcomes  Cartier,  48; 
objects  to Cartier’scarryingweapons, 
49;  visit  to  Cartier,  50;  presents 
Indian  children  to  Cartier,  50-51; 
device  to  prevent  Cartier’s  journey 
to  Hochelaga,  52-54;  desires  Car- 
tier  to  leave  hostage,  54;  visits 
Cartier,  65;  house  of,  65-66;  desires 
baptism,  67 ; account  of  Saguenay 


INDEX 


429 


River,  71 ; suspected  of  treachery,  77 ; 
assembles  many  Indians  at  Stada- 
cona,  78;  feigns  illness,  78;  Cartier’s 
plan  to  capture,  79;  said  he  had 
travelled,  79;  refuses  to  visit  Car- 
tier,  80;  visits  Cartier,  81;  taken 
prisoner,  81;  talks  with  his  people, 
82;  promised  safe  return,  82; 
orders  people  to  bring  him  food,  83 ; 
receives  present  from  Cartier,  83; 
promises  to  return,  84;  in  France, 
93;  king  appointed  by,  95;  death 
of,  reported  to  Indians  by  Cartier, 
96. 

Double  Cape,  Cartier  near,  10,  11, 
29. 

Dove  Houses,  islands,  10;  named,  11; 
same  as  Bay  of  Islands,  11  n. 

Drake,  Francis,  afterwards  Sir  Fran- 
cis, in  Hawkins’s  third  voyage,  135, 
151;  expedition  against  Spanish 
settlements  in  West  Indies,  136, 
152,  249  n. ; bitterness  against 

Spaniards,  151;  crossed  Isthmus 
of  Panama,  151;  voyage  around 
world,  151-152;  sources  of  informa- 
tion about  voyage  of  circumnaviga- 
tion, 151-152;  knighted  by  Eliza- 
beth, 152;  in  harbor  of  Cadiz,  152; 
present  at  destruction  of  Armada. 
152;  death,  152;  account  of  last 
voyage  of,  152;  on  coast  of  Cali- 
fornia, 153-173;  leaves  Guatulco, 
153;  encounters  extreme  cold,  153- 

154,  155,  156;  anchors  in  a bay, 
154;  goes  southward,  155 ; anchors  in 
a “ convenient  and  fit  harborough,” 

155,  158;  probable  identity  of 
anchorage  of,  155  n.;  visited  by 
natives,  159,  162-163;  building  of 
fort  of,  160,  162;  relations  with 
Indians,  160,  161—162,  168;  Indians 
appear  to  worship,  163,  169;  prays 
for  Indians,  163;  visited  by  Indian 
king,  164—168;  gives  food  to  Indians, 
170;  explores  inland,  170-171; 
names  country  Albion,  171;  sets 
up  monument,  171;  Indians  say 
farewell  to,  173;  and  the  Virginia 
colonists,  246,  249,  257,  259,  268, 
271,  276-277;  mentioned,  352  n. 

Drake,  Samuel,  The  Book  of  the  Indians, 
cited,  333  n. 


Drake’s  Bay,  attempt  to  identify 
Drake’s  “convenient  and  fit  har- 
borough” with,  155  n. 

Dry  Ledges,  379  n. 

Du  Petit  Val,  Raphael,  Discours  du 
Voyage  fait  par  le  Capitaine  J agues 
Cartier,  3. 

East  Cape,  26  n. 

East  India  Company,  Waymouth’s 
search  for  a northwest  passage  under 
auspices  of,  355. 

East  India  service,  Pring  in,  343. 

East  Indies,  search  for  northwest  pas- 
sage to,  105. 

Eden,  Richard,  translation  of  Peter 
Martyr’s  De  Rebus  Oceanicis,  119  n. 

Edenton,  248  n. 

Edgartown,  Martha’s  Vineyard,  346  n. 

Edward  Bonaventure,  arrives  at  Flores, 
322. 

Elbridge,  Giles,  obtained,  with  Robert 
Aldworth,  letters  patent  for  a grant 
of  land  at  Pemaquid,  347  n. 

Elizabeth,  queen  of  England,  knights 
Drake,  152;  patent  to  Sir  Hum- 
phrey Gilbert,  177,  185,  185  n.; 
Gilbert  takes  possession  of  harbor 
and  surrounding  country  in  name  of, 
199;  Amadas  and  Barlowe  take 
possession  of  land  in  name  of,  228; 
names  Virginia,  230  n. ; knighted 
Ralegh,  231  n.;  Indian  king  Okisko 
announces  intention  of  doing  homage 
to,  261;  granted  license  to  ships  of 
John  Wattes  to  depart  for  West 
Indies,  305. 

Elizabeth  Islands,  333  n. 

Elizabeth  Isle,  Cutty  hunk  named,  by 
Gosnold,  333  n.,  340;  and  Shake- 
speare’s Tempest,  334  n. 

El  Mina,  Hawkins  considers  going  to, 
138  n. 

Emannett,  403. 

Engelhard,  N.C.,  237  n. 

England,  Cartier’s  discoveries  reported 
in,  105;  fishing  interests  in  New- 
foundland, 109  n.;  and  coloniza- 
tion in  America,  179,  182-183;  and 
discoveries  of  Cabots,  180,  183 ; sup- 
port of  Netherlands  in  conflict  with 
Spain,  270,  275;  Grenville  wishes  to 
secure  claim  of,  to  Virginia,  275, 


430 


INDEX 


278;  preparations  to  meet  Armada, 
305. 

English  voyagers  to  the  American 
coast,  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
routes  of,  327. 

Enriquez,  Don  Martin,  viceroy  of 
Nueva  Espaiia,  142;  replies  to  Haw- 
kins’s message,  143 ; gives  assurance 
of  protection,  144;  attack  on  Haw- 
kins, 144. 

Ensenore,  friendliness  to  English,  259, 
260-261;  death  of,  259,  262;  per- 
suades Pemisapan  to  have  ground 
sown  to  provide  English  with  food, 
262;  mentioned,  263. 

Eracano,  accompanied  Lane  on  ex- 
ploring expedition,  260. 

Estero  Limantour,  155  n. 

Exeter,  England,  419. 

Exmouth,  Gosnold  and  Gilbert  near, 
340. 

Falcon,  Ralegh  in  command  of,  225. 

Falmouth,  Golden  Hind  arrives  at, 
219;  Gosnold ’s  expedition  leaves, 
329. 

Fayal,  part  of  English  fleet  anchor  at, 
322. 

Ferdinando,  Simon,  in  expedition  of 
Amadas  and  Barlowe,  230,  241 ; and 
Roanoke  colonists,  230  n.;  forsook 
fly -boat,  282-283 ; reported  that  St. 
Croix  was  not  inhabited  by  savages, 
284 ; said  there  were  many  sheep  on 
Vieques,  284 ; prevented  White  from 
stopping  for  salt,  285 ; did  not  wish 
White  to  land  at  St.  Germans,  285; 
promised  to  land  on  Hispaniola,  286 ; 
said  he  would  try  to  obtain  cattle 
from  friend  Alanson,  286;  claimed 
that  he  heard  Alanson  had  left, 
286;  reported  that  there  were  salt- 
ponds  on  Caycos,  286;  mistook 
location  of  Croatoan,  287 ; to  re- 
turn to  England,  287 ; displeased 
at  reappearance  of  fly-boat,  288; 
return  voyage,  297 ; mentioned, 
298. 

Fermeuse,  190  n. 

Fire,  Indian  method  of  obtaining,  120, 
338. 

Fishing  vessels  off  Newfoundland, 
109  n.,  187,  194. 


Fitzwilliam,  Mr.,  in  voyage  of  John 
Hawkins  in  1565,  132. 

Flamingo,  Hawkins  describes,  129- 
130. 

Flanders,  war  in,  270,  275. 

Flax,  use  by  Indians,  338. 

Flores,  seen  by  White,  296;  sighted, 
320;  White  at,  321-322;  English 
men-of-war  at,  321-322;  Pring 
passes,  345;  Waymouth  near,  360; 
Popham  colonists  direct  course  tow- 
ards, 399 ; Captain  Popham  an- 
chors at,  400;  Captain  Gilbert 
leaves,  401. 

Florida,  72;  information  derived  from 
Hawkins’s  voyage  about,  113; 
Hawkins  near,  114;  dangers  of 
coast,  116;  Hawkins  at  islands 
near,  117,  119;  French  settlement 
in,  118,  119,  120,  122-125,  126,  127, 
128,  131;  cruelty  of  natives  of,  119; 
Hawkins  along  coast  of,  119-120; 
regarded  by  Hawkins  as  an  island, 
120;  products  of,  120,  125-130; 
Indians  of,  120-121, 125-127 ; French 
deserters  from  fort  returned  to,  123; 
Hawkins  seeks  coast  of,  140;  men- 
tioned, 147,  179,  180,  182,  227;  ill 
success  of  Spanish  attempts  in,  182; 
currents  off  coast  of,  187,  188; 
Drake  passes  coast  of,  276;  White 
near,  312-313. 

Floridians,  cruelty  of,  119;  houses  of, 
120;  clothing,  120-121;  weapons, 
121;  French  obliged  to  aid  a king 
of  the,  122-123;  wars  with  French 
colony,  124;  food,  125;  use  of  to- 
bacco, 125-126;  paint  their  bodies, 
126;  ornaments,  127. 

Florio,  Jean,  3. 

Flying  fish,  129. 

Foresight,  arrives  at  Flores,  322. 

Fort  St.  George,  384  n. 

Fouetz,  river  of,  64;  same  as  the  St. 
Maurice,  64  n. 

Fox  Island,  named,  345. 

France,  Taignoagny  and  Domagaia 
tell  what  they  saw  in,  46;  Cartier 
sets  upon  fort  the  arms  of,  81; 
Donnacona  in,  93,  96;  activity  in 
America,  179;  alleged  encroach- 
ment on  English  rights  in  America, 
182;  ill  success  of  early  attempts  at 


INDEX 


431 


settlement  in  America,  182;  Ralegh 
fights  with  Huguenots  in,  225; 
value  of  her  navigable  rivers  to, 
381. 

Francis  I.,  king  of  France,  interest  in 
Cartier’s  enterprise,  3;  Cartier’s 
men  sworn  to  service  of,  4;  hears 
Cartier’s  report,  35;  gives  Cartier 
new  commission,  35;  mentioned, 
37,  50,  79,  80;  name  inscribed  on 
Cartier’s  fort,  81;  Donnacona  to 
relate  travels  to,  82;  hesitated  to 
encourage  Cartier  to  return,  91; 
attention  of,  occupied  by  Spanish 
invasion,  91 ; letters  patent  to  Rober- 
val,  91;  considered  New  France  to 
be  part  of  Asia,  91;  heard  reports 
of  Cartier’s  voyages,  93;  decides 
to  send  expedition  under  Roberval, 
93;  provided  money  for  fitting  out 
ships,  94;  desired  early  departure 
of  Cartier,  94. 

Francis,  bark,  provisioned  for  Lane  by 
Drake,  269;  loss  of,  269. 

French  fishing  vessels,  off  Newfound- 
land, 109,  194,  330  n. ; on  New 
England  coast,  330  n. 

French  settlement  in  Florida,  118,  119, 
120,  122-125,  126,  127,  128,  131; 
relieved  by  Hawkins,  124. 

French  ship  met  by  Hore,  109-110; 
receives  redress  from  king  of  Eng- 
land, 110. 

Frobisher,  Martin,  Hawkins  joined, 
in  voyage  for  purpose  of  harassing 
Spanish  commerce,  136. 

Frosmont,  Thomas,  master  of  the  great 
Hermina,  37. 

Funk  Island,  5 n. 

Furs,  obtained  in  trade  from  Indians, 
337 ; worn  by  Indians,  339 ; Gos- 
nold’s  bark  carries,  339;  value  of 
French  trade  in,  350;  Waymouth’s 
men  obtained,  from  Indians  in  trade, 
371;  Bashabes  reported  to  have 
quantity  of,  375 ; Indians  report  that 
on  the  mainland  they  have,  376, 
377;  Bashabes  offers  to  exchange, 
381,  385. 

Galicia,  Hawkins  approaches,  147. 

Gannets,  identity  of  Margaulx  with, 
6 n. 


Gasp<§  Bay,  Cartier  puts  into,  22; 
natives  of,  22-24,  25;  Cartier  sets 
up  cross  at,  24-25;  Cartier  leaves, 
26;  mentioned,  41  n. 

George,  The,  another  name  for  Gilbert’s 
ship  Delight,  192. 

Gift  of  God,  despatched  to  coast  of 
Maine  with  colonists,  397;  George 
Popham  captain  of,  399;  arrived  in 
Pentecost  Harbor,  406  n. ; went  into 
river  of  Sagadahoc,  409 ; officers  of, 
not  familiar  with  coast,  409  n. 

Gilbert,  Bartholomew,  route  of,  327; 
persons  of  prominence  aided  voyage 
of,  327 ; makes  peace  with  Ralegh, 
327;  accompanied  Ralegh  to  Vir- 
ginia, 327 ; fate,  327 ; and  division 
of  food,  340  n. ; mentioned,  343. 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  quoted,  109; 
wrote  A Discourse  of  Discovery  for 
a new  Passage  to  Cataia,  177 ; early 
life,  177;  service  in  Ireland,  177; 
in  Parliament,  177;  in  Netherlands, 
177;  received  royal  patent,  177,  185; 
unsuccessful  attempt  at  voyage  of 
discovery,  177, 185,  225 ; last  voyage, 

177- 178;  account  of  last  voyage, 

178- 222;  purpose  to  colonize  north- 
ern part  of  America,  179,  197 ; first 
Englishman  to  “ carry  people  to 
erect  an  habitation  and  government 
in  those  Northerly  countreys  of 
America,”  178,  183;  grants  assign- 
ments out  of  his  commission,  185, 
186 ; preparations  for  second  voyage, 
186;  orders  agreed  upon  by  captains 
and  masters  of  fleet  of,  189-191; 
proposed  route,  190;  sets  sail,  192; 
ships  of,  192;  abandoned  by  the 
Raleigh,  193;  meets  unfavorable 
winds,  193 ; separated  from  two 
of  his  ships,  193;  at  Grand  Banks, 
194;  near  Penguin  Island,  195; 
joined  by  Swallow,  195;  reaches 
harbor  of  St.  John’s,  196;  meets 
Squirrel,  196;  sends  boat  into  har- 
bor, 197 ; shows  commission  to 
masters  and  owners  of  English 
fishing  vessels,  197;  on  land,  198; 
takes  formal  possession,  199;  erects 
arms  of  England,  199;  makes  grants 
of  land,  200;  assigns  tasks  to  men, 
200;  hears  report  of  silver,  205-206; 


432 


INDEX 


decides  to  go  in  Squirrel,  207  ; 
leaves  harbor  of  St.  John’s,  207  ; at 
Cape  Race,  207;  orders  sounding 
to  be  made,  210  ; confers  with  cap- 
tain and  master  of  Golden  Hind, 
214  ; besought  by  men  to  return, 
214;  resolves  to  return  to  England, 
214;  promises  to  return  to  America 
in  spring,  214 ; sees  strange  fish, 
215;  starts  on  return  voyage,  215  ; 
comes  aboard  Golden  Hind,  215  ; 
return  to  frigate  Squirrel,  216  ; spends 
day  aboard  Golden  Hind,  216 ; 
laments  loss  of  Delight,  216  ; rage 
at  boy  for  forgetting  something  he 
was  ordered  to  bring  from  the  De- 
light, 216;  believed  to  have  had 
hopes  of  finding  silver  mine  in  New- 
foundland, 216-217;  plans  for  an- 
other voyage,  217;  warned  not  to 
return  to  frigate,  217;  insists  on 
continuing  in  frigate,  218;  courage, 
219;  fate,  219;  character,  221-222; 
firmness  of  purpose,  221-222;  men- 
tioned, 327,  397. 

Gilbert,  Sir  John,  brother  of  Sir  Hum- 
phrey, 205;  hears  of  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert’s  fate,  219;  mentioned,  220. 

Gilbert,  Sir  John,  son  of  Sir  Hum- 
phrey, Captain  Gilbert  hears  of 
death  of,  419  n. 

Gilbert,  Sir  Otho,  177. 

Gilbert,  Raleigh,  in  expedition  to 
Maine  coast,  397,  398;  captain  of 
the  Mary  and  John,  399;  held  as 
pirate  by  Flemish  captain,  400-401; 
released,  401 ; goes  on  shore  to  see 
Indians,  406-407 ; sails  towards 
river  of  Pemaquid,  408;  sails  up 
river  of  Sagadahoc,  410;  embarks 
to  go  to  westward  upon  some  dis- 
covery, 412-413;  spends  night  with 
Skidwarres  and  other  Indians,  413; 
Indians  promise  to  accompany, 
to  river  of  Penobscot,  413;  leaves 
fort  to  go  to  trade  with  Bashabes, 
413;  delayed  in  reaching  river  of 
Pemaquid,  414;  fails  to  find  Skid- 
warres, 414;  leaves  fort  to  go  for 
head  of  river  of  Sagadahoc,  414; 
sends  man  to  Indian  canoe  as  hos- 
tage for  Sabenoa,  415;  goes  to  see 
Indian  houses,  416;  refuses  to  trade 


with  Indians,  416;  orders  men  to 
present  muskets  at  Indians,  417; 
resumes  friendly  attitude  towards 
Indians,  417 ; sets  up  cross  near 
head  of  river,  417;  hears  news  of 
brother’s  death,  419;  obliged  to 
return  to  England,  419. 

Glaven,  Darbie,  left  at  Musketos  Bay, 
285. 

Godetz,  5;  named  by  Cartier,  6;  at 
Island  of  Birds,  8;  at  Islands  of 
Margaulx,  13. 

Gold,  reported  to  be  in  Saguenay,  72; 
of  Florida  Indians,  126,  127. 

Gold  coast,  138  n. 

Golden  Hind,  one  of  Gilbert’ s ships, 
192;  becomes  vice-admiral,  193; 
reckonings  of  course  from  Cape 
Race  to  Cape  Breton,  209 ; porpoise 
caught  by  men  in,  210;  escapes 
from  shoals,  211;  crew  of,  desire 
to  return  to  England,  214;  strange 
fish  approaches,  215;  Gilbert  aboard, 
216-217;  provisions  furnished  to 
frigate  from,  218;  arrival  in  Fal- 
mouth, 219;  goes  to  Dartmouth, 
219;  crew  of,  impatient  to  depart, 
220;  arrives  at  Weymouth,  220. 

Goldsmid,  Edmund,  226. 

Gomera,  Hawkins  at,  137. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  fitted  out 
vessel,  358  n.;  Indians  given  to, 
394  n. ; especially  interested  in  vessel 
commanded  by  Challoung,  397 ; 
makes  no  mention  of  Hanham  in  his 
account  of  voyage  of  1606,  397 ; 
manuscript  of  Relation  of  a Voyage 
to  Sagadahoc,  found  among  papers 
of,  399;  mentioned,  418  n. 

Gorges  Society,  356,  398. 

Gosnold,  Bartholomew,  voyage  to 
New  England  coast,  327-340;  route, 
327 ; Ralegh  hears  of  voyage  of, 
327 ; Ralegh  complains  of,  327 ; 
persons  of  prominence  aided,  327; 
sailed  for  Virginia  with  Jamestown 
colonists,  328;  fate,  328;  landfall, 
330  n.;  goes  ashore  on  a “white 
sandie  and  very  bolde  shore,”  331; 
goes  ashore  on  island,  332;  calls 
Cuttyhunk Elizabeth’ s Island,  333  n.. 
340;  Earl  of  Southampton  patron 
of,  334  n. ; directs  Brereton  to  go  to 


INDEX 


433 


Indians,  336;  fort,  336  n.;  his  so- 
journ on  Cuttyhunk  commemorated 
by  erection  of  tower,  336  n. ; makes 
presents  to  Indians,  337 ; return  to 
England,  340;  probably  desired  to 
establish  a permanent  trading 
post,  340  n. ; mentioned,  343,  346, 
355. 

Gouion,  John,  accompanies  Cartier  to 
Hochelaga,  57. 

“ Governour  and  Assistants  of  the 
Citie  of  Ralegh  in  Virginia,”  282. 

Goyett,  John,  knew  captain  of  one  of 
the  Flemish  ships  met  by  Captain 
Gilbert,  400. 

Graciosa,  322,  399  n. 

Gran  Canaria,  308. 

Grand  Bay,  194,  201. 

Granganimeo,  greets  Amadas  and  Bar- 
lowe,  230 ; receives  presents,  23 1 ; 
comes  aboard  ships,  232 ; apparel  of, 
232;  wife  of,  232,  233,  235-236; 
offers  pearl  in  exchange  for  armor, 
234;  sends  food,  234;  Barlowe  and 
his  companions  entertained  by  wife 
of,  235-236;  Barlowe’ s suspicion  of 
Indians  grieves  wife  of,  236 ; death 
of,  252,  259. 

Granges,  hills,  11,  29. 

Gratiosa,  see  Graciosa. 

Gravesend,  Hore  embarks  at,  107 ; 
Waymouth’s  expedition  at,  359. 

Gray,  Francis  C.,  336  n. 

Great  Meccatina,  38  n. 

Green  Island,  402  n. 

Greene,  Henry,  in  expedition  of 
Amadas  and  Barlowe,  241. 

Greenevile,  William,  in  expedition  of 
Amadas  and  Barlowe,  241. 

Greenish  harbor,  7 n. 

Grenville,  Sir  Richard,  230  n. ; Manteo 
returned  with,  241  n. ; early  life,  245  ; 
aided  in  sending  Amadas  and  Bar- 
lowe to  America,  245,  277  n. ; in  com- 
mand of  expedition  of  colonists  to 
America,  245 ; death,  245 ; relation  of 
his  voyage  of  1585,  245;  anchors  at 
Wocokon,  246  n. ; lands  colonists, 
247  n.;  return,  247  n.;  Lane  fails 
to  receive  supplies  from,  270;  dis- 
appointed at  not  finding  Roanoke 
colonists,  275;  institutes  measures 
for  maintaining  England’s  claim  to 

2f 


Virginia,  275,  278;  return  to  Eng- 
land, 275;  arrival  in  Virginia,  277; 
hunts  for  colonists  and  relief  ship, 
277;  lands  fifteen  men  on  Roanoke 
Island,  278,  281,  290;  departs  for 
England,  278;  captures  Spaniards 
off  Azores,  278;  return,  278;  placed 
in  charge  of  relief  fleet  Ralegh  pre- 
pared to  send  to  Virginia,  303. 

Griffin,  Owen,  spends  night  ashore 
with  Indians,  374;  gives  account  of 
powwow  ceremonies,  374;  sent 
ashore  to  meet  Indians,  377;  re- 
ports seeing  large  number  of  armed 
Indians,  377. 

Griffith,  William,  399. 

Guadeloupe,  283,  308. 

Guatemala,  153  n.,  309  n. 

Guatulco,  Drake  at,  151,  153. 

Guayanilla,  in  Porto  Rico,  285  n. 

Guiana,  voyage  of  Pring  to,  343; 
Ralegh’s  voyage  to,  383. 

Guinea,  Hawkins  procures  slaves  at, 
113;  mentioned,  114;  Hawkins 
sails  to,  137;  Hawkins  along  coast 
of,  138-139. 

Gulf  Stream,  117  n.,  313  n. 

Gwathanelo,  see  Guatemala. 

Hakluyt,  Richard,  Principal  Naviga- 
tions, 3,  36,  72  n.,  92,  95  n.,  105, 
146  n.,  185  n.,  186  n.,  192  n.,  196  n., 
212  n.,  225,  226,  229  n.,  241  n.,  245, 
246  n.,  247  n.,  258  n.,  275,  281, 
284  n.,  285  n.,  287  n.,  293  n.;  and 
Pretty’s  narrative,  152;  mentioned, 
212  n.,  305,  347  n. 

Hakluyt,  Richard,  of  the  Middle 
Temple,  105,  107,  110. 

Hakluyt  Society,  113,  135,  146  n., 
152,  186  n.,  212  n.,  229  n.,  241  n.,  398. 

Hale,  Edward  Everett,  opinion  of 
identity  of  “ convenient  and  fit 
harborough  ” where  Drake  anchored, 
155  n. 

Halifax  Harbor,  402  n. 

Hance,  Mr.,  surgeon,  drowned,  316. 

Hanham,  Thomas,  in  command  of 
vessel  sent  out  by  Sir  John  Popham, 
358  n.,  397. 

Hardie,  Mr.,  accompanied  Hore,  106. 

Hare  Island,  44  n.,  84. 

Hariot,  Thomas,  see  Harriot,  Thomas. 


434 


INDEX 


Harps,  Mr.,  captain  of  pinnace  brought 
by  Edward  Spicer,  311,  313. 

Harriot,  Thomas,  among  Roanoke 
colonists,  258;  A brief e and  true 
report  of  the  new  found  land  of  Vir- 
ginia, 258  n. ; Indians  plan  to  kill, 
263. 

Hatorask,  Pridiox  sent  to,  261;  prob- 
able location,  264  n. ; relief  ex- 
pedition of  1586  arrives  at,  277; 
White  comes  to,  287 ; fly-boat 
arrives  at,  288;  Englishmen  left 
in  1586  fled  to,  291;  White  near, 
314;  White  sets  out  from,  316. 

Havana,  Hawkins  seeks,  115;  Haw- 
kins passes,  116;  mentioned,  227, 
312,  321;  White  near,  313. 

Hawkins,  John,  early  life,  113;  inven- 
tion, 113;  voyage  to  Guinea,  113; 
brought  slaves  to  West  Indies,  113; 
despatched  ships  to  Spain,  113; 
account  of  voyage  of  1565,  113—132 ; 
sails  from  Plymouth,  114;  reaches 
Cuba,  114;  sails  towards  Florida, 
114;  atTortugas,  115;  sails  towards 
Cuba,  115;  searches  for  Mesa  de 
Mariel,  115-116;  decides  to  go  to 
Rio  de  Puercos,  116;  overshoots 
Havana,  116;  reaches  islands  near 
Florida,  117 ; rejoices  at  recovery  of 
boats,  119;  sails  along  shore  of 
Florida  in  a pinnace,  119;  speaks 
with  natives,  119;  seeks  French 
settlement,  119-120;  finds  French, 
120,  122;  entertained  at  French 
fort,  122;  relieves  Frenchmen,  124; 
leaves  Florida,  131;  buys  fish  from 
French  ships  at  Newfoundland,  131  ; 
arrival  in  Cornwall,  131;  return  to 
England,  135;  his  account  of  third 
voyage,  135-148;  member  of  Par- 
liament, 135;  made  a grandee  of 
Spain,  135;  equipped  vessels  for 
operations  against  Spain,  135; 
made  treasurer  of  navy,  135;  pre- 
pared royal  fleet  to  meet  Armada, 
135;  knighted,  136;  voyage  of 
1590,  136;  founded  hospital,  136; 
in  expedition  against  Spanish  settle- 
ments in  West  Indies,  136;  death, 
136;  sets  sail  from  Plymouth,  137; 
at  Canaries,  137;  reaches  Cape 
Verde,  137;  captures  negroes, 


137;  shot  by  poisoned  arrow,  138; 
along  coast  of  Guinea,  138;  helps 
negro  king  to  capture  enemy’s 
town,  138;  captures  many  pris- 
oners, 138;  deceived  by  negro,  138; 
leaves  Guinea,  139;  sights  Domi- 
nica, 139;  difficulty  in  trading  with 
Spaniards,  139;  goes  from  Mar- 
garita Island  to  Cartagena,  139; 
at  Cabo  de  la  Vela,  139;  enters  Rio 
de  la  Hacha  by  force,  139;  not 
allowed  to  trade  at  Cartagena,  140; 
passes  Cuba,  140;  encounters  storms, 
140;  seeks  coast  of  Florida,  140; 
captures  ships,  140;  enters  port  of 
San  Juan  de  Ulua,  140;  visited  by 
Spanish  officials,  140;  finds  ships 
laden  with  gold  and  silver,  141; 
sends  messenger  to  Mexico,  141  ; 
sees  Spanish  fleets  approaching, 
141 ; in  perplexity,  142 ; receives 
reply  of  viceroy,  142;  proposes  con- 
ditions to  viceroy,  142;  suspects 
Spanish  treachery,  143;  attacked 
by  viceroy  and  other  Spaniards, 
144-145;  boards  Minion,  145 ; 
abandons  Jesus  of  Lubec,  145; 
escape  from  Spaniards,  145;  lands 
half  of  his  men  on  shore  of  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  146;  in  storm,  147;  passes 
through  channel  of  Bahama,  147; 
loses  men  by  famine,  147;  arrival 
in  Galicia,  147;  helped  by  English 
ships  at  Vigo,  147;  arrival  in  Corn- 
wall, 147;  sufferings  on  voyage  of, 
147-148;  at  Azores  awaiting  arrival 
of  Spanish  fleet,  322. 

Hawkins,  William,  voyages  to  Africa 
for  slaves,  113. 

Hayes,  Edward,  narrative  of  voyage 
of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  178-222; 
A Treatise  . . . conteining  impor- 
tant inducements  for  the  planting  of 
these  parts  and  finding  a passage  that 
way  to  the  South  sea  and  China,  178  ; 
admonition  to  would-be  colonizers 
of  America,  181;  in  command  of 
Golden  Hind,  192;  unwillingness  to 
return  to  England,  214;  opinion 
that  Gilbert  had  hopes  of  finding 
mine  in  Newfoundland,  216-217; 
assigned  to  south  discovery,  217; 
urges  Gilbert  not  to  continue  in 


INDEX 


435 


frigate,  218;  lands  at  Dartmouth, 
219;  informs  Gilbert’s  brother  of 
his  fate,  219;  urged  by  men  to  leave 
Dartmouth,  220;  sails  to  Wey- 
mouth, 220. 

Hayti,  309  n. 

Headly,  Edward,  survives  wreck  of 
Delight,  213;  death,  213. 

Henry  VII.,  patent  to  Cabots,  180  n.; 
aid  to  Cabot,  183. 

Henry  VIII.,  favors  voyage  of  Hore, 
106;  gave  recompense  to  French 
ship  despoiled  by  Hore,  110. 

Henry,  William  Wirt,  quoted,  233  n. 

Hermerillon,  in  Cartier’s  second  voy- 
age, 37. 

Hermina,  the  Great,  ship,  in  Cartier’s 
second  voyage,  37. 

Hermina,  the  Little,  ship,  in  Cartier’s 
second  voyage,  37. 

Herne,  Griffith,  269. 

Hewes,  John,  in  expedition  of  Amadas 
and  Barlowe,  241. 

Hispaniola,  slaves  sold  by  Hawkins  at, 
113;  French  from  Florida  fort  went 
to,  123;  Ferdinando  promises  to 
land  at,  286;  White  passes,  286; 
mentioned,  309,  311,  320. 

Hochelaga,  37 ; Indians  captured  by 
Cartier  tell  of  river  of,  41 ; Indians 
promise  to  go  to,  49;  Cartier’s  wish 
to  reach,  49;  Donnacona  wishes 
Cartier  not  to  go  to,  50;  Donna- 
cona’s  ruse  to  prevent  Cartier  from 
going  to,  52-54;  Indians  direct 
Cartier  to,  56;  Cartier  reaches,  57; 
natives  of,  57,  60;  site  of  town  of, 
58  n.;  town  of,  described,  59; 
Cartier  in  town  of,  61-63 ; men- 
tioned, 69,  72,  75;  language  of 
natives  of,  86-88;  Roberval  lieu- 
tenant-governor of,  91,  93;  Cartier 
decides  to  go  to,  99. 

Hochelaga,  river  of,  same  as  St.  Law- 
rence River,  41. 

Hochelay,  Cartier  at,  54;  little  girl 
given  to  Cartier  by  ruler  of,  55; 
mentioned,  70;  Cartier  visits  ruler 
of,  99-100;  Cartier  fails  to  find  ruler 
of,  101. 

Hognedo,  see  Honguedo. 

Holy  Cross,  port  of,  see  St.  Croix. 

Honfleur,  Roberval  goes  to,  94. 


Honguedo,  41;  same  as  Gaspe,  41  n.; 
mentioned,  66;  Cartier  sails  to,  84. 

Honguedo,  mountains  of,  69. 

Hope,  comes  to  Flores  to  await  Span- 
ish fleet,  322. 

Hopewell,  ship,  307. 

Hore,  Robert,  probable  interest  in 
search  for  a northwest  passage  to 
the  East  Indies,  105;  study  of 
“ cosmographie,  ” 105,  106;  suffer- 
ings of  expedition  of,  105;  Hak- 
luyt’s narrative  of  voyage  of,  106- 
110;  companions  of,  106;  embarks, 
107;  near  Cape  Breton,  107;  at 
Penguin  Island,  107;  in  Newfound- 
land, 107-110;  hears  reports  of 
cannibalism  among  his  men,  109; 
makes  speech  exhorting  men  to 
repentance,  109;  meets  with  French 
ship,  110;  return,  110. 

Hortop,  Job,  in  Hawkins’s  voyage  of 
1568,  146  n. 

Howe,  George,  killed  by  Indians,  288- 
289 ; reported  to  have  been  slain  by 
Wingina’s  men,  290,  292;  in  list  of 
colonists  who  came  with  John 
White,  298. 

Hudson  River,  72  n. 

Hunt,  Thomas,  captured  Tasquan- 
tam,  394  n. 

Icebergs,  seen  by  Hore’s  men,  110 

Indians,  of  White  Sands,  10;  appear- 
ance of,  10;  dress  of,  10;  paint 
themselves,  10;  catch  seals,  10; 
of  Wild  Men’s  Cape,  16;  come  in 
boats  to  St.  Martin’s  creek,  19,  20; 
afraid  of  Cartier’s  guns,  19;  trade 
with  Cartier,  20 ; of  Bay  of  Chaleur, 
21 ; trade  with  Cartier,  21 ; of  Gaspe 
Bay,  23-25;  appearance  of,  23; 
food  of,  23,  24;  captured  by  Car- 
tier,  25;  of  Cape  Tiennot,  29;  tell 
Cartier  of  river  of  Hochelaga,  41 ; 
of  Isle  of  Orleans,  46 ; of  Stadacona, 
46-54,  65-72,  75-83,  95-97;  fright- 
ened by  cannon,  51 ; of  Hochelay, 
54-55,  99-100;  of  Hochelaga,  57- 
64;  bring  food  to  Cartier,  57; 
village  of,  59;  manner  of  making 
bread,  59-60;  apparel,  60;  use  of 
wampum,  60;  occupations  of,  60; 
bring  sick  to  Cartier  to  be  healed, 


436 


INDEX 


62;  hear  service  read,  62;  food  of, 
62;  houses  of  those  of  Stadacona, 
66;  have  scalps  of  enemies,  66; 
manners  and  customs  of,  66-69; 
beliefs  of,  66-67;  apparel  of,  67; 
have  two  or  three  wives,  67;  food 
of,  68;  use  tobacco,  68;  clothing  of, 
71;  reports  of  a country  to  the 
southwest,  72;  captured,  81;  use 
of  wampum,  82,  83,  84,  96;  of  river 
of  Saguenay,  84;  language  of,  86- 
88;  bring  food  to  Cartier,  101; 
unfriendly,  102;  in  boat  near  New- 
foundland, 108;  of  Florida,  119— 
127;  of  California,  158-173;  regard 
Drake  and  his  men  as  gods,  159- 
163,  169,  172;  houses  of,  161,  171; 
appearance,  161;  hear  singing  of 
psalms,  163;  apparel,  164-165;  a 
king  of,  165-167;  paint  their 
faces,  165;  baskets  of,  166;  weapons 
of,  170;  show  grief  at  Drake’s  de- 
parture, 172-173;  of  the  country 
near  Roanoke,  230-239,  241,  247- 
267,  277,  288,  293,  318;  rulers 
reverenced  by,  231;  trade  with 
Amadas  and  Barlowe,  232;  have 
ornaments  of  copper,  232,  233;  ap- 
pearance of,  232;  signal-fires,  233; 
boats  of,  233-234 ; food  of,  235-236 ; 
fear  of  guns,  238;  weapons,  238; 
civil  dissensions,  238,  239;  visit 
English,  247-248;  towns  of,  248; 
of  Chawanoac,  248-252,  254,  255, 
261;  prepare  to  attack  Roanoke, 
252 ; give  accounts  of  mine  of  Chaunis 
Temoatan,  254-255;  make  attack 
on  Lane,  255;  Lane’s  colonists  de- 
pendent on,  for  food,  259;  belief 
that  white  men  after  death  would 
injure  them,  261;  of  Weapemeoc, 
261,  263,  265;  conspire  against 

Lane,  262-266;  treatment  of,  by 
Lane’s  colony,  277,  277  n.;  killed 
men  left  by  Grenville,  288,  290-291  ; 
kill  George  Howe,  288-289,  292;  of 
Croatoan,  289-292 ; greet  White  and 
his  men,  289;  of  Dominica,  308, 
310;  of  New  England,  330-331,  333, 
336-339,  347-351,  367-381,  385, 
391,  392,  405,  407,  408,  411-418; 
come  aboard  boats  of  Gosnold  and 
Gilbert,  330;  appearance,  330; 


weapons,  330;  report  having  seen 
Basque  fishermen,  330-331;  of  isl- 
ands near  Cape  Cod,  333;  appear- 
ance, 333;  give  fish  and  tobacco  to 
English,  333;  pipes  of,  333;  of 
Cape  Cod,  336-339;  visit  English- 
men at  Cuttyhunk,  336-338;  dis- 
like of  mustard,  337 ; trade  furs 
with  English  at  Cuttyhunk,  337 ; 
have  ornaments  of  copper,  337-338; 
manner  of  striking  fire,  338;  return 
to  mainland,  338;  help  English  cut 
and  carry  sassafras,  338;  disposi- 
tion and  appearance  of,  338-339; 
aptitude  at  learning  English,  339; 
treatment  of  women,  339;  come 
to  see  Englishmen  with  Pring,  347 ; 
food  of,  347 ; delight  in  music,  347  ; 
weapons  of,  347-348;  afraid  of 
mastiffs,  348,  351;  appearance,  348; 
boats  of,  348-349;  surround  Pring’ s 
fort,  350-351 ; dissemble  friendly 
manner,  351;  mentioned,  358;  visit 
Waymouth’s  ship,  367-368;  ap- 
pearance of,  368 ; paint  their  bodies 
and  faces,  368 ; clothing,  368 ; found 
to  be  of  quick  understanding,  368; 
boats  of,  368;  believed  to  be  jealous 
of  their  women,  368,  373;  wyould 
eat  nothing  raw,  369;  Rosier  offers 
to  trade  with,  369;  afraid  of  guns, 
369;  kindly  disposition  shown  by, 
369;  come  to  visit  Englishmen, 
370;  treated  with  kindness  by  Eng- 
lish, 371;  trade  with  Rosier,  371; 
marvel  to  see  English  catch  fish  by 
net,  371 ; wonder  at  use  of  loadstone, 
371-372;  at  supper  and  at  service 
with  Waymouth,  372;  offer  tobacco 
to  English,  373;  call  Waymouth 
“Bashabes,”  373;  children  of,  373; 
fear  dogs,  374;  powwow  ceremonies 
of,  374;  bring  tobacco  to  English, 
375;  use  great  quantity  of  tobacco, 
375;  have  cups  of  bark,  376;  trade 
food  with  English,  376;  desire  Eng- 
lish to  accompany  them  to  main- 
land, 376;  swiftness  of  boats  of, 
376-377 ; suspected  of  treachery, 
377 ; captured  by  Waymouth,  37&- 
379,  391;  sent  from  Bashabes,  380- 
381 ; wore  white-feathered  skins, 
380;  device  for  ransoming  men  cap- 


INDEX 


437 


tured  by  Waymouth,  385;  respect 
for  rulers,  392;  manner  of  killing 
whale,  392 ; seen  in  shallop  by 
Raleigh  Gilbert  and  his  men,  402; 
come  aboard  Gilbert’s  ship,  403; 
try  to  trade  beaver  skins,  403;  use 
French  words,  403;  promise  to 
accompany  Gilbert  to  Penobscot, 
413;  try  to  escape  with  Englishman 
given  as  hostage,  415-416;  offer  to 
trade  with  Gilbert,  416;  try  to  put 
out  fire  in  shallop,  416-417 ; betake 
themselves  to  bows  and  arrows,  417 ; 
entertained  kindly  by  Gilbert,  418; 
attend  prayers,  418. 

Ingram,  David,  landed  on  shore  of  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  146  n. ; narrative,  146  n. 

Ireland,  services  of  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert  in,  177;  Ralegh’ s services  in , 
225 ; White  in,  297. 

Ironbound  Island,  402  n. 

Iron  mine,  found  near  Cartier’s  fort,  98. 

Iroquois  Indians,  66  n. 

Iroquois,  river  of,  72  n. 

Isabella,  in  Hispaniola,  286. 

Isabella,  Infanta,  sister  of  Philip  III., 
of  Spain,  357  n. 

Island  of  Birds,  Cartier  at,  5;  iden- 
tified with  Funk  Island,  5 n.;  men- 
tioned, 8;  Cartier  visits,  ons  econd 
voyage,  38. 

Island  of  Filberts,  45,  84. 

Island  of  Brest,  8;  now  called  Old 
Fort,  8 n. 

Islands  of  Margaulx,  13;  now  Bird 
Rocks,  13  n. 

Isle  of  Orleans,  Cartier  lands  on,  46  n. ; 
natives  of,  46;  Cartier’s  idea  of 
size  of,  46  n.,  48  n.;  named  Bacchus 
Island,  48;  Cartier  approaches,  84. 

Isle  of  Pines,  312. 

Isle  of  Wight,  White  at,  282. 

Jalobert,  Marc,  a captain  on  Cartier’s 
second  voyage,  37 ; accompanies 
Cartier  to  Hochelaga,  57 ; sent  back 
to  France,  97. 

Jamaica,  French  deserters  from  Florida 
fort  plunder  at,  123;  passed  by 
White,  312;  Spanish  fleet  from 
Santo  Domingo  forced  to  flee  to,  321. 

James  I.,  of  England,  charter  for  two 
colonies  in  America,  397. 


James  Carthiers  Sound,  named,  9; 
same  as  Cumberland  Bay,  9 n. 

Jamestown,  in  Virginia,  281 ; colony  at, 
304;  pinnace  Virginia  at,  419  n. 

Jersey,  Ralegh  governor  of,  329. 

Jesus  of  Lubec,  in  Hawkins’s  voyage 
of  1565,  114;  pinnace  of , sent  ashore 
after  water,  117;  carried  ahead  by 
current,  118;  joined  by  other  boats, 
119;  on  third  voyage,  137;  injured 
by  storm,  137;  disabled  by  storm, 
140;  in  fight  with  Spaniards  at  San 
Juan  de  Ulua, 144-145;  abandoned, 
145. 

John,  ship,  307;  off  Dominica,  308; 
joins  other  ships  at  Saona,  310; 
ordered  to  remain  five  days  between 
Saona  and  Mona,  310;  reported 
capture  of  two  Indians  at  Dominica, 
310;  arrives  at  Cape  Tiburon,  310; 
fight  with  Santo  Domingo  fleet,  321 ; 
encounter  with  ships  from  Mexico, 
321;  return  to  England,  321. 

John  the  Evangelist,  307 ; along  south- 
ern shore  of  Porto  Rico,  309 ; await- 
ing other  ships  at  Cape  Tiburon, 
310; 

John  Carter  Brown  Library,  328. 

Jolloberte,  Mace,  see  Jalobert,  Marc. 

Jones,  Edward,  in  Pring’s  expedition, 
343. 

Joy,  Mr.,  accompanies  Hore,  107. 

Judith,  bark  of  Hawkins,  escapes  from 
Spaniards,  145;  commanded  by 
Drake,  151. 

Kelborne,  Edward,  drowned,  316. 

Kelly,  Edward,  drowned,  316. 

Kendall,  Abraham,  269. 

Kenrick’s  Mount,  315,  319. 

Kennebec,  attempt  to  identify  great 
river  discovered  by  Waymouth  with, 
370  n.;  mentioned,  384  n.,  403  n., 
405  n.,  409  n.,  417  n.  See  also  Saga- 
dahoc, river  of. 

Kennebunk  River,  346  n. 

King,  Thomas,  Waymouth’ s boat- 
swain, 390. 

Kingrode,  arrival  of  Discoverer  in, 
350;  Speedwell  reaches,  352. 

Kingsley,  Charles,  use  of  material  fur- 
nished by  relations  of  Hawkins’s 
voyage  in  Westward  Ho,  146  n. 


438 


INDEX 


Kirkland,  Samuel,  in  Prints  expedi- 
tion, 343. 

Labrador,  coast  sighted  by  Cartier, 
27  n. ; mentioned,  28  n. ; Roberval 
viceroy  of,  91:  Cabot’s  discovery 
of,  180  n. 

Lachine  Rapids,  Cartier  sees,  on  second 
voyage,  63  n. ; Cartier  arrives  at, 
on  third  voyage,  100  n. 

Lacie,  Edward,  in  Hawkins’s  voyage 
of  1565,  132. 

La  Heve,  harbor,  402  n. 

Lake  Champlain,  72  n. 

Lake  Ontario,  72  n. 

Lambeth  Palace  Library,  manuscript 
of  Relation  of  a Voyage  to  Sagadahoc 
found  in,  397-398. 

Lane,  Ralph,  tobacco  introduced  into 
England  by,  125  n.,  159  n. ; account 
of  the  Englishmen  left  in  Virginia, 
1585—1586,  243-271;  in  charge  of 
colonists  sent  to  America,  245 ; 
knighted,  245;  gets  information 
from  King  Menatonon,  249-250; 
proposed  trip  to  country  of  pearls 
described  by  Menatonon,  250-251; 
has  Menatonon’ s son  a prisoner, 
250,  261,  265;  dismisses  Menatonon 
for  a ransom,  252;  resolves  to  go 
to  river  of  Moratoc,  252;  finds 
assembly  of  Indians  at  Chawanoac, 
252;  fails  to  find  Moratocs  and 
Mangoaks,  253;  suspects  Indians, 
253;  in  need  of  food,  253,  257,  260, 
262,  264;  reasons  for  wishing  to  see 
Mangoaks,  254,  255;  hears  reports 
of  a country  which  abounds  in  a 
strange  mineral,  254;  attacked  by 
Indians,  256;  return  to  mouth  of 
river,  256;  at  Chepanum,  257; 
arrival  at  Roanoke,  257;  desire  to 
find  mine,  257;  commends  soil 
and  climate,  257;  prevented  from 
searching  for  better  harbor,  257; 
proposes  mode  of  extending  dis- 
coveries, 258;  dependence  on  Ind- 
ians for  food,  259;  Pemisapan  sur- 
prised by  return  of,  260;  Menatonon 
sends  pearl  to,  261;  Okisko  sends 
messenger  to,  261;  fear  of  starving, 
262;  Indians  plan  to  kill,  263; 
sends  men  to  various  places  to  get 


food,  264;  sends  messenger  to 
Pemisapan,  265-266;  prepares  to 
meet  attack  of  Indians,  266;  en- 
counter with  Indians  at  Dasamon- 
guepeuk,  267 ; hears  news  of  Drake’s 
fleet,  268 ; asks  Drake  for  supplies, 
268;  loses  ships  and  provisions  in 
storm,  269 ; reasons  for  return, 
270;  requests  passage  with  Drake, 
270;  returns  to  England,  271,  275; 
mentioned,  278,  288,  289. 

Lane,  William,  Captain,  attacked  by 
Spanish  galley,  310;  captures  ship 
at  Yaguana,  311. 

Large,  Roger,  death,  298. 

Laudonniere,  Rene  de,  colony  of,  on 
St.  John  River,  122;  receives  Haw- 
kins, 122;  superseded  by  Ribault, 
122  n. ; escape  from  Spaniards, 
122  n. 

Le  Poil  Bay,  86  n. 

Lescarbot,  Marc,  edition  of  Cartier’s 
first  voyage,  3. 

Limehouse,  192,  209. 

Limoilou,  mentioned,  92. 

Lion,  in  Governor  John  White’s  ex- 
pedition, prepares  for  departure  from 
Roanoke,  293. 

Little  Meccatina,  39  n. 

Livingston,  L.  S.,  328. 

Lizard,  The,  297  n.,  359,  399. 

Loire  River,  383. 

Louis  IX.,  king  of  France,  Cartier 
names  cape  for,  26  n. 

Lucayos,  147. 

Lunenburg  Bay,  402  n. 

Luttrell,  Sir  John,  entertains  some  of 
the  survivors  of  Hore’s  voyage, 
110. 

Macnab  Island,  402  n. 

Magdalena,  Hawkins  along  coast  of, 
139  n. 

Mahone  Bay,  402  n. 

Maine,  Gosnold  on  coast  of,  330  n.; 
Basque  fishermen  along  coast  of, 
330  n.;  mentioned,  333  n. ; Pring 
brings  information  concerning,  343; 
Pring  near  coast  of,  345  n.;  Way- 
mouth  near  coast  of,  362  n.;  ter- 
centenary of  Waymouth’s  visit  to, 
367  n.;  Rosier  notes  products  of 
393-394;  Hanham  explored  coast  of, 


INDEX 


439 


397 ; colonists  sent  to,  397 ; Pop- 
ham  colonists  approach,  405. 

Maine  Historical  Society,  Documen- 
tary Series,  226;  and  tercentenary 
of  Waymouth’s  voyage,  385  n. 

Maisouna,  102. 

Manana,  island,  362  n. 

Mandoages,  visit  English  colonists, 
248;  Pemisapan’s  plan  to  enlist, 
in  conspiracy  against  Lane,  263; 
join  Pemisapan’s  conspiracy,  265, 
266. 

Maneddo,  brought  to  England  by 
Waymouth,  394;  given  to  Gorges, 
394  n. 

Mangoaks,  warned  against  Lane  by 
Pemisapan,  252,  253;  reported  to 
have  entered  into  confederacy 
against  English,  252;  retire  from 
towns,  253 ; reported  to  have  traffic 
with  natives  of  Chaunis  Temoatan, 
254;  said  to  have  much  copper,  255; 
Skiko  a prisoner  among,  255; 
Lane’s  desire  to  find,  254,  255; 
mentioned,  258;  Indians  report 
part  of  Lane’s  company  killed  by, 
260;  feared  by  other  Indians,  260, 
261. 

Manida,  see  Maneddo. 

Manteo,  brought  to  England,  241; 
return,  241  n.;  made  lord  of  Roa- 
noke and  Dasamonguepeuk,  241  n., 
293;  warns  Lane  of  Indian  attack, 
256;  on  exploring  expedition,  260; 
mentioned,  267,  300,  318;  goes  to 
Croatoan,  289;  calls  to  countrymen, 
289;  accompanies  White  as  guide 
in  expedition  against  Wingina’s 
men,  292. 

Marchant  Royal,  at  Flores,  322. 

Margarita,  Hawkins  at,  139. 

Margaulx,  5 ; Cartier’ s name  for  birds 
seen  at  Island  of  Birds,  6. 

Marie,  William,  37. 

Martasew,  Governor  John  White  lands 
at,  297. 

Martha’s  Vineyard,  332  n.,  346  n. 

Martires,  312;  same  as  the  Florida 
Keys,  312  n. 

Martyr,  Peter,  see  Anghiera,  Pietro 
Martire  d’. 

Mary  and  John,  despatched  to 
Maine  coast  with  colonists,  397 ; 


James  Davies  probably  the  naviga- 
tor of,  398;  Raleigh  Gilbert  captain 
of,  399;  arrived  in  Pentecost  har- 
bor only  about  twelve  hours  before 
the  Gift,  406  n. ; in  great  danger  from 
storm,  409;  finds  anchorage  be- 
tween two  islands,  409;  anchored 
near  Seguin  Island,  410;  towed 
into  river  of  Sagadahoc,  410;  un- 
loads provisions,  413;  despatched 
to  England,  418. 

Mary  Rose,  comes  to  Flores  to  await 
Spanish  fleet,  322;  anchors  at 
Fayal,  322. 

Mary  Stuart,  queen  of  the  Scots,  de- 
ceived by  Hawkins,  135. 

Mascomenge,  Indian  town,  248,  248  n. 

Massachusetts  Bay,  330  n. 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Pro- 
ceedings of,  398. 

Matanzas,  White  at,  312,  313. 

Mathew,  John,  death,  298. 

Matinicus  Island,  405  n. 

Mayflower,  in  Provincetown  Harbor, 
367  n.,  388  n. 

Maynarde,  Thomas,  manuscript  ac- 
count of  Drake’s  last  voyage, 
152. 

Meilleraye,  Sir  Charles  de  Mouy, 
Sieur  de,  4. 

Menatoan,  wife  of,  brought  to  Roa- 
noke, 292. 

Menatonon,  Indian  king,  237 ; taken 
prisoner  by  Lane,  248,  260;  well 
informed,  248;  gives  account  of 
neighboring  country  where  pearls 
abound,  249-250;  gives  pearls  to 
Lane,  249;  promises  to  provide 
guides  to  country  of  pearls,  250; 
report  of  river  of  Moratoc,  251; 
released  by  Lane,  252;  reported 
to  be  holding  assembly  of  Wero- 
ances,  252 ; promises  to  provide 
guides  to  conduct  Lane  to  Chaunis 
Temoatan,  255;  sends  pearl  to 
Lane,  261;  Lane  puts  trust  in,  264— 
265. 

Menendez,  Don  Pedro,  captured  French 
fort  in  Florida,  122  n. 

Mesa  de  Mariel,  Hawkins  seeks,  115 — 
1 16 ; Hawkins  reaches,  116. 

Messamott,  Indian  ruler,  403. 

Metackwem,  Indian  town,  248. 


440 


INDEX 


Mexico,  arrival  of  viceroy  of,  142. 
See  also  Enriquez,  Don  Martin. 

Mexico,  city  of,  140;  Hawkins  sends 
messenger  to,  141. 

Mexico,  Gulf  of,  Hawkins  lands  part  of 
his  men  on  shore  of,  146;  Amadas 
and  Barlowe  fear  currents  of,  227 ; 
head  of  river  of  Moratoc  thought 
to  be  near,  258. 

Meylleraye,  Lord  of,  see  Meilleraye, 
Sir  Charles  de  Mouy,  Sieur  de. 

Milford  Haven,  Pring  sails  from,  345. 

Minion,  ship  in  voyage  of  Hore,  106, 
107. 

Minion,  ship  of  Hawkins  on  third 
voyage,  137;  in  fight  with  Span- 
iards at  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  144-145. 

Miramichi,  17  n. 

Mogador,  island,  307. 

Moisie  River,  69  n. 

Mona,  Englishmen  burn  Spanish  house 
on,  309. 

Monhegan,  Waymouth  near,  362  n.; 
described,  363 ; Rosier’s  estimate 
of  size  of,  362,  366  n.;  called  by 
Waymouth  “St.  George,”  382  n., 
406  n. ; no  evidence  that  Waymouth 
set  up  cross  on,  382  n. 

Monkey,  ship,  297. 

Mont  Joli,  39  n. 

Mont  Royal,  58  n.;  named  by  Car- 
tier,  59,  63;  view  from  top  of,  63. 

Montreal,  origin  of  name  of,  58  n. 

Moonlight,  at  Cape  Tiburon,  311;  re- 
ports seeing  Spanish  ships  laden 
with  treasure  bound  for  Havana, 
312;  to  return  directly  to  England, 
320;  leaves  Flores  upon  arrival  of 
the  admiral,  321-322.  See  also 
Moonshine. 

Moonshine,  English  pinnace  off  Mo- 
rocco, 307;  in  the  open  sea,  313. 
See  also  Moonlight. 

Moratico,  river,  see  Moratoc,  river. 

Moratoc,  Indian  town,  251. 

Moratoc  Indians,  retire  from  towns, 
253. 

Moratoc,  river,  violence  of  current,  251 ; 
same  as  Roanoke  River,  251  n.; 
Lane  goes  up,  253-257 ; Lane  desires 
the  exploration  of,  258. 

Morgan,  Miles,  fate,  185. 

Mount  Aldworth,  347. 


Mount  St.  Genevieve,  40  n. 

Mount’s  Bay,  Hawkins  arrives  at,  147 ; 
White  lands  in,  297. 

Mouy,  Sir  Charles  de,  see  Meilleraye, 
Sir  Charles  de  Mouy,  Sieur  de. 

Mud  Islands,  404  n. 

Munster,  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  gov- 
ernor of,  177. 

Murres,  identity  with  Cartier’s  “Go- 
detz,”  6 n. 

Muscamunge,  see  Mascomenge. 

Mushkoniatawee  Bay,  40  n. 

Musketos  Bay,  White  and  his  colonists 
stop  at,  284-285. 

Nahanada,  see  Tahanedo. 

Nantucket,  332  n.;  tide-rips  off,  360 
n.;  Waymouth  near,  361  n. 

Narwhal,  45  n. 

Natashquan  Point,  29  n.,  39  n. 

Navassa,  island,  312  n. 

Negroes,  of  West  Africa,  captured  by 
Hawkins,  137-139;  used  poisoned 
arrows,  138  n.;  captured  from 
Spanish  ships  by  Captain  William 
Lane,  311. 

Neuse  River,  239. 

Newasiwac,  situation  of,  239  n. 

New  England,  first  English  settle- 
ment in,  327 ; Gosnold  aimed 
directly  for  coast  of,  327;  earliest 
English  book  relating  to,  328; 
French  fishing  vessels  came  to  coast 
of,  330  n. ; abundance  of  fish  on 
coast  of,  331  n. ; Pring’s  second 
voyage  to,  343;  Gosnold’s  return 
from,  355. 

New  France,  Cartier’s  first  relation  of, 
4-31;  language  of  natives,  30-31, 
86-88;  Cartier’s  second  voyage  to, 
37-88;  name  given  by  Cartier,  88; 
application  of  name,  91;  supposed 
by  Francis  I.  to  be  part  of  Asia,  91; 
Cartier’s  third  voyage  to,  93-102. 

New  Harbor,  377  n.,  407  n. 

Newfoundland,  Cartier  reaches,  4; 
description  of,  6-7;  Cartier  along 
northwestern  shore,  11  n. ; Cartier’s 
conjecture  of  passage  between  Cape 
Breton  Island  and,  14  n.;  men- 
tioned, 28;  Cartier  approaches,  29; 
Cartier  leaves,  30;  Cartier  arrives 
at,  on  second  voyage,  38;  men- 


INDEX 


441 


tioned,  80,  327,  399;  Cartier  touches 
at,  86  n. ; Roberval  viceroy  of,  91; 
Cartier  meets  Roberval,  at,  92; 
Cartier  at,  on  third  voyage,  95; 
Hore  in,  107-110;  fishing  vessels 
at,  109  n.,  131,  187  n„  194,  195  n., 
196-198,  330  n.;  icebergs  near, 
110  n. ; Hawkins  fishes  off,  131; 
French  ships  at,  131;  and  the 
Cabots,  180;  Gilbert  decides  to 
head  for,  188,  190;  Gilbert’s  ships 
meet  at,  193,  195,  196;  Basque 
fishermen  at,  195  n. ; Gilbert  at, 
195-207 ; Gilbert’s  men  made  maps 
of,  200;  described,  200-206;  cli- 
mate, 201-202;  products,  203-206; 
supposed  existence  of  silver  in,  205, 
216,  217;  survivors  of  wreck  of 
Delight  reach,  213;  fishing  off  New 
England  coast  compared  with  that 
of,  331,  345,  391,  401. 

Newsiok,  see  Newasiwac. 

No  Man’s  Land,  island,  332  n. 

Nomopana,  river,  237 ; same  as  the 
Chowan,  237  n. 

N onpareilia,  comes  to  Flores  to  await 
Spanish  fleet,  322. 

Normandy,  some  of  Roberval’s  sup- 
plies to  be  procured  in,  94. 

North  Cape,  40  n. 

North  Carolina,  Amadas  and  Barlowe 
along  coast  of,  228;  changes  in 
coast  of,  228  n. ; mentioned,  318  n. 

North  Haven,  345  n. 

“North  Land,”  probable  identity  of, 
330  n. 

North  Point,  14  n.,  16  n.,  27  n. 

Northwest  passage  to  East  Indies, 
and  the  Cabots,  105 ; Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert  desires  permission  to  search 
for,  177. 

Norumbega,  Roberval  called  lord  of, 
91. 

Nova  Hispania,  see  Mexico. 

Nova  Scotia,  107  n. 

Nueva  Espaiia,  see  Mexico. 

Nugent,  Irishman  with  Lane,  kills 
Pemisapan,  267. 

Occam,  235,  237;  probable  applica- 
tion of  name,  235  n.,  237  n. 

Ocracoke  Inlet,  247  n. 

Ohanoak,  Indian  town,  248. 


Ohaunoock,  248  n. 

Okisko,  Indian  king,  248;  announces 
intention  of  doing  homage  to  queen 
of  England,  261;  Indians  plan  to 
enlist,  against  English,  263;  refuses 
to  join  conspiracy,  265. 

Old  Fort,  8 n. 

Opossians,  visit  English  colonists,  248. 

Orenoque,  see  Orinoco. 

Organes,  312,  321. 

Orinoco  River,  discovery  of,  383. 

Osacan,  unfriendliness  to  English, 
262 ; mentioned,  267. 

Ottawa,  river,  63  n. 

Pacific  Ocean,  Drake  views,  151; 
crossed  by  Drake,  151. 

Padstow  Bay,  Hawkins  arrives  at, 
131. 

Painpont,  Martin  de,  accompanies 
Cartier  on  voyage  of  exploration,  99. 

Pamlico  River,  237  n. 

Pamlico  Sound,  229  n.,  235  n.;  Sir 
Richard  Grenville  crossed,  247  n. 

Panama,  Isthmus  of,  Drake  crosses, 
151. 

Pananuaioc,  see  Pomooik. 

Parkhurst,  Anthony,  in  voyage  of 
John  Hawkins,  1565,  132. 

Parkman,  Francis,  quoted,  372  n. 

Parmenius,  Stephen,  fate,  212. 

Pashipskoke,  see  Pejepscot. 

Pasquenoke,  Indian  town,  248. 

Passage  Island,  308  n. 

Passaquenoke,  see  Pasquenoke. 

Paul,  John,  mate  of  Golden  Hind, 
192  n. ; reckonings  of  course  from 
Cape  Race  to  Cape  Breton,  209. 

Pearl-fishing,  by  Spaniards,  127. 

Pearls,  found  in  mussels,  367. 

Peckham,  Sir  George,  furnished  aid 
to  Gilbert’s  expedition,  186. 

Pedro,  deserts  to  Spaniards  at  Porto 
Rico,  309. 

Pejepscot,  river,  Captain  Popham 
goes  to,  411. 

Pemaquid,  347  n.,  377  n.;  Captain 
Gilbert  lands  at,  407 ; Popham 
colonists  at,  408;  Indians  of,  408, 
413;  Captain  Gilbert  finds  Indians 
gone  from,  414. 

Pemisapan,  see  Wingina. 

Penguin  Island,  Hore  at,  107;  abun- 


442 


INDEX 


dance  of  birds  on,  107,  195;  sighted 
by  Gilbert’s  expedition,  195. 

Penobscot  Bay,  345  n. 

Penobscot  River,  attempt  to  identify 
great  river  discovered  by  Way- 
mouth  with,  370  n.;  Bashabes’  abode 
on,  373  n.,  380  n.,  405,  418;  men- 
tioned, 403  n.;  Skidwarres  and 
other  Indians  promise  to  accom- 
pany Gilbert  to,  413;  Captain  Gil- 
bert starts  for,  413;  Gilbert  fails 
to  find,  414;  Popham  promises  to 
go  to,  418. 

Pentecost  Harbor,  364 ; identified  with 
St.  George’s  Harbor,  364  n.;  Way- 
mouth  anchored  in,  364,  366;  Pop- 
ham  colonists  in,  367  n.,  406  n. ; 
appointed  as  rendezvous  for  Pop- 
ham’s  ships,  382  n. 

Pestilence  among  Cartier’s  men,  73-76; 
Cartier  finds  cure  for,  76-77. 

Petit  Val,  Raphael  du,  see  Du  Petit 
Val,  Raphael. 

Petman,  Nicholas,  in  expedition  of 
Amadas  and  Barlowe,  241. 

Philip  II.,  sends  Pedro  Menendez  to 
destroy  French  colonists  in  Florida, 
122  n.;  deceived  by  Hawkins,  135; 
mentioned,  139,  141,  286. 

Philippines,  Drake  goes  to,  151. 

Phillips,  Miles,  in  Hawkins’  s voyage  of 
1568,  146  n. ; narrative  of,  146  n. 

Piamacum,  Indian  king,  238;  at  war 
with  Wingina,  239;  hated  by  in- 
habitants of  Secotan,  239;  inhabit- 
ants of  Secotan  wish  Englishmen 
to  attack,  239. 

Pico,  island  of  Azores  group,  322, 
345  n. 

Picquemians,  reports  of,  79. 

Pilgrims,  in  Provincetown  Harbor, 
367  n.,  388  n. 

Pillage  Bay,  40  n. 

Pinar  del  Rio,  116  n. 

Pipes  of  Indians,  described,  333,  375. 

Piscataqua  River,  346  n. 

Plymouth,  England,  Hawkins  a native 
of,  113;  Hawkins  sails  from,  in  1564, 
114;  Hawkins  leaves,  on  third  voy- 
age, 137;  Drake  sails  from,  151; 
Drake  returns  to,  151;  White  at, 
282;  mentioned,  307,  323;  Popham 
colonists  sail  from,  399  n. 


Plymouth  Company,  survey,  414  n. 

Plymouth  Harbor,  Whitson’s  Bay 
identified  with,  347  n. 

Point  Miscou,  18  n. 

Point  Reyes,  155  n. 

Point  Rich,  11  n. 

Pointed  Cape,  10;  named,  11;  same 
as  Cow  Head,  11  n. 

Pomeiock,  see  Pomeiok. 

Pomeiok,  Indian  village,  237;  visited 
by  Grenville,  247  n. ; White  sends 
offer  of  friendship  to,  290;  no  reply 
received  from  message  to  natives  of, 
291. 

Pomeyooc,  see  Pomeiok. 

Pommeraye,  Charles  de,  37,  57. 

Pomooik,  238. 

Ponce  de  Leon,  Juan,  experience  with 
currents  off  Florida,  118  n. 

Pont  Briand,  Claudius  de,  37 ; accom- 
panies Cartier  to  Hochelaga,  57. 

Pooneno,  Indian  ruler,  237. 

Popham,  George,  in  expedition  to 
Maine  coast,  397 ; in  the  ship  Gift  of 
God,  399;  anchors  at  Flores,  400; 
leaves  Gilbert’s  ship,  401;  sailed 
towards  river  of  Pemaquid,  408; 
sends  shallop  to  help  other  boat  into 
river  of  Sagadahoc,  410;  sails  up 
the  river,  410;  starts  work  on  forti- 
fication, 411;  goes  in  shallop  to 
river  of  Pejepscot,  411;  entertained 
Bashabes’  brother  and  other  Ind- 
ians, 418;  takes  Indians  to  prayers, 
418;  died,  in  New  England,  419. 

Popham,  Sir  John,  sent  out  vessel  in 
command  of  Hanham,  358  n.,  397; 
received  two  of  Waymouth’s  Ind- 
ians, 394  n. ; joined  Gorges  in  send- 
ing out  colonists,  358  n.,  397 ; 
letters  sent  from  Popham  colony 
to,  418. 

Popham  colonists,  sent  out,  343;  an- 
chored in  Pentecost  Harbor,  367  n., 
382  n.,  406;  find  cross  which  they 
suppose  was  set  up  by  Waymouth, 
367  n.,  382  n.,  406;  no  mention  of 
anchorage  at  Monhegan  in  account 
of,  382  n.;  rendezvous  at  Pentecost 
Harbor  appointed  for,  382  n. ; Skico- 
waros  accompanied,  394  n.;  leave 
the  Lizard,  399;  date  of  departure, 
399  n. ; at  the  Azores,  399-401; 


INDEX 


443 


meet  Flemish  ships,  400-401;  ships 
of,  are  separated,  401;  voyage  of 
those  in  Gilbert’s  ship,  402-406; 
ships  of,  meet,  406;  hold  service 
on  St.  George’s  Island,  407;  sail 
towards  river  of  Pemaquid,  408; 
deserted  by  Skicowaros,  408 ; return 
to  ships  near  St.  George’ s Island,  408 ; 
set  sail  to  go  to  river  of  Sagadahoc, 
408 ; overshoot  the  place,  409 ; arrive 
in  river  of  Sagadahoc,  410;  make 
choice  of  place  for  settlement,  411; 
holds  sendees  and  read  patent,  411; 
work  upon  fortification,  411,  413, 
414;  plan  of  fort  of,  found  in  ar- 
chives at  Simancas,  411  n. ; visited 
by  Indians,  413 ; expedition  to  head 
of  river,  414r-417;  visited  by  Ba- 
shabes’  brother,  418;  send  back 
news  of  safe  arrival,  418 ; pass  winter 
of  extreme  cold,  419;  build  pinnace 
Virginia,  419;  obtained  fur  from 
Indians,  419;  gathered  sarsaparilla  : 
419;  reasons  for  return  of,  419; 
departure,  419. 

Port  Mariel,  115  n. 

Port  of  Balances,  7;  same  as  Baie 
Royal,  7 n. 

Port  of  Brest,  Cartier  enters,  8 ; a ship 
passes,  9;  Cartier  leaves,  10;  men- 
tioned, 11,  38. 

Port  of  Gutte,  7 ; now  Greenish  Harbor, 
7 n. 

Port  of  Islettes,  8 ; same  as  Bradore 
Bay,  8 n. ; Cartier  at,  9. 

Port  Rognoso,  Cartier  leaves  boat,  at 

86. 

Port  St.  Julian,  Drake  at,  151. 

Porto  Rico,  see  San  Juan  de  Puerto 
Rico. 

Portsmouth,  England,  Lane  arrives 
in,  271;  White  sails  from,  282; 
mentioned,  297. 

Portsmouth,  Virginia,  235  n. 

Portuguese  fishing  vessels  off  New- 
foundland, 194. 

Portus  Novae  Albionis,  155  n. 

Poulet,  John,  with  Cartier  on  second 
voyage,  37;  accompanies  Cartier  to 
Hochelaga,  57 ; goes  to  visit  Donna- 
cona,  78;  reports  to  Cartier  results 
of  embassy,  79. 

Powdawe,  392. 


Powhatan,  and  Roanoke  colonists, 
230  n.,  304. 

Powlet,  John,  see  Poulet,  John. 

Powwow  ceremonies,  374. 

Pretty,  Francis,  narrative  of  Drake’s 
voyage  of  circumnavigation,  151. 

Pridiox,  Mr.,  sent  to  Hatorask,  264. 

Prince,  George,  356,  370  n. 

Pring,  Martin,  voyage,  341-352 ; placed 
in  command  of  expedition  to  Amer- 
ican coast,  343;  accompanied  by 
two  of  Gosnold’s  men,  343;  voyage 
to  Guiana,  343;  later  voyage  to 
New  England  coast,  343,  358  n.,  397; 
in  East  India  service,  343-344;  in 
command  of  whole  English  East 
India  squadron,  344;  return  to 
England,  344;  death,  344;  a bio- 
graphical account  of,  mentioned, 
344;  sets  out  from  Milford  Haven, 
345;  outward  voyage,  345;  arrives 
on  coast,  345;  goes  up  river,  346; 
finds  no  people,  346;  at  Whitson’s 
Bay,  346-351;  reason  for  northerly 
course,  351;  arrival  at  Kingrode, 
352;  mentioned,  394  n.,  407  n. 

Pring,  Martin,  narrative  of  voyage  of 
1603,  editions  of,  344. 

Provincetown  Harbor,  the  Pilgrims 
in,  367  n.,  388  n. 

Pungo  River,  290  n. 

Quebec,  47  n.,  54  n. 

Quiden,  see  Aquiden. 

Quirpon,  6 n. 

Ragged  Island,  405  n. 

Rainbow,  322;  at  the  Azores,  322. 

Ralegh,  Sir  Walter,  in  first  expedition 
of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  177,  225; 
and  Gilbert’s  second  expedition,  192, 
193,  225;  military  services,  225; 
fits  out  expedition,  225 ; and  Hak- 
luyt’s “discourse,”  226;  mentioned, 
227,  286;  sends  out  ships  with  colo- 
nists, 230  n.;  Manteo  rewarded  by 
order  of,  241  n.,  293;  preparations 
for  sending  Lane  and  his  companions, 
245;  supplies  failed  to  arrive  from, 
257,  258;  Indian  king  proposes  to 
do  homage  to,  261;  sends  supplies 
to  Roanoke  in  1586,  275-277 ; grants 
privileges  to  John  White  and  others 


444 


INDEX 


for  planting  colony  in  Virginia,  281, 
282;  directed  that  White’s  settle- 
ment be  made  at  Chesapeake  Bay, 
281,  287 ; attempts  to  send  relief 
to  Roanoke  Island  colonists  who 
went  in  White’s  expedition,  303- 
305;  and  voyage  of  Gosnold  and 
Gilbert,  327;  Brereton’s  Relation 
addressed  to,  329;  permission  for 
Pring’s  voyage  obtained  from,  343; 
voyage  to  Guiana,  383. 

Raleigh,  one  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert’ s 
ships,  192;  abandons  expedition, 
193;  arrival  at  Plymouth,  193. 

Ramusio,  N avigationi,  3,  35,  36. 

Raonoak,  see  Roanoke. 

Rastall,  Mr.,  accompanies  Hore,  106; 
entertained  by  Sir  Thomas  Luttrell, 
110. 

Ratcliffe,  Waymouth’s  expedition  sails 
from,  359. 

Redclyffe,  Cartier’s  fort  near,  98  n. 

Relation  of  a Voyage  to  Sagadahoc, 
395-415;  discovery  of  manuscript, 
397;  editions,  397-398;  possible 
authorship  of,  398,  405  n. ; manu- 
script used  by  Strachey  before  it 
was  mutilated,  398;  manuscript 
came  into  hands  of  William  Griffith, 
399,  399  n. 

Renapoaks,  Indians  report  part  of 
Lane’s  company  killed  by,  260. 

Renewse,  190  n. 

Revenge,  Sir  Richard  Grenville  in  the, 
245. 

Ribault,  Jean,  on  coast  of  South 
Carolina,  122  n.;  in  Florida, 
122  n. 

Richelieu  River,  72  n. 

Richmond  Bay,  16  n. 

Richmond’s  Island,  412  n. 

Ridley,  Mr.,  accompanies  Hore,  106. 

Rio  de  la  Hacha,  resistance  of  treasurer 
of,  to  Hawkins,  139;  inhabitants 
of,  trade  secretly,  140. 

Rio  de  Puercos,  116,  312. 

Rio  Grande,  in  Africa,  Hawkins  at, 
138. 

River  of  Boats,  15;  Cartier  enters,  16; 
identified  with  the  Narrows  in  Rich- 
mond Bay,  16  n. 

River  of  May,  French  colony  in,  120; 
same  as  St.  John  River,  120  n.; 


French  ship  seen  by  Hawkins  in, 
122. 

Roanoke  Island,  159  n.,  230  n.,  239; 
Barlowe  visits  Indian  village  on, 
235-236;  praised,  240;  Manteo 
made  lord  of,  241,  293;  colonists  at, 
247  n.;  mentioned,  248,  262  n., 
visited  by  Drake,  249  n.,  268-271, 
276-277;  Indians  reported  to  be 
preparing  to  attack,  252,  265 ; Lane 
and  his  party  return  to,  257 ; Okisko 
sends  men  to,  261;  plan  of  Indians 
to  attack,  263;  Indians  assemble 
at,  266;  Grenville  lands  men  on, 
278;  White  to  relieve  men  left  in 
1586  at,  281 ; White  arrives  at,  287 ; 
remains  of  early  English  coloniza- 
tion on,  288  n. ; natives  of  Croatoan 
promise  to  bring  other  Indian  rulers 
to,  290;  Englishmen  left  in  1586 
forced  to  leave,  291,  292;  White’s 
departure  from,  295;  Ralegh’s  at- 
tempts to  send  relief  to,  303-305; 
colonists  believed  to  have  gone  to 
Croatoan  from,  303,  318;  smoke 
seen  at,  314-315;  White  finds  re- 
mains of  settlement  at,  317-318. 

Roanoke  River,  251  n. 

Roberval,  Jean  Francois  de  la  Rocque 
de,  letters  patent,  91;  to  establish 
colony  in  New  France,  91;  located 
colony  at  Charlesbourg  Royal,  92; 
sent  to  France  for  supplies,  92;  ex- 
plored Saguenay,  92 ; return  to 
France,  92;  appointed  “ Lieutenant 
and  Governour  of  Canada  and  Ho- 
chelaga,”  93;  preparations  for  expe- 
dition, 94;  sent  Cartier  ahead,  94; 
Cartier  waited  for,  95;  date  of 
Cartier’s  meeting  with,  95  n.;  men- 
tioned, 97. 

Rochelle,  9. 

Rocky  Bay,  9 n. 

Rocquemado,  73. 

Rogneux,  see  Renewse. 

Rognoso,  see  Port  Rognoso. 

Rose  and  Crown  Shoal,  361  n. 

Rosier,  James,  355;  reasons  for  pub- 
lishing narrative  of  Waymouth’s 
voyage,  357-358;  reasons  for  omit- 
ting details  about  latitude  and  lan- 
guage of  natives,  358;  departure, 
359;  near  Azores,  360;  among 


INDEX 


445 


shoals,  360-361 ; at  anchor  off  Mon- 
hegan,  362;  at  islands  near  main- 
land, 363 ; estimates  of  distance, 
363  n. ; comes  to  good  harbor,  364; 
communicates  with  Indians,  368; 
offers  to  trade  with  Indians,  369; 
trades  with  Indians  for  skins,  371; 
writes  down  Indian  names  for  things, 
371;  tries  Indian  bow  and  arrow, 
372;  gives  presents  to  Indian  chil- 
dren, 373;  signs  to  Indians  to  leave 
vicinity  of  ship,  375;  Indians  give 
tobacco  to,  375 ; trades  with  Indians, 
376;  Waymouth  plans  to  send 
ashore,  377;  helps  capture  Indians, 
378-379;  praises  river  found  by 
Waymouth,  381-384,  386-387 ; sums 
up  what  has  been  accomplished  on 
voyage,  388;  found  climate  health- 
ful, 389;  return  voyage,  390-391; 
observations  made  of  Indians,  391- 
392;  quoted,  407  n. 

Rosier,  James,  True  Relation  of  Way- 
mouth’s  Voyage,  1605,  editions,  356. 

Rosse  Bay,  see  Roxo  Bay. 

Rouen,  Roberval  decides  to  go  to,  94. 

Rougemont,  Philip,  73;  death,  74. 

Round  Islands,  the,  Cartier  approaches, 
42. 

Roxo  Bay,  285  n. 

Sabenoa,  calls  himself  lord  of  the  river 
of  Sagadahoc,  415;  taken  into 
Captain  Gilbert’s  boat,  415;  ac- 
companies Gilbert  to  houses  of 
Indians,  416. 

Sable  Island,  208  n.,  401  n. 

Sable  Island  Bank,  401  n. 

Sablon,  island  of,  see  Sable  Island. 

Sachadehoc,  see  Sagadahoc. 

Saco  River,  346  n. 

Saffacomoit,  brought  to  England  by 
Waymouth,  394;  recovered  from 
Spaniards,  394  n. 

Sagadahoc,  river  of,  405;  same  as 
Kennebec,  405  n. ; Popham  colo- 
nists seek,  408,  409;  the  Gift  comes 
into,  409;  the  Mary  and  John 
towed  into,  410;  Popham  and  Gil- 
bert sail  up,  410;  found  to  be  broad 
and  deep,  410,  411;  place  for  settle- 
ment selected  near  mouth  of,  411; 
mentioned,  412;  canoes  come  to  en- 


trance of,  413 ; Captain  Gilbert  leaves 
fort  to  go  for  head  of,  414;  Sabenoa 
calls  himself  lord  of,  415;  cross  set 
up  near  head  of,  417 ; news  sent  to 
England  from,  418;  colonists  leave, 
419. 

Saguenay,  beginning  of  the  way  to,  41, 
71-72;  mentioned,  63,  66,  69,  99; 
copper  of,  41,  64,  72,  79;  Indians 
of,  60,  72;  described  by  Donnacona, 
72,  79;  reported  wealth  of,  79,  93; 
Donnacona  to  describe,  in  France, 
82;  Roberval  viceroy  of,  91; 
Roberval  and  Cartier  to  explore, 
93;  Cartier  seeks,  100-101. 

Saguenay  River,  Cartier  in,  44  ; re- 
ports of,  71;  mentioned,  84. 

St.  Antony’s  Port,  named,  9;  same  as 
Rocky  Bay,  9 n. 

St.  Augustine,  249  n.,  276. 

St.  Charles  River,  47  n. 

St.  Christopher’s,  308. 

St.  Croix,  harbor  of,  Cartier  in,  on  sec- 
ond voyage  47,  48;  Cartier  returns 
to,  64,  65;  mentioned,  70,  92;  Car- 
tier’s  sufferings  in,  75,  91;  Cartier 
leaves,  84;  Cartier  arrives  at,  on 
third  voyage,  95;  Cartier  greeted 
by  natives  at,  95-96. 

St.  Croix,  one  of  Virgin  Islands,  283, 
284,  310. 

St.  George’s  Harbor,  364  n.,  379  n., 
381  n.,  389  n.  See  also  Pentecost 
Harbor. 

St.  George’s  Island,  name  given  by 
Waymouth  to  Monhegan,  382  n., 
406  n. ; name  given  by  Popham 
colonists  to  island  where  they  found 
Waymouth’s  cross,  406,  406  n.; 
ships  anchored  at,  407,  408;  ser- 
vices held  by  colonists  on,  407. 

St.  George’s  Islands,  363  n.,  382  n., 
406  n.;  products,  366. 

St.  George’s  River,  “ great  river,”  dis- 
covered by  Waymouth  identified 
with,  370  n.,  mentioned,  381  n., 
384  n.,  385  n. 

St.  Germans,  in  Porto  Rico,  White 
wishes  to  stop  at,  285. 

St.  German’s  Islands,  39;  same  as 
Cape  Whittle  Islands,  39  n. 

St.  Ives,  arrival  of  Hore’s  expedition 
at,  110. 


446 


INDEX 


St.  James  River,  Cartier  in,  9. 

St.  John,  cape  of,  27. 

St.  John  de  Luz,  331. 

St.  John  River,  French  settlement  on, 
120,  122-128,  131;  Hawkins  in, 
122-131. 

St.  John’s,  Newfoundland,  95  n.; 
Gilbert’s  expedition  reaches,  196; 
fishing  vessels  in,  197-198;  Gilbert 
takes  possession  of,  199 ; Gilbert 
makes  grants  of  land  on,  200 ; Gil- 
bert departs  from,  207;  mentioned, 
208,  217. 

St.  John’ s Islets,  43;  same  as  Bic  Islands, 
43  n. 

St.  Katherine’s  Haven,  4. 

St.  Katherine’s  Island,  named,  7. 

St.  Lawrence’s  Bay,  named,  40;  same 
as  Pillage  Bay,  40  n. ; mentioned,  42. 

St.  Lawrence,  Gulf  of,  5 n.,  30  n.,  201, 
214. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  26  n.,  27  n. ; same 
as  river  of  Hochelaga,  41  n.;  men- 
tioned, 185  n.,  201. 

St.  Lunario’s  Bay,  named,  17. 

St.-Malo,  Cartier  sails  from,  3,  4;  Car- 
tier  returns  to,  30;  Cartier  and  his 
men  receive  sacrament  at,  37 ; men- 
tioned, 80  n.,  92;  return  of  Cartier 
to,  86;  Cartier’s  departure  from, 
on  third  voyage,  91,  94;  ships  sent 
back  to,  97. 

St.  Margaret  River,  69  n. 

St.  Marie,  one  of  the  Azores,  Gosnold 
and  Gilbert  near,  329. 

St.  Martha’s  Islands,  39. 

St.  Martin’s  Creek,  18;  named,  19; 
Cartier’s  ships  at  anchor  in,  20; 
Cartier  leaves,  22. 

St.  Maurice  River,  64  n. 

St.  Michael’s  Mount,  297. 

St.  Nicholas  Haven,  named,  40;  same 
as  Mushkoniatawee  Bay,  40  n. 

St.  Paul’s  Cape,  named,  85;  same  as 
Cheticamp,  85  n. 

St.  Pierre,  86  n. 

St.  Peter’s  Cape,  named,  15;  same  as 
Deadman’s  Island,  15  n. 

St.  Peter’s  Islands,  Cartier  at,  86;  same 
as  St.  Pierre,  86  n. 

St.  Peter’s  Lake,  55  n. 

St.  Peter’s  Strait,  Cartier  in,  28. 

St.  Servans,  port,  9. 


St.  Spiritus  Port,  86;  same  as  Le  Poil 
Bay,  86  n. 

St.  Williams  Islands,  38. 

Salcombe,  399  n. 

Salobert,  Mace,  see  Jalobert,  Marc. 

Salomon,  ship  of  Hawkins,  114;  men- 
tioned, 117;  near  shore  of  Florida. 
118;  joins  the  Jesus  of  Lubec,  119. 

Salterne,  Robert,  in  Pring’s  expedi- 
tion, 343,  350. 

San  Francisco,  155  n. 

San  Francisco  Bay,  attempt  to  identify 
Drake’s  “ convenient  and  fit  har- 
borough  ” with,  155  n. 

San  Juan  de  Puerto  Rico,  136;  White 
lands  at,  284  ; White  along  coast  of, 
285;  mentioned,  286,  308,  309,  319, 
320. 

San  Juan  de  Ulua,  Hawkins  enters 
port  of,  140;  thirteen  ships  enter, 
141;  described,  141-142;  Haw- 
kins obtains  promise  of  possession 
of,  during  his  stay,  143;  ordnance 
of,  directed  against  Hawkins,  144; 
Drake  at,  151;  mentioned,  313. 

Sankaty  Head,  361  n. 

Santa  Cruz,  town  on  Flores,  Captain 
Popham  anchored  at,  400. 

Santa  Cruz,  see  St.  Croix. 

Santa  Cruz,  in  Morocco,  307. 

Santo  Domingo,  city,  ship  from,  seizes 
some  of  French  from  Florida,  123; 
Drake  at,  249  n.,  276;  mentioned, 
309,  310,  311,  321. 

Santos,  Los,  308. 

Sao  Jorge,  island  of  Azores  group, 
322  n.,  323. 

Sao  Miguel,  island  of  Azores  group, 
322  n.,  323. 

Saona,  309 ; ship  John  ordered  to 
remain  near,  310. 

Sasanoa,  Indian  sachem,  403,  411. 

Sasanoa  River,  Gilbert  seeks,  417. 

Sassafras,  76,  257,  351 ; fall  in  price  of, 
in  London  market,  327 ; abundant 
in  Cuttyhunk,  334-335;  Indians 
help  English  cut  and  carry,  338; 
not  found  near  Whitson’s  Bay,  346, 
347 ; the  Discoverer  loaded  with, 
350. 

Sault  de  St.  Louis,  Cartier  seeks,  100  n. 

“Savage  Rock,”  probable  identity  of, 
330  n. ; Pring  goes  to,  346. 


INDEX 


447 


Schooner  Island,  7 n. 

Scilly  Islands,  190,  391. 

Scitadin,  Indian  village,  70,  80. 

Scranton,  N.C.,  290  n. 

Seal  Island,  404  n.,  405  n.,  409  n. 

Secotan,  Indian  village,  wreck  of 
white  people  near,  237-238;  in- 
habitants of,  238,  239,  290,  291; 
mentioned,  247;  visited  by  Gren- 
ville, 247  n. 

Seguin  Island,  409,  410. 

Semeamis,  a headland,  described,  412. 

Sequotan,  see  Secotan. 

Seven  Islands,  the,  42  n. 

Severn  River,  John  White  in  the,  297; 
mentioned,  387. 

Seymour,  Rev.  Richard,  407  n. 

Shakespeare,  William,  probable  use 
of  story  of  Gosnold’s  Elizabeth 
Isle  in  Tempest,  334  n. 

Shecatica  Bay,  9 n. 

Sheepscot  Bay,  417  n. 

Sidatin,  see  Scitadin. 

Sidney,  Sir  Henry,  177. 

Sierra  Leone,  138. 

Silver,  of  Florida  Indians,  126,  127; 
believed  by  Gilbert  to  exist  in  New- 
foundland, 205-206,  216-217. 

Skettwarroes,  see  Skicowaros. 

Skicoak,  Indian  village,  235;  location 
of,  235  n. ; Barlowe  hears  report  of, 
237. 

Skicowaros,  brought  to  England  by 
Waymouth,  394;  accompanied  Pop- 
ham  colonists,  394  n.,  406,  406  n.; 
leads  Captain  Gilbert  to  where 
Indians  are,  407 ; accompanies  Cap- 
tains Popham  and  Gilbert  ashore, 
408;  assures  Indians  that  colonists 
do  not  mean  to  hurt  them,  408; 
deserts  colonists,  408;  in  fight  with 
Sasanoa,  411 ; comes  to  see  Popham 
colonists,  413;  Captain  Gilbert  ac- 
companies, to  his  companions,  413; 
Gilbert  delayed  in  going  to  see,  414; 
accompanies  Bashabes’  brother  to 
fort,  418. 

Skidwarres,  see  Skicowaros. 

Skiko,  son  of  Indian  king,  Menatonon, 
held  captive  by  Lane,  250;  tells  of 
mineral  country,  255;  Menatonon 
sends  messenger  to  visit,  261;  re- 
ports conspiracy  of  Pemisapan,  265. 


Skinner,  Ralph,  poor  steering,  316; 
drowned,  316. 

Skyco,  see  Skiko. 

Slafter,  Carlos,  memoir  of  Sir  Hum- 
phrey Gilbert,  178. 

Slave-trade,  John  Hawkins  engaged 
in,  113,  135,  137—140;  no  intima- 
tion by  Hawkins  of  disgrace  attached 
to,  135;  forbidden  by  Spanish  king, 
139;  forbidden  by  governor  of 
Cartagena,  140. 

Smerwick,  297. 

Smith,  Thomas,  in  Governor  White’s 
colony,  298. 

Somers,  Sir  George,  419  n. 

South  Carolina,  Jean  Ribault  on  coast 
of,  122  n. 

Southampton,  England,  297  n. 

Southampton,  Earl  of,  patron  of  Gos- 
nold  in  voyage  to  New  England, 
334  n.;  and  Waymouth’ s voyage, 
355. 

Southwest  Cape,  15  n. 

Spain,  and  vessels  sent  by  Hawkins, 
113;  unsuccessful  attempts  in  Flor- 
ida, 119,  182;  war  in  the  Nether- 
lands, 177,  275;  the  Armada  of, 
152,  303,  352  n. 

Sparke,  John,  wrote  account  of  1565 
voyage  of  John  Hawkins,  113,  132; 
mentioned,  135. 

Sparks,  Jared,  356. 

Speedwell,  in  Pring’s  expedition,  343; 
duration  of  voyage,  352;  may  have 
been  vessel  which  was  with  Drake 
in  1587  and  1588,  352  n 

Spicer,  Edward,  in  White’s  expedition 
to  Virginia,  288;  arrives  at  Cape 
Tiburon,  311 ; joins  White  in  search 
for  Roanoke  colonists,  3 15 ; drowned, 
316. 

Squirrel,  in  Gilbert’s  voyage  of  1583, 
192;  separated  from  Gilbert’s  ship, 
193;  at  St.  John’s,  196;  Gilbert 
decides  to  go  in,  207;  reports  of 
strange  voices  heard  by  men  of,  210; 
escapes  from  shoals,  211;  crew  of,  de- 
sires to  return  home,  214;  endan- 
gered by  rough  sea,  215;  over- 
weighted, 217;  Gilbert  insists  on 
continuing  in,  218  ; wreck  of,  219. 

Stadacona,  described,  47 ; natives  of, 
46-54,  65-72,  75-83,  95-97;  Car- 


448 


INDEX 


tier  visits,  65-66;  location,  70; 
gathering  of  Indians  at,  102. 

Stafford,  Captain,  sent  to  Croatoan, 
264;  reports  arrival  of  fleet,  267; 
praised,  267 ; brings  letter  from 
Sir  Francis  Drake,  268;  goes  to 
Vieques,  284 ; mentioned,  287 ; goes 
to  Croatoan,  289 ; accompanies 
White  to  Dasamonguepeuk  to  take 
vengeance  on  Indians,  292. 

Starnatan,  Indian  town,  70. 

Stevens,  Henry,  258  n.,  281. 

Strachey,  William,  304;  used  manu- 
script of  Relation  oj  a Voyage  to  Saga- 
dahoc before  it  was  mutilated,  398; 
Historic  oj  Travaile  into  Virginia  Bri- 
tannia, 398 ; quoted,  411  n.,  415-419. 

Strait  of  Canso,  107  n. 

Strait  of  Northumberland,  supposed 
by  Cartier  to  be  a bay,  17  n. 

Straits  of  Magellan,  Drake  at,  151, 
229  n. ; mentioned,  229. 

Sutquin,  see  Seguin. 

Swallow,  ship  of  Hawkins,  114. 

Swallow,  in  Gilbert’s  voyage  of  1583, 
192;  separated  from  Gilbert’s  ship, 
193;  at  Newfoundland,  195;  orig- 
inally captured  from  pirates,  195; 
character  of  crew,  195,  196,  207 ; 
despoiled  fishing  vessel,  196;  Gil- 
bert decides  to  leave,  206. 

Swift-sure,  arrives  at  Flores,  322. 

Tahanedo,  Indian  sagamore,  brought 
to  England  by  Waymouth,  394; 
returned  with  Pring  in  1606,  394  n., 
407  n.;  called  by  Gorges  Dehamda, 
394  n.;  same  as  Nahanada,  407  n.; 
caused  Indians  to  lay  aside  bows  and 
arrows,  407 ; comes  forth  to  see 
colonists,  408 ; in  fight  with  Sasanoa, 
411;  visits  Popham  colonists,  413; 
Gilbert  delayed  in  coming  to,  414; 
accompanies  Bashabes’  brother  to 
fort,  418. 

Tahanock,  Indian  name  for  St. 
George’s  River,  370  n. 

Taignoagny,  captured  by  Cartier,  25, 
26  n.,  40,  41;  greeted  by  natives  of 
Isle  of  Orleans,  46;  talks  with  Don- 
nacona,  46;  refuses  to  return  to 
Cartier’s  ship,  48-49;  acts  as  inter- 
preter, 49,  50;  refuses  to  go  to  Ho- 


chelaga,  50 ; quarrels  with  Domagaia, 
51;  suspected  of  treachery,  51; 
in  device  to  prevent  Cartier  from 
going  to  Hochelaga,  52-54;  ex- 
changes visits  with  Cartier,  65; 
desires  baptism,  67;  pretends  to 
go  hunting,  77;  Poulet  visits,  78; 
refuses  Cartier’s  men  entrance  to 
his  house,  79;  wishes  Cartier  to 
capture  Agonna,  79,  80;  Cartier’s 
plan  to  recapture,  79;  promises  to 
bring  Donnacona  to  visit  Cartier, 
79,  80;  visits  Cartier,  81;  reported 
unfriendliness  of,  81,  100;  seized  by 
Cartier,  81. 

Tailla,  Indian  town,  70. 

Tanaquiny,  unfriendly  to  English,  262. 

Tancook  Island,  402  n. 

Tarentyn  Indians,  403. 

Tarraquine,  appointed  to  kill  Lane,  263. 

Tasquantam,  captured  by  Thomas 
Hunt,  394  n. 

Tavistock,  England,  151. 

Teguenondahi  Indians,  70. 

Terceira,  296  n.,  399  n. 

Tetepano,  accompanies  Lane  on  ex- 
ploring expedition,  260. 

Thames  River,  value  to  England,  381, 
383. 

Thayer,  Henry  O.,  edited  The  Sagada- 
hoc Colony,  398;  quoted,  402  n. 

Thomaston,  Me.,  384  n.;  westward 
trend  of  St.  George’s  River  at, 
385  n.  ; memorial  tablet  in  recogni- 
tion of  tercentenary  of  Waymouth’ s 
voyage  unveiled  at,  385  n. 

Thornton,  John  Wingate,  336  n. 

Tiennot,  29. 

Tiger,  ship  of  Hawkins,  114. 

Tobacco,  use  by  Indians  of  Stadacona, 
68;  use  by  Florida  Indians,  125- 
126;  introduction  into  England, 
125  n.,  159  n.;  probably  unknown 
to  Drake  when  in  California,  159  n.; 
mentioned,  292,  347,  348,  349,  372, 
394;  given  to  Gosnold  and  Gilbert 
by  Indians,  333;  term  “drinking” 
in  connection  with,  333  n. ; brought 
by  Indians  to  Waymouth,  373,  375; 
Bashabes  reported  to  have  much, 
375;  Indians  say  that  on  the  main- 
land they  have,  376;  Bashabes  offers 
to  exchange,  381,  385. 


INDEX 


449 


Topsham,  England,  Captain  Davies 
sails  from,  419. 

Tortoises,  at  Island  of  Filberts,  45; 
at  the  Tortugas,  115;  at  St.  Croix, 
283;  on  Cuttyhunk,  335. 

Tortugas,  Hawkins  at,  115. 

Toudamani  Indians,  65. 

Treble  Hill,  38  n. 

Trepassa,  bay,  208. 

Trinidad,  320. 

Trinitie,  ship  of  Hore,  106,  107. 

Trinity  Bay,  4 n. 

Tripanicks,  visit  English  colonists, 
248. 

Trout  River,  Cartier  enters,  42  n. 

Tueke,  Mr.,  accompanies  Hore,  106. 

Tuckfield,  Mr.,  accompanies  Hore, 
106. 

Turk’s  Island,  286  n. 

Tutonaguy,  Indian  town,  100. 

Twide,  Richard,  in  Hawkins’s  expedi- 
tion of  1568,  146  n. 

Union  Mountains,  363  n.,  384  n. 

Ushant,  323. 

Vardohuus,  158  n. 

Vaux,  W.  S.  W.,  editor  The  World  En- 
compassed by  Sir  Francis  Drake,  152. 

Venezuela,  139  n. 

Verrazano,  Giovanni  de,  voyage,  3. 

Vieques,  284  n.,  286  n. 

Vigo,  Hawkins  at,  147. 

Vimeux,  91. 

Vinalhaven,  345  n. 

Virgin  Islands,  283  n.,  308,  309,  310  n. 

Virginia,  discovery  of  a part  of,  by 
Amadas  and  Barlowe,  227-241; 
named,  230,  230  n.-231  n.;  Lane’s 
colonists  in,  242-271;  described  by 
Lane,  246-259 ; the  third  voyage  to, 
276-278;  voyage  of  White  and  his 
company  to,  281-300;  first  Chris- 
tian born  in,  293;  White’s  last 
voyage  to,  305-323;  voyage  of 
Gosnold  and  Gilbert  to  north  part 
of,  325-340 ; voyage  of  Pring  to  the 
north  part  of,  345-352;  Way- 
mouth’s  voyage  to  the  north  part  of, 
357-394;  voyage  of  Popham  colo- 
nists to  north  part  of,  399-419. 

Virginia,  pinnace  built  by  Popham 
colonists,  411,  419;  sets  sail  for 

2 o 


England,  419;  in  fleet  that  sailed  for 
Virginia,  419  n. 

Virginia  Company,  281. 

Wade,  Armigil,  accompanies  Hore,  106. 

Wade,  William,  107. 

Wampum,  manner  of  obtaining,  60; 
presented  to  Cartier,  82,  83,  84,  96. 

Wanchese,  brought  to  England  by 
Amadas  and  Barlowe,  241;  un- 
friendly to  English,  262,  290  n.; 
kept  company  with  remnants  of 
Wingina’s  men,  290. 

Wattes,  John,  vessels  of,  bound  for 
West  Indies,  303,  305. 

Wayman,  George,  see  Waymouth, 
George. 

Waymouth,  George,  early  life,  355; 
“The  Jewell  of  Artes,”  355;  voyage 
in  search  of  a northwest  passage  to 
India,  355;  voyage  of  1605,  355, 
357-394;  failed  to  obtain  advance- 
ment, 355;  sights  Azores,  360; 
observes  latitude,  360 ; takes  sound- 
ing, 361;  desire  to  come  upon  the 
land  in  the  daytime,  361;  sends 
boat  ahead,  361;  near  Monhegan, 
362  n.;  name  of  vessel  of,  363  n.; 
sends  boat  to  sound  among  islands, 
364;  goes  ashore  on  Allen’s  Island, 
364  n.;  industry  of,  365;  cross  set 
up  by,  367 ; departs  in  shallop,  367 ; 
return  to  ship,  369;  discovery  of  a 
“ great  river,”  370,388;  goes  ashore 
to  have  draught  with  seine,  371; 
shows  loadstone  to  Indians,  371- 
372;  entertains  Indians  at  supper, 
372;  called  by  Indians  “Bashabes,” 
373 ; has  Indians  spend  night  aboard 
ship,  374;  Indians  give  tobacco  to, 
375;  liberal  to  Indians,  376;  goes 
in  boat  to  mainland  with  Indians, 
376;  sends  Owen  Griffin  ashore  to 
see  what  Indians  have  to  trade,  377; 
takes  Indians  captive,  378-379; 
coasts  about  adjoining  islands,  379; 
makes  trial  of  the  fishing,  380; 
passes  up  the  river,  381,  383,  385; 
named  his  landfall  St.  George,  382, 
382  n.;  knowledge  derived  from 
early  travels,  382;  praises  harbors 
along  coast,  382 ; not  known  to  have 
set  up  a cross  on  Monhegan,  382  n; 


450 


INDEX 


Popham  colonists  found  cross  set  up 
by,  382  n.,  406;  explores  on  land. 
384-385;  set  up  cross  on  shore 
of  river,  386;  decides  to  return, 
387,  388;  purpose  of  voyage,  388; 
takes  soundings  at  mouth  and  ap- 
proach to  river,  389;  intended  to 
publish  map,  389;  departure,  389- 
390;  comes  on  a fish  bank,  390; 
mentioned,  394  n.,  407  n. 

Weapemeoc,  Indian  town,  248;  Pemi- 
sapan  sends  messengers  to,  265; 
some  of  the  natives  of,  join  com- 
spiracy,  265,  266. 

Weapemeoc,  king  of,  see  Okisko. 

Weapomeiok,  see  Weapemeoc. 

Weapomeiok  Sound,  251,  253;  same 
as  Albemarle  Sound,  251  n. 

Webster,  Noah,  336  n. 

Weopomiok,  king  of,  see  Okisko. 

West  Indies,  slaves  brought  by  Haw- 
kins to,  113;  mentioned,  114,  303, 
305,  327;  expedition  of  Drake 
against,  136;  and  third  voyage  of 
Hawkins,  137,  138,  139;  discovery, 
182;  Amadas  and  Barlowe  at,  227- 
228. 

White,  John,  and  cartography  of 
Ralegh  voyages,  229,  235  n.,  237  n., 
239  n.,  246  n.,  247  n.,  248  n. 

White,  Governor  John,  voyage  to 
Virginia,  279-300;  granted  privi- 
leges for  planting  a colony  in  Vir- 
ginia, 281,  282;  to  bring  relief 
to  men  left  by  Grenville,  281;  to 
seek  new  location  for  colony  on 
shores  of  Chesapeake  Bay,  281,  287; 
journal  of  voyage  of  1587,  279-300; 
departure,  282;  near  Dominica, 
283;  at  St.  Croix,  283-284;  at 
anchor  at  Cottea,  284;  at  San  Juan, 
284—285;  hindered  from  landing  on 
Hispaniola,  286;  at  Caycos,  286- 
287;  approaches  Virginia,  287; 
in  danger  off  Cape  Fear,  287 ; ar- 
rival at  Hatorask,  287;  hindered 
from  going  to  Chesapeake  Bay,  287 ; 
goes  to  Roanoke,  287 ; searches  for 
men  left  by  Grenville,  288;  orders 
men  to  prepare  houses,  288;  enter- 
tained by  natives  of  Croatoan,  289; 
hears  account  of  Indian  attack  on 
men  left  by  Grenville,  290-291; 


proposes  to  avenge  attack,  292; 
controversy  with  his  company, 
293;  urged  to  go  to  England  for 
supplies,  294—295;  sets  sail  for  Eng- 
land, 295;  near  Azores,  296;  en- 
counters storm,  296;  return  to 
England,  297 ; mentioned,  298; 
unsuccessful  attempt  in  1588,  303; 
last  voyage  to  American  coast,  303- 
323 ; takes  passage  in  vessels  bound 
for  West  Indies,  303,  305;  misfor- 
tunes of  voyage,  306;  sets  sail, 
307 ; along  African  coast,  307 ; at 
Canaries,  308;  at  Dominica,  308; 
at  Blanca,  308;  at  San  Juan,  309; 
on  Mona,  309;  at  Saona,  309;  at 
Cape  Tiburon,  310-311;  near  Cuba, 
312;  along  coast  of  Florida,  313; 
on  island  west  of  Wocokon,  314; 
at  anchor  at  northeast  end  of 
Croatoan,  314;  at  Hatorask,  314; 
encouraged  by  seeing  smoke  at 
Roanoke,  314-315;  search  for  colo- 
nists, 315-319;  believes  colonists 
to  have  gone  to  Croatoan,  317- 
319;  plans  to  go  to  Croatoan,  319; 
obtains  promise  that  he  will  be 
brought  back  to  Virginia,  320;  de- 
parture, 320;  at  Flores,  321-322; 
arrival,  323. 

White  Head,  22  n. 

White  Mountains,  363  n.,  384  n. 

White  Sands,  7;  described,  8,  10; 
inhabitants  of,  10;  Cartier  returns 
to,  29-30;  Cartier  comes  to,  on 
second  voyage,  38. 

Whitson,  John,  bay  named  for,  346. 

Whitson’s  Bay,  346;  probable  iden- 
tity, 346  n.-347  n.;  Pring  leaves, 
351. 

Wild  Men’s  Cape,  15;  named,  16; 
same  as  North  Point,  16  n. ; native 
seen  at,  16. 

Williams,  Talcott,  235  n.,  288  n. 

Windward  Passage,  312  n. 

Wingandacoa,  mistaken  for  name  of 
country  of  Wingina,  230,  237, 

277  n. 

Wingina,  Indian  king,  comes  to  see 
Amadas  and  Barlowe,  230-231; 
Pooneno  not  subject  to,  237 ; con- 
spiracy of,  246,  259—267 ; changed 
name  to  Pemisapan,  252;  treachery 


INDEX 


451 


of,  252;  desire  to  starve  English, 
259;  hears  report  that  Lane  has 
suffered  at  hands  of  Chaonists  and 
Mangoaks,  260;  contemptuous  de- 
meanor towards  English,  260;  effect 
of  Lane’s  return  on,  260-261;  says 
pearl  sent  by  Menatonon  is  for 
ransom  of  son,  261;  persuaded  by 
Ensenore  to  order  ground  sown, 
262;  to  kill  Lane,  263;  reasons  for 
going  to  Dasamonguepeuk,  264-265 ; 
sends  messengers  to  Weopomeiok 
and  to  the  Mandoages,  265;  re- 
ceives Skiko,  265;  promises  to  go 
over  to  Roanoke,  266;  killed,  267; 
Englishmen  reported  to  have  been 
kihed  by  followers  of,  290-291, 
292. 

Winship,  George  Parker,  Sailors’ 
Narratives  of  New  England  Voy- 
ages, 328,  356,  384  n. 

Winter,  John,  on  Drake’s  voyage 
around  the  world,  229. 

Winter,  William,  in  expedition  of  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  192;  return  to 
England,  192  n.,  207. 


Wocokon,  island,  described,  228-229; 
mentioned,  237,  238,  314. 

Wood,  Benjamin,  in  expedition  of 
Amadas  and  Barlowe,  241. 

Wood,  John,  in  expedition  of  Amadas 
and  Barlowe,  241. 

Wooden  Ball  Island,  405  n. 

Woods,  Leonard,  found  manuscript 
copy  of  Hakluyt’s  “discourse,” 
226. 

Woorley,  Thomas,  in  voyage  of  John 
Hawkins,  1565,  132. 

Wright,  Mr.,  accompanies  Hore,  106. 

Wriothesley,  Henry,  see  Southamp- 
ton, Earl  of. 

Wyngandecora,  see  Wingandacoa. 

Yaguana,  river,  309;  probable  iden- 
tity of,  309  n. 

Yaguana,  town  in  Hispaniola,  311; 
Captain  William  Lane  captures 
Spanish  ship  at,  311. 

Yagiiez  River,  309  n. 

York  River,  346  n. 

Youghan,  Mr.,  among  colonists  with 
Lane,  258. 


I 


